THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 

GIFT  OF 

Clark  J.  liilliron 


•OF 


^t-UKKAKYQ^        ^l-UBKAKYQ^          ^\\t  UNlVfcRty 


\\\EUNIYER 


CONFLICT  wi 


with 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR 


BASED  UPON  OFFICIAL  REPORTS  AND  DESCRIPTIONS 
OF  EYE-WITNESSES. 


ILLUSTRATED  WITH  ORIGINAL  DRAWINGS  FROM 

PHOTOGRAPHS  AND  SKETCHES  MADE 

ON  THE  SCENE   OF  ACTION. 


By  HENRY  F.  KEENAN 

(Dunois) 

Author  of  "Trajan,"  "The  Aliens,"  "The  Iron  Game, 
Etc.,   Etc. 


P.   W.    ZIEGLER    &    CO. 

PHILADELPHIA   AND   CHICAGO. 


Copyright  J898. 
By  Henry  F.  Keenan. 


PREFACE. 

IN  the  ensuing  pages  the  reader  will  find  the  record  of  one  of  the  most 
astonishing  transformations  in  the  history  of  peoples.  The  plain  tale 
as  set  forth  rivals  the  enchantments  of  feudal  conquest,  when  the  world 
made  war  a  part  of  its  daily  life.  For  though  in  point  of  time,  the  con- 
flict with  Spain  embraced  but  the  duration  of  three  months,  the  prodigies 
performed  by  our  fleets  rival  a  century's  activities  in  other  times.  In  an 
hour  almost,  one  of  our  fleets  conquered  an  Oriental  empire — dating  back 
coevally  with  the  settlement  of  our  own  states;  at  our  very  doors,  in  the 
sea  which  has  witnessed  colossal  struggles  of  most  of  the  powers -of 
Christendom,  our  navy  in  three  hours  ended  the  domination  of  the  once- 
world  power.  And  if  our  armies  did  not  equal  in  these  achievements,  the 
marvels  of  the  fleets,  they  performed  wherever  called  upon,  all  that  a 
heroic  soldiery  was  ever  asked  to  do.  The  tale  as  it  unrolls  itself  from 
the  far-off  shores  of  the  Philippines  and  the  coral  reefs  of  the  Caribbean, 
takes  on  the  texture  of  the  most  absorbingly  thrilling  romance,  for  it  in- 
volves the  dauntless  heroism  of  the  knight  pledged  to  deeds  of  emprise 
and  armies  consecrated  to  peril  in  every  form  known  in  war.  It  reveals 
a  galaxy  of  heroes  added  to  the  long  list  whose  names  shine  in  the  golden 
legend  of  our  creation  and  maintenance  as  a  state.  From  this  tale,  the 
citizen  of  the  republic  will  rise  with  a  new  confidence  in  our  system,  a 
new  hope  in  our  destiny.  For  from  the  opening  guns  at  Manila  to  the 
last  volley  at  Santiago,  there  was  not  a  man  under  the  flag  who  did  not. 
and  does  not  deserve  well,  of  his  country.  As  much  as  possible  I  have 
striven  to  let  the  heroes  who  wrought  so  grandly  tell  the  story  of  their 
achievements  in  their  own  words.  From  the  captivating  confidences  of 
the  Hero  Hobson  to  the  caustic  comment  of  General  Miles,  the  reader 
will  find  side  by  side  with  the  author's  deductions  and  appreciations,  the 
testimony  of  every  actor  in  the  grandiose  drama  which  constitutes  the 
miraculous  conquest  of  three  months. 

There  is  no  equal  period  that  has  a  tale  of  such  results  to  tell ;  no  epic 
or  imagining  of  what  fleets  and  armies  have  done  that  exceeds  the  in- 
trepidity of  our  fleets  and  soldiery.  Nor  can  any  other  war,  from  the 
excursions  of  the  crusaders,  to  the  campaign  in  Cuba,  equal  the  unvary- 
ing chivalry  of  the  great  men  who  wrought  in  the  republic's  honor.  For 
what  was  never  before  known  in  war,  both  the  chiefs  of  the  soldiery  cap- 

00 


vi 


PREFACE. 


tured  by  our  fleets  and  armies,  returned  to  their  homes,  testifying  in  pub- 
lic documents  to  the  chivalrous  magnanimity  of  their  treatment,  by  the 
men  who  had  conquered  them.  It  is  a  stirring  tale  which  tells  itself  and 
has  little  need  of  the  artifices  of  rhetoric — for  it  recounts  valor  in  every 
conceivable  stress,  the  qualities  in  short,  which  make  up  a  race  worth)*  of 
its  destiny.  It  is  peculiarly  mete  that  freemen  battling  for  the  republic, 
should  be  the  heroes  of  the  scene,  for  while  no  commanding  figures  were 
discerned  for  public  acclamation,  the  private  soldier,  the  men  behind  the 
guns  became  the  country's  admiration,  the  world's  wonder.  Instead  of 
one  Napoleon,  or  a  score  of  renowned  marshals,  every  man  that  held  a 
bayonet  illustrated  the  valor  of  knighthood,  the  quality  of  the  freemen 
in  armor.  An  army  raised  in  a  day,  achieved  the  work,  hardly  hoped  for 
from  the  veterans  of  a  score  of  campaigns.  „  Wonder  books  and  fiction 
cannot  exceed  in  the  marvelous,  the  plain  unvarnished  tale  of  a  conflict, 
ended  almost  as  soon  as  begun — so  swiftl}'  accomplished  indeed,  that  the 
spectators  do  not  yet  realize  its  momentous  significance,  its  unparalleled 
completeness. 


CONTENTS. 

BOOK  ONE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAKT  I.— RELATES  how  War  Reveals  Peoples  to  Themselves— The  Early  "Victories  of  the 
Republic — Presents  the  Influence  of  the  Civil  War  upon  Youth — Gives  Types 
of  Americanism  and  our  Race  Name — Shows  War  as  a  Passion — Tells  of  the 
Veterans  of  the  Civil  War— Congress  and  the  Press— The  President's  Opposition 
to  War— The  Destruction  of  the  Maine— Describes  the  De  Lome  Incident— The 
Diplomatic  Correspondence — De  Lome's  Successor — The  "  Jingoes  "- 
"Yellow  "  Journalism— States  that  Dispassionate  Deliberation  was  Impossible 
—That  the  Majority  of  the  People  were  Opposed  to  War— Takes  up  Cuban 
Sentiment — Commercial  Interests — Cuban  Bonds — Filibustering.. 17 

PAST  II.— TREATS  of  the  Purpose  of  the  War— The  British  Press— British  Estimate  of 
the  Yankees — Rumors  of  European  Intervention — The  Proffer  of  British  Alli- 
ance—European Sympathy  for  Spain— European  Distrust  of  the  United  States- 
Attitude  of  the  British  Liberals— Enmity  of  the  "Saturday  Review  "—What 
British  Alliance  Really  Meant — The  Conversion  of  Depew — Arguments  of  the 
Tempters — Carlyle's  Estimate  of  his  Countrymen — An  Outspoken  British 
Statesman  and  Editor 36 

CHAPTER  II. 

PAET  I.— SHOWS  how  Spain  received  the  Ultimatum  of  the  United  States— The 
Monarchy  in  no  condition  to  Wage  War — The  Spectre  of ''Carlism  " — Deca- 
dence of  the  Monarchy — Spain's  Great  Captains — Her  Audacious  Enterprises— 
Her  Activities  Dependent-  on  Foreigners— British  Alliance— Spain's  Fleets- 
Tells  how  Europe  sees  the  United  States  through  British  Eyes— Pictures 
Spain  Seeking  Help .". 49 

PART  II. — CONTAINS  AN  ACCOUNT  of  Spain  under  Charles  V — Her  Wars — Subsidies 
from  Britain — Early  British  Intrigue — Spain's  Naval  System — Her  Conscript 
System— Shows  how  she  Treats  her  Sailors — Gives  her  Naval  Nomenclature  . .  .60 

CHAPTER  III. 

WHEREIN  our  Former  Relations  with  Spain  are  Recounted — Other  Topics 
Treated  are  :      The    Conquistadores— Comparison  of   Forces — Spain's  Naval 
Strength— Warships  of  the  Republic— An  Auxiliary  Navy— The  Hornets  of 
VII 


CONTENTS. 

the  Sea—  Encounter  of  the  "  St.  Paul  "  and  the  "  Terror"—  Early  Navies  of 
the  Republic—  Naval  Warfare  in  1812—  Britain  Mistress  of  the  Seas—  Naval 
Duels—  Comparison  of  Armaments—  Juggling  Tonnage  Figures—  The  Man 
Behind  the  Gun—  Naval  Heroes  of  the  Civil  War—  Life  on  a  Modern  Battle- 
ship—The Agonizing  Expectancy—  The  Fierce  Joy  of  Battle—  Heroism  of  the 


CHAPTER  IV. 

IN  WHICH  the  Influence  of  the  "Yellow"  Press  is  Depicted  —  Also  Relates 
the  President's  call  for  Troops  and  the  Marvelous  Response—  Likewise  the 
Capture  of  Prizes—  The  Making  of  Soldiers  from  Recruits—  The  Lessons  of  the 
Civil  War—  Treats  of  Politics  in  War—  How  the  West  Point  Graduates  were 
Ignored—  The  Man  With  a  "  Pull  "—Moving  the  Legions—  The  Devotion  and 
Constancy  of  the  Soldiers—"  The  Rough  Riders  "—Presents  Roosevelt,  an  In- 
teresting Figure.  ..............................................................................  85 


BOOK  TWO. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAKT  I. — INTRODUCES  Commodore  George  Dewey  and  the  Asiatic  Squadron — Dewey 
•  Fitting  Out  His  Ships— Dewey  Waiting  for  Orders— Gives  the  Fateful  Message— 
Dewey's  Comment  and  Vessels  Comprising  his  Fleet— Describes  the  City 
of  Manila — Cavite  Arsenal — Corregidor — Dewey's  Captains — The  Spanish 
Strength — States  what  Battle  Reveals — Dewey's  Precautions — fchows  Admiral 
Montojo  opening  the  Combat — The  "Olympia  "  Replying — Dewey's  Tactics — 
The  Coolness  of  the  Commanders— The  Duel  Between  the  Flagships— What  an 
"Eight-Incher"  Did  and  the  Spanish  Admiral's  Story  of  the  Battle— Tells 
How  Gridley's  Guns  were  Worked — How  the  Spauish  Admiral  Transferred 
His  Flag— How  the  "Baltimore"  Led  the  Second  Attack— Describes  the 
"  Austria  "  Wrecked— The  Defiance  of  the  "  Ulloa  "—The  Joy  of  the  Crews— 
What  the  Men  in  the  Turrets  do— The  Audacious  "  Petrel  "—The  Victors  on 
Errands  of  Mercy 99 

PART  II.— DETAILS  the  Plight  of  the  Queen  Regent — Spanish  Self-Restraint—Shows 
Spain  Ready  for  Peace— Carlist  Plotters— Life  in  Gay  Madrid— Tells  of  the 
Sickness  of  the  King— Describes  a  Legacy  of  Hatred  -The  Spanish  Court— The 
Spanish  Cortes— Shows  Spain  as  only  a  Shadow  of  Former  Greatness — Tells  of 
Canovas  del  Castillo— The  Short-lived  Democracy  and  Shows  the  Obverse  of 
the  Picture 133 

PART  III— CONTAINS  a  Description  of  the  Philippines— Their  Area— Population— Dis- 
covery and  Conquest— Diverse  Tribes— Amazing  Fertility  of  the  Soil— The 
Negritos— The  Malays— The  Peculiar  Treatment  of  Criminals— Relates  how 
Schooled  by  Priests  they  Become  Assassins— A  Scientist's  Story— Introduces 
the  Jesuits— Mohammedans— Pirates— Colonizing— The  Malay  Proa— Sulu 
Homes— Dress— Amusements  and  Passions— Food  Products— The  "  Queen  of 
Fruits." 147 


CONTENTS.  IX 

CHAPTER  II. 

REFEES  TO  Our  Vulnerable  Sea-Coast — The  Ability  of  Our  Fleets— A  Source 
of  Anxiety— The  Battleship  Oregon— Fears  for  the  Noble  Ship— Creating  an  Aux- 
iliary Navy — The  Puzzle  of  the  "  Cape  Verde  Fleet — Solves  the  Mystery — 
Shows  the  Spanish  Admiral  Bottled  Up — Introduces  a  Strangely  Daring  Youth 
— Richmond  P.  Hobson — Describes  his  Audacious  Plan — Details  of  the  Scheme 
— The  Collier  Merrimac— The  Enterprise— An  Ensign's  Heroism— The  Call  for 
Volunteers— The  Devoted  Seven— Watching  the  Expedition— The  Painful 
Suspense— The  Flag  of  Truce— The  Heroes  Safe— As  Prisoners  of  "War— As 
Exchanged— Hero  Worship — Hobson's  Modest  Behaviour— Relates  his  Praise 
for  the  Jackies,  and  his  Story  of  the  Merrimao's  Suicide 161 

CHAPTER  III. 

PART  I  AFTEE  ALLUDING  TO  the  Santiago  "  Nightmare,"  Describes  the  Destruction  of 
Cervera's  Fleet— The  Warning  Cry — The  Admiral's  Ship— The  "  Iowa  "  fight- 
ing the  "Teresa"— Now  the  "  Oquendo"— The  Apparition  of  the  "Colon" 
— Titanic  Fury  of  the  Combat — The  Hadean  Atmosphere — The  Dreaded  De- 
stroyers—How the  "Gloucester"  Marked  its  Prey— The  Stately  "  Vizcaya"— 
A  Duel  to  the  Death — Spain's  Proud  Cruisers  on  the  Rocks — The  Inhumanity 
ot  the  Cubans— The  Soul-Stirring  Devotion  of  the  Yankee  Crews— The  Prof- 
fer of  Captain  Eulate's  Sword — Gives  the  Noble  Sailor's  Reply — Recounts  the 
Difficulties  of  a  Historian— The  Story  of  a  Wide-Awake  Young  Lad— Other 
Details  of  the  Fight 191 

PART  II  UNFOLDS  THE  ROMANCE  that  Envelops  Santiago— Exploits  the  "Texas"— 
Givts  Captain  Philip's  Epilogue— Also  Admiral  Schley's  Digest  of  the  Battle 
— Also  the  Epic  of  the  "  Oregon  "—Contains  Ensign  Powell's  Story— Relates 
the  Intrepidity  of  the  "  Gloucester  "—Other  Incidents  of  the  Thrilling  Drama 
—And  what  Captain  Evans  Regarded  as  his  First  Duty— Besides  Telling  how 
Turret  Guns  are  Worked 209 

CHAPTER  IV. 

PART  I  DESCRIBES  the  Difficulty  of  Accounting  Rationally  for  the  Effect  and  Causes  of 
Certain  Battles— Trials  of  the  Santiago  Expedition— The  Strength  of  the  City — 
The  First  Landing— Camp  McCalla— The  Marine  Corps— The  First  Sanguinaiy 
Encounter— What  a  Correspondent  Saw— And  Heard— The  Irksomeness  of 
Blockading— What  the  "Winslow"  Did— A  Withering  Blast  of  Shells- 
Ensign  Bagley's  Death — Baiquiri — Debarking  an  Army — A  Foodless  Army — 
How  the  Rough  Riders  Set  Out — An  Ambush  in  the  Chapparal — The  Equa- 
nimity of  the  Troops— Coolness  of  the  Leaders— The  Cry  of  Mutilation— The 
"Devil's. Claw  "—Poisonous  Cacti— Uncanny  Things— The  Cuban  Contingent 
—The  Ingenious  Yankee  Soldier *. 243 

PAST  II  AFFORDS  A  VIEW  of  Florida's  Sand  Wastes  and  Tawny  Coasts— The  Troops 
Eager  for  War — Life  on  a  Transport — Leaving  the  Squalors  of  Tampa — An  Im- 
posing Armada — Fair  Cuba  at  Last — Describes  the  Delight  of  the  Seaworn 
Soldiers— An  Untried  Undertaking— Skirmishes — The  Natural  Defenses  of 
Santiago— The  Invading  Column— Blockhouses  and  Wire  Barricades— Squad 
Fights— The  Work  of  the  Regulars— Quotes  Active  Observers  of  the  Operations 
«— Mentions  the  Diversity  of  Comment — Tells  of  General  Linares  in  a  Trap — 


x  CONTENTS. 

The  Filth  Day — The  Cry  of  Hunger— Our  Thin  Line— A  Whimsical  Purpose— 
General  Shafter's  Objective— St.  James  of  Cuba— Environed  in  Beauty.  269. 

PABT  III.— DETAILS  the  Advance  of  General  Young's  Troops  from  Baiquiri— Their 
Progress— The  Implacable  Eesistance  of  Earth  and  Wood— The  Exuberance  of 
the  "  Rough  Riders  "—The  Story  of  Sevilla— Compares  the  Arms  of  the  Oppos- 
ing Forces— States  the  Objective  Point  of  the  Army —Carries  the  Reader  to  El 
Caney— Relates  the  Onset  of  the  "  Regulars  "—Tells  the  Story  of  Capron's 
Merciless  Guns-Of  Haskell's  Dash  Into  the  Pitiless  Hail— Describes 
Phenomena  of  the  Battlefield— The  Anxiety  to  be  on  the  Line  of  Fire 291 

PART  IV  ILLUSTRATES  Engineering  Difficulties  Before  Santiago — Shows  a  Panorama 
of  the  City  Itself— Describes  El  Morro — Other  Defences  of  Santiago— Some 
Railroads— Spanish  Neglect  of  Sanitation— Introduces  Absorbing  Episodes- 
Personal  Recollections  of  the  Thirty-six  Hours  Fighting — The  Singing  of 
Bullets— The  Wire  Barricades —The  Planting  of  the  Colors— The  Silencing  of 
Batteries — The  Fury  of  the  Fighting — Excerpts  from  Reports  of  Commanders 
—Comment— Describes  the  "Regulars''— Tells  the  Deserter's  Story— Defines 
Bravery — Likewise  Cowardice 302 

PABT  V.— TOUCHES  UPON  the  Humorous  Side  of  Grave  Ordeals— Relates  the  Story  of 
El  Pozo— Fittingly  Eulogizes  a  Brilliant  Staff  Officer— Tells  how  a  Block- 
house was  Taken— Paints  the  "Tramp"  Aspect  of  the  Troops— Describes  a 
Cactus  Jungle— Touches  Up  the  Cubanos— Enlarges  Upon  the  Loathly  Land 
Crab— Gives  British  Impressions  at  El  Caney 335 

CHAPTER  V. 

PART  L— EXPLOITS  the  "Red  Cross"  Society— Its  Work— Miss  Clara  Barton— Gives 
the  Origin  of  the  Society— Its  Founder— Its  Emblem — The  "Seneca"  and 
"  Concha  "  Horrors— Presents  Criticisms  on  the  Medical  Bureau— The  Evasive 
Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War — A  Scathing  Reply — The  Soldier's  Story — 
Tells  of  Peculations,  Large  and  Small— Of  Selling  Supplies— Of  the  Camp  at 
Tampa 353 

PABT  II.— INTRODUCES  the  Red  Cross  Steamer  "  State  of  Texas  "  and  its  Samaritan 
Crew  and  describes  the  Advancement  of  Medical  Science— What  the  Soldier  was 
Told-Field  Hospitals— Stretcher  Squads— First  Dressings— New  Methods.. .573 

CHAPTER  VI. 

PART  I.— SETS  FORTH  the  Royalist  Tendencies  of  Cuba's  Capital  City— Slavery  in 
Cuba,  How  Born  In  War  it  Lived  in  Conquest— The  Impress  of  One  Man  Upon 
Havana— Tacon — Havanese  Architecture — The  Student  Confused— Population 
of  Cuba— Distinctions  of  Birth— Cuba  Librists— Cuba,  the  Fairest  of  Tropic 
Climes— Early  Government— Climate  Influence  Races— Defines  the  Cubano— 
The  Autonomist  Group— Shafter's  Cuban  Allies— The  Dream  of  the  Hierarchy 
—Shows  Havana  Under  the  Blockade 379 

PABT  II.— CONTAINS  DISQUISITIONS  on  the  Political  Repose  of  Cuba— An  Anarchic 
Interlude— Cespedes— The  Virginius  Affair— Cuba  for  Sale— The  Rebellion  of 
1895— Cause  of  the  Revolts-Agricultural  Decay— Spain's  Unwisdom- 
Campos— Weyler's  Regime— Gomez's  Methods— The  Inutile  "  Trochas"— The 
" Reconcentrado "  System— What  a  "Yellow"  Journal  Did— Presents  the 
"  Maine  "  Calamity  as  Fortuitous— The  Cuban  Vendetta— Maceo — His  Instinct 
for  Leadership— His  Fate— The  Cuban  as  an  Ally 393 


CONTENTS. 

BOOK  THREE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PART  I.— DEPICTS  DEWEY,  the  Man  for  the  Hour — Gives  his  Novitiate  under  Farragut 
— Career  During  the  Civil  War— Subsequent  Career — Promotions — Reluctant 
Acceptance  of  the  Asiatic  Billet — Personality — Forecastle  Criticism — The  Jack 
Tar's  Story — Presents  Dewey's  Incomparable  Equipoise  as  both  Warrior  and 
Statesman— Relates  the  Story  of  the  White  Flag  at  Cavite— Augusti's  Ridiculous 
Proclamation — Rivera's  Treaty  with  Aguinaldo — Sets  Forth  the  Bumptious 
Meddlings  of  the  German  Admiral — And  How  Dewey  Resented  his  Insolence 
— Also  the  Disingenuousness  of  the  British  Admiral 411 

PAST  II.— SHOWS  the  Subtle  Ease  with  which  the  War  for  "  Humanity"  Became  a 
War  for  Conquest — Details  the  Vociferous  Demands  for  "Expansion" — And 
Gives  an  Insight  into  the  Character  of  Aguinaldo,  the  Bragadocio  Insurgent 
Leader — It  Portrays  the  Ineradicable  Savagery  of  the  Man — His  Ambitious 
Pretensions — His  Grotesque  Pranks — And  Presents  a  Faithful  Picture  of  his 
Tatterdemalion  Followers— It  Recounts  the  Gathering  and  Despatching  of 
Troops  to  Reinforce  the  Fleet  at  Manila— The  Jocose  Pillaging  of  the  Treasury 
in  Fitting  Out  the  Expedition— The  Rain-Driven  Ingenuity  of  the  Soldiers  in 
Front  of  Manila— The  Attack  on  aud  Surrender  of  Manila 435 

PART  III. — CONTAINS  an  Account  of  the  Capture  of  the  Ladrones,  Beside  which  Fiction 
is  Pale  and  Nerveless — The  Author  also  Philosophizes  on  this  Incident  in  the 
Manila  Escapade — Describes  the  Discovery  of  the  Group- -States  Why  the 
Epithet  ' '  Thieves  "  was  Applied  to  the  Islands — And  Supplies  other  Informa- 
tion of  Value  Regarding  them  and  the  Islanders 460 

CHAPTER  II. 

ILLUSTRATES  the  Island  of  Porto  Rico  as  a  Land  of  Philosophic  Repose- 
States  How  an  Almost  Orphic  Voice  Demanded  its  Conquest — Compares  the 
Island  to  Naboth's  Vineyard  — Proclaimes  the  "Jingoes'  "  Greed — Recites  the 
Adventures  of  a  Young  Officer  whose  Devoir  was  to  Spy  out  the  Land — The 
Refrains  of  the  Press— The  Bouffe  Conquest — The  Comments  of  a  Porto 
Rican 469 

CHAPTER  III. 

EXPLAINS  the  Responsibilities  of  the  Administration  after  Santiago— Gives 
the  President's  Tranquilizing  Proclamation — Mentions  the  Fantastic  Cam- 
paign of  Threats— Shows  how  Spain  Swallowed  her  Pride— Invoked  the  Aid  of 
France— Obtained  the  President's  Ear — Signed  the  Memorable  Protocol— The 
Chapter  Contains  also  the  Full  Text  of  the  Fateful  Paper,  and  Disquisitions  on 
Various  Allied  Matters 479 

CHAPTER  IV. 

EULOGIZES  the  Admirable  Group  whose  Prescience  Perplexed  and  Discom- 
fited the  Enemy— Unfoldp  the  Scope  of  the  "War  Board  "—The  Comprehen- 
sive Range  of  its  Functions— Quotes  a  High  Authority  on  Awards  and  Promo- 
tions—Defines "Prize  Money"  aud  "  Bounty  Money  "—States  the  Methods 


XH  CONTENTS. 

of  their  Distribution— Approximate  Amounts  Due  Various  Commanders  and 
Ships. 487 

CHAPTER  V. 

PART  I.— MAKKS  the  Volume  Encyclopaedic,  Containing  as  it  does  the  Official  Reports 
of  American  and  Spanish  Naval  Commanders— It  Embraces  Admiral  Dewey's 
Story  of  Manila — Admiral  Montojo's  Report  to  the  Spanish  Minister  of  Marine 
—The  Report  of  tho  Diario  de  Man ila —Admiral  Sampson's  Report— Com- 
modore Schley's  Report— Captain  Evan's  Report— Captain  Cook's  Report— 
Captain  Philip's  Report — Captain  Clark's  Report— Captain  Taylor's  Report — 
Captain  Chad  wick's  Report — Lieut. -Commander  Wainwright's  Report — Lieut.- 
Commander  Sharp's  Report— Captain  Cotton's  Report— Lieut.  Usher's  Report 
— Admiral  Cervera's  Statement — Also  Reports  and  Minutes  of  Conversations 
between  the  Commanding  Officers  of  the  Naval  and  Lane:  Forces  before 
Santiago 502 

PABT  II.— CONTINUES  the  Official  History  of  the  War  by  Giving  the  Reports  made  to 
the  War  Department  by  various  Military  Commanders —  ;t  Contains  General 
Shatter's  Report — General  Wheeler's  Report — General  Kent's  Report — In- 
spector-General Breckenridge's  Report — It  also  Contains  General  Lh,a;es'  Re- 
port to  the  Spanish  Minister  of  War— Various  Statements  and  Documents  Per- 
taining to  the  Santiago  Campaign  from  General  Miles,  Secretary  Alger,  Gen- 
eral Shatter,  and  General  Toral — Address  of  the  Spaniards  to  the  American 
Army— General  Merritt's  Report — General  Anderson's  Report 547 

PART  III.— SUPPLEMENTS  the  Official  Reports  by  Controversial  Documents,  such  as 
a  Letter  from  Secretary  Long  to  Admiral  Sicard — A  General  Officer's  State- 
ment— Secretary  Alger's  Letter  to  Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew — General 
Wheeler's  Statement— General  Sternberg's  Statement. ...582 


List  of  Illustrations. 


PAGE. 

Aguinaldo,  The  Insurgent  Leader 446 

Alger,  Secretary,  in  his  Office 38 

Almirante  Oquendo,  Bow  of 64 

Almirante  Oquendo,  Wreck  of 206 

American  School,  Flag-day  at  an 23 

Army  Wagon — Tail-piece 46 

Atachio,  General 445 

August!,  Captain-General 419 

Aunon,  Minister  of  Marine 435 

Bagley,  Eusign  Worth 169 

Baiquiri,  TbeLandingat 259 

Barton,  Miss  Clara 364 

Bates,  Major-General  John  C 236 

Battleship  Oregon 162 

Blanco,  Captain-General  Eamon 388 

Blockading  Fleet  leaving  Key  West 68 

Blockading  Fleet  off  Havana 77 

Blockhouse,  Lime-kiln  converted  into..  279 

Blue,  Lieutenant  Victor..  169 

Blue  Monday— Tail-piece 459 

Breckenridge,  Major-General  Joseph  C.  381 
Bringing  up  Ammunition — Tail-piece..  581 

Brooke,  Major-General  John  R 482 

Bugle  Call— Tailpiece 12 

Butler,  Major-General  Matt.  C 482 

Buttons  will  Come  Off 501 

Cabinet,  Sagasta  announcing  a  new 49 

Cadiz,  Coast  Defense  Gun  at 59 

Cambon,  M.Jules 484 

Camp  Alger,  Company  Drill  at 87 

Camp,  A  Convalescent 372 

Campos,  General  Martinez 400 

Castellar,  Senor 145 

Cavite  Arsenal,  Capture  of 103 

Cavite,  Spanish  Earthworks  at 426 

Cavite,  A  Street  in 151 

Cervera,  Admiral  Pascual  y  Topete 220 

Cervera'a  Fleet  leaving  Curacoa. 160 


PAGE. 

Cervera's  Fleet,  Destruction  of 195 

Cbadwick,  Captain  F.  E 229 

Chaffee,  Major-General  A.  R 253 

Clark,  Captain  Charles  E 214 

Color  Guard,  The 467 

Commissary  Tent,  Regimental 288 

Concas,  Captain  D.  Victor  M 218 

Cook,  Captain  F.  A 229 

Corbin,  Brig.-General  Henry  C 381 

Cord  uroy  Road,  Building  a 225 

Cristobal  Colon,  Wreck  of. 197 

Cuba,  Off  for 16 

Cuban  Patriot,  A 399 

Cutting  Cables  near  Cienfuegoa 491 

De  Lome,  Dupuy 31 

Dewey,  Rear- Admiral  George 410 

Don  Carlos 51 

Duffield,  Brig.-General  H.  M 498 

Dynamite  Gun,  Inspecting  a 96 

El  Caney,  Bringing  up  Artillery  at 298 

ElCaney,  The  Capture  of 300 

Embarking  Troops  at  Tampa. 84 

Eulate,  Captain  D.  Antonio 217 

Evans,  Captain  Robley  D 214 

Expedition,  Loading  Supplies  for 273 

Field  Gun  Loaded  on  Mule .". 267 

Flag  of  Truce,  The  First  from  Santiago  346 

Flagler,  Brig.-General  Daniel  W 381 

Garcia,  General  Calixto 406 

Gomez,  General  Maximo 401 

Grant,  Brig.-General  F.  D 458 

Greeley,  Brig.-General  A.  V 415 

Greene,  Major-General  F.  V 458 

Gridley,  Captain  Charles  V 98 

Gnantanamo,  With  the  Marines  at 247 

Gun  on  the  Texas,  Loading  a 83 

Gun  Squad  at  Practice 392 

Gnus,  Working  the  Olympiad  8-inch. ..  118 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE. 

Hawkins,  Major-General  H.  S 253 

Higginsou,  Captain  F  J 2>  9 

Hobson  and  his  Crew 174 

Hobson,  Lieut.  Richmond  P 169 

Hobson's  Reception  afier  his  Exchange  178 

Hospital  Ship,  On  a 378 

Infantry,  25th  U.  S  ,  Packing  up 270 

Keifer,  Majo  -General  J.  Warren 482 

Kent,  Major-General  H.  T 498 

King,  Brig.-General  Charles 453 

King  of  Spain,  The,  and  Queen  Regent    48 

Ladrones,  A  Native  of  the 464 

Ladrones,  Native  Hut  in  the 466 

Lamberton,  Commander  B.  F 422 

La  Quasina,  Rough  Riders  at  the  Bat- 
tle of 264 

Lawton,  Major-General  H.  W 236 

Lazaga,  Captain  D.  Juan  B 217 

Lee,  Major-General  Fitzhugh 290 

Letter  from  Home,  The 306 

Lieber,  Brig.-General  Guido  N 415 

Linares,  General...    291 

Long,  Secretary,  in  his  Office 38 

Ludlow,  Maj. -General  Wm 253 

Maceo,  General  Antonio 404 

Manila,  Battle  of— The  American  Fleet  129 
Manila,  Battle  of— The  Spanish  Fleet..  128 

Manila  Bay 420 

Manila,  General  View  of 102 

Manila,  Hermitage  St.  Nicholas 153 

Manila,  Insurgents  Decoying  Spaniards  429 

Manila,  Native  Village  near 149 

Manila,  Port  of 146 

Manila,      Spanish      Artillery     Head- 
quarters   104 

Manila,  Spanish  Vessels  Blockaded  at  112 

Maine,  Survivors  of  the 30 

Maria  Teresa,  Wreck  of 198 

Matanzas,  The  Puritan  at 86 

Matanzas,  View  of 80 

McCalla,  Commander  B  H 98 

McKinley,  President,  and  Cabinet 27 

McKinley,  William 21 

Merriam,  Major-General  H.  C 482 

Merritt,  Major-General  Wesley 439 

Military  Barracks,  Annapolis 234 

Military  Mast,  In  theOlympia's 132 

Miles,  Major-General  Nelson  A 475 

Mining  Village  near  Santiago 322 


PAOK. 

Monday  Troubles— Tail-piece 15 

Mo  ro  Castle,  Havana 383 

Montojo,  Admiral  Patrick)  y  Parason...  116 
Montojo,   Admiral,   leaving  his    Flag- 
ship   119 

Moreu,  Captain  D.  Emilio  D 218 

New  York,  Volunteering  in 85 

Off  Duty 434 

Off  for  Manila— Tail-piece 158 

Packing  Mules  for  the  March 276 

Philip,  Captain,  Giving  Thanks 233 

Philip,  Commodore  John  W 214 

Pillsbury,  Lieut. -Commander  John  E.     98 

Porto  Rico,  A  Native  of 477 

Powell,  Ensign  Joseph  W 169 

Prizes,  Spanish,  in  Key  West  Harbor..     89 

Railroad  Bridge  at  Aguadores 311 

Rapid-fire  Gun  on  Shipboard 82 

Rapid-fire  Gun,  Working  a  Five-inch...  109 
Rapid-fire  Gun,  Working  a  Six-pounder  202 

Red  Cross  in  the  Field,  The 366 

Regimental  Post-Office— Tail-piece 546 

Roosevelt,  Colonel  Theodore 253 

San  Juan  Hill,  Assault  of Frontispiece 

San  Juan,  Charge  of  the  Regulars 327 

San  Juan,  Porto  Rico,  View  of 468 

Sampson,  Rear- Admiral  William  T 188 

Santiago,  Bombardment  of 249 

Santiago,  Boat  Club  House 322 

Santiago,  A  Corner  in  Morro  Castle — 

Tailpiece 241 

Santiago,  Fleet  Positionsat 204 

Santiago,  Loading  a  Tiansport  for 244 

Santiago,  Lying  in  Wait  before 166 

Santiago,  Map  of 307 

Santiago,  Morro  Castle 179 

Santiago,  Officers  Killed  at 318 

Santiago,  Palace  of  the  Governor-Gen- 
eral   357 

Santiago,  View  of 242 

Santiago,  Yellow  Fever  Hospital  Near..  311 

Schofield,  Lieut. -General  John  M 397 

Schley,  Rear-Admiral  Wiufield  Scott...  188 

Sevilla,  Block-house  at 293 

Shatter,  Major-General  William  R 271 

Shafter,  Sampson  and  Garcia,  Confer- 
ence between 277 

Shells  used  in  the  United  States  Navy  211 
Sicard,  Rear- Admiral  Montgomery 397 


LIST  OP  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE. 

Signaling  the  Fleet 216 

Sigsbee,  Captain  Charles  D 397 

Spanish  Officers,    Captured,    on    the 

Nashville. 91 

Spanish  Reserve  Fleet,  The 57 

Soldiers,  Spanish,  iu  Arnbush 251 

Stanton,  Brig -General  Thaddeus  H....  415 

Sternberg,  Bng. -General  George  M 381 

Strategy  Board,  The 165 

Staff  our  Navy  is  Made  of,  The 188 

Sunday  in  Camp— Tail-piece 6 

Tampa,  Infantry  Receiving  Visitors  at..  263 

Tampa,  Preparing  to  Leave 273 

Taylor,  Captain  Henry  C 114 

Terror,  St.  Paul  Disabling  the 72 

Toral,  General  Jose  y  Velasquez 332 

Toral,  General,  Surrender  of 353 

Torpedo  Boat  in  a  Gale 66 

Torpedo,  Launching  a.  257 


PAOB. 

Torpedo,  Loading  a 256 

Uniforms,  Light  and  Heavy 92 

Vesuvius,  The,  Throwing  Projectiles...  208 

Virginius,  Execution  of  the  Crew 396 

Vizcaya,  Wreekof 205 

Wade,  Major-General  J.  F 498 

Wain wright,  Commander  Richard 229 

Walker,  Commander  Asa 98 

Watson,  Comm,)dore  John  C 397 

Weyler,  General  Valeriano 403 

Wheeler,  Major-GeneralJoseph 290 

Whitney,  Lieut.  Henry  W 472 

Wilson,  Brig. -General  John  M 416 

Wilson,  Major-General  James  H 498 

Wood,  Brig. -General  Leonard 236 

Woodford,  General  Stewart  L 24 

Working  the  Big  Turret  Guns 80 

Worth,  Brig.-General  W.  S 458 

Young,  Major-General  8.  B.  M 236 


THE  CONFLICT  WITH  SPAIN. 


BOOK  ONE. 
I. 

IT  is  noted  in  the  history  of  all  peoples,  that  war  serves  as  a  flash  light 
to  reveal  them  to  themselves  and  incidentally  to  their  neighbors. 
Until  the  civil  war,  we  were  in  the  dark  as  to  our  capabilities  for  organ- 
izing armies,  fleets,  and  the  conduct  of  campaigns.  Indeed  our  joco>e 
habit  of  bragging,  had  long  impressed  the  world  with  the  conviction  that 
we  were  an  incurably  ungovernable  race,  unamenable  to  the  severe 
discipline  rigorously  essential  in  war. 

Our  earlier  conflicts  had  shown  that  we  had  constancy,  endurance, 
and  when  adequately  commanded,  most  of  the  qualities  that  go  to  make 
trustworthy  soldiers.  Even  in  our  infancy  we  had  routed  the  veterans 
of  European  fields ;  had  captured  army  corps  under  the  most  illustrious 
British  captains,  had,  after  years  of  cruel  vicissitudes,  finally  worn  out 
the  British  resources.  But  signal  as  our  victory,  in  conquering  inde- 
pendence, it  was  held  alike  by  the  worsted  enemy  and  the  European 
critics,  that  Britain's  needs  in  Europe,  more  than  the  valor  of  the  pa- 
triots, was  accountable  for  the  successful  issue  of  the  War  of  Inde- 
pendence. 

In  the  struggle  of  1812,  Britain  was  still  further  hampered  by  the 
prodigious  efforts  of  Napoleon,  who  though  rapidly  sinking  under  coa- 
lized  Europe,  made  it  necessary  for  the  British  to  keep  fleets  and  armies 
in  Europe,  which,  free  to  cross  the  water,  would  have  made  the  war 
life  or  death  to  us.  But  wherever  a  Yankee  fleet,  or  man-of-war,  en- 
gaged an  enemy,  there  remained  no  doubt  of  the  status  of  our  seaman. 
Under  the  southern  cross,  in  the  purple  reaches  of  the  Mediterranean, 
in  the  fogs  of  the  German  sea,  or  off  the  bleak  coasts  of  New  Eng- 
land, our  mariners  left  a  glowing  track  of  victory,  or  of  valor,  that 
compelled  the  admiration  of  the  world.  Vessel  for  vessel,  our  fleets 
were  never  successfully  resisted,  with  equal  numbers,  yard  arm  to  yard 
arm,  no  enemy  ever  escaped  capture  or  sinking. 

While  Europe  suffered  the  ignominious  pillage  of  its  merchant  fleets 

(I'O 


18  TALES  OF  WAR. 

by  the  fierce  buccaneers  of  the  Barbary  coasts,  our  sailors  boldly  en- 
tered  the  pirate  harbors,  burned  the  corsair  treasure  places,  cut  out 
vessels  and  extorted  treaties  of  peace,  on  the  decks  of  our  victorious 
war  craft. 

The  civil  war,  however,  proved  that  in  action,  the  people  of  this  re- 
public arose  far  above  the  energies,  resources  and  audacities  of  Rome, 
when  she  made  war  a  religion,  or  France,  when  her  legislature  decreed 
victories  and  won  them.  Since,  as  Gibbon  acridly  annotates,  mankind 
gives  more  glory  to  its  destroyers  than  to  its  benefactors,  the  tale  of 
war  is  always  the  most  absorbing,  save  possibly  to  the  philosopher  or 
the  poet.  The  self  revelation  of  war,  is  comparable,  to  that  premoni- 
tory moment,  in  which  it  is  said,  that  on  the  point  of  death,  a  man  sees 
his  whole  career  in  an  instantaneous  glimpse.  Until  the  civil  war  the 
lad  at  school  or  college,  was  taught  eloquence  in  patriotism  from  the 
texts  of  foreign  speakers ;  all  his  ideas  of  valor  were  drawn  from  the 
spectacular  glories  of  Napoleon,  or  the  classics.  The  speeches  of  Burke, 
Mirabeau,  O'Connell ;  the  polished  and  rythmic  prose  of  Motley  or  Ban- 
croft, were  the  main  resources  for  schools  and  academies. 

But  the  civil  war  gave  a  new  cast  to  even  collegiate  thinking  and 
admiration.  The  masterly  simplicity  of  Lincoln,  his  addresses  to  all 
manner  and  conditions  of  men,  became  models  for  the  young.  The  thrill- 
ing episodes  of  the  armies  that  marched  and  fought  from  July,  1861,  un- 
til April,  1865,  replaced  the  conquests  of  Italy,  Egypt — Europe.  The 
boy  began  by  learning  that  this  republic  had  been  born  in  war;  had 
worsted  its  hereditary  enemy,  the  British,  twice ;  had  conquered  Mex- 
ico; had  fought  from  '61  to  '65  a  war,  compared  to  which  all  other  wars, 
up  to  that  time  were  mere  emutes  ;  had  intimidated  banded  Europe, 
from  the  plot  to  divide  us  and  forced  the  British  to  observe  the  word,  if 
not  the  act  of  neutrality  ;  that  we  had  curtly  commanded  the  strongest 
military  power  of  that  day  to  withdraw  from  an  usurped  sovereignty  in 
Mexico ;  that  in  four  years,  an  unmilitary,  if  not  an  unwarlike  people, 
had  perfected  a  warlike  machine  which  could  have  resisted  combined 
Europe. 

It  was  the  inculcation  of  these  things  in  the  minds  of  the  present 
generation  that  impelled  Congress  to  disregard  the  prescribed  course  of 
negotiation  and  imperiously  command  war !  A  complex  and  confusing 
vocabulary  of  new  terms  arose  in  the  newspapers.  The  vain-glorious 
who  spoke  lightly  of  wars  as  the  end  and  aim  of  national  greatness,  were 
spoken  of  as  "  types  of  Americanism."  Careless  arid  ignorant  news- 
papers differentiated  public  men  by  this  grotesque  misnomer,  but  it  be- 


A  RACE  NAME.  19 

came  firmly  established  as  a  synonym  for  "  citizen  "  of  the  republic,  more 
fervent  in  his  patriotism,  than  his  neighbor ! 

To  be  stigmatized  as  "  un-American  "  became  the  haunting  terror  of 
public  life ;  to  be  termed  a  "genuine  American  "  was  as  mysteriously  po- 
tent as  the  insignia  of  the  cross  in  the  age  of  the  crusades.  Yet  the 
Canadian,  the  Mexican,  the  Brazilian,  the  Cuban,  the  Haytian,  the  Ar- 
gentines and  Peruvians,  are  genuine  Americans !  Unlike  the  Dutch, 
when  the  United  States  of  Holland  played  its  great  part  in  the  world, 
we  have  no  race  name  to  designate  our  disparate  social  compact.  "  Yan- 
kee "  is  the  nearest  we  have  to  a  national  designation  covering  all ;  yet 
until  the  war  of  the  rebellion,  to  call  a  southerner  a  Yankee,  would 
have  been  as  deep  an  offence,  as  to  confuse  a  high  caste  Hindoo  with  a 
Pariah  !  Now  General  Lee,  kin  of^the  greatest  of  the  Confederate  com- 
manders, glories  in  the  name !  Perhaps  no  secondary  incident  in  the  rec- 
onciliation of  the  North  and  South,  is  more  significant  of  the  effect  of  the 
war  than  the  complacent  acceptance  of  a  term  once  used  in  reviling,  as  a 
glory  and  grace  !  Phenomena  like  these  must  be  noted  to  enable  us  to 
comprehend  the  spirit  in  which  our  men  took  up  the  cross  of  war  and 
won  the  crown  of  conquest. 

For  it  is  a  fact  of  curious  import  that  no  great  war  ever  broke  out 
from  causes  that  involved  the  real  interests  of  a  people,  in  modern  times 
at  least,  save  our  own  struggle  for  independence  and  the  French  revolu 
tioii.  Even  our  own  revolutionary  war  did  not  originate  in  what  would 
be  counted  a  great  cause.  The  begin  ning__wasj3nji  question,  of  taxa- 
tion— it  was  only  after  the  passions  of  the  two  peoples  had  become 
embittered  that  the  struggle  involved  the  vital  issue  of  independence. 
But  the  reader  will  search  history  in  vain  for  a  war  that  was  worth  the 
fighting,  all  things  considered ;  that  is  a  war  deliberately  declared  and 
systematically  prepared.  Wars  have  been  justly  fought,  when  a  people 
had  been  attacked  wantonly,  for  revenge  or  conquest  or  dynastic  ambi- 
tions. For  nothing  is  ever  permanently  settled  by  war  that  could  not 
have  been  secured  by  peaceful  means! 

By  this  is  meant,  aggressive  war.  When  a  nation  is  attacked,  of  course 
resistance  is  the  first  requisite  of  patriotism.  But  peoples  like  individuals, 
are  rarely  attacked,  if  they  mind  their  own  business,  save  when  their 
territories  excite  the  covetousness  of  neighbors,  or  prosperity  stands  in 
the  way  of  the  imperialistic  tendencies  of  rivals.  From  1789  until  1815, 
the  conquering  flight  of  France,  indoctrinating  the  world  with  the  gospel 
of  democracy,  was  regarded  as  ample  cause  for  the  British  to  wage  war. 
And  until  this  day,  so  deceptive  is  the  animus  of  history,  the  world  accepts 


20  WAR  A  PASSION. 

the  twenty  years  carnage,  inspired  by  British  greed,  as  a  struggle  between 
freedom  and  tyranny.  It  was  a  struggle  between  these  conditions,  but 
the  tyranny  was  embodied,  by  the  British  and  their  allies,  and  freedom  by 
the  spirit  of  the  French  Revolution. 

War,  however,  is  a  passion  like  another.  All  our  subsidiary  activities, 
since  the  close  of  the  rebellion,  have  tended  to  indoctrinate  us  insidiously 
with  the  passion  for  warlike  things.  During  the  term  that  has  elapsed 
since  Lee  delivered  his  sword  to  Grant,  the  presidency  has  been  occu- 
pied successively  by  men  who  achieved  renown  in  the  army!  There 
has  been  but  one  civilian  chief  magistrate  of  the  republic  since  John- 
son. That  is  inaugurated — for  no  one  now  contests  the  validity  of 
Tilden's  election  in  1876.  In  the  Senate  and  House,  the  leaders  of  both 
armies  have  constantly  held  place.  In  the  executive  offices  of  the  states 
and  all  places  of  high  trust,  the  military  have  held  the  preference  !  Even 
in  the  supreme  court,  men  with  military  antecedents  are  conspicuous ! 

On  the  ceremonial  days  when  the  veterans  of  the  civil  war  appear, 
they  are  acclaimed  as  impulsively  as  when  in  the  days  of  their  youth 
they  marched  to  the  field.  "  Flag  Day "  has  long  been  a  function  in 
our  public  schools.  Officers  from  our  great  military  institute  are  de- 
tailed at  youth's  academies  all  over  the  union  to  teach  the  manual  and 
the  discipline  of  war!  In  every  conceivable  way,  war  is  glorified,  until  a 
majority  of  the  youth  of  the  land,  count  all  other  uses  for  life  tame  and 
distasteful. 

The  militia  of  the  several  states,  are  made  up  of  the  finest  flower  of 
the  young  manhood  of  the  land.  Co-existent  with  this  imposing  caval- 
cade, is  the  never-ceasing  clamor  of  the  military  for  increased  battalions ; 
augmented  armaments,  a  larger  navy,  fleets  that  shall  equal  those  of  na- 
tions, whose  existence  depends  upon  colossal  armadas. 

Old  as  the  world  is,  and  many  as  the  wars  have  been,  there  is  no  tale  so 
captivating  to  a  people  as  the  story  of  war.  If  there  ever  were  a  people 
secure  from  the  adventures  of  armies,  we  were  until  within  the  year, 
emphatically  believed  to  be  that  people.  Our  enemies  said  we  were  too 
engrossed  in  the  sordid  to  take  time  to  prepare  for  strife,  our  admirers 
pointed  ua  out  as  too  happy,  too  well  safeguarded  from  the  snares  and 
menaces  of  neighbors,  too  confirmed  in  the  philosophic  detestation  of 
butchery  to  dream  of  war,  save  in  defence  of  the  national  soil.  Up, 
therefore  till  the  very  hour,  that  the  amazed  Spanish  ministry  rejected  our 
imperious  order  to  quit  Cuba,  within  three  days,  war  was  as  little  foreseen 
by  the  vast  majority  of  the  people  of  the  republic,  as  the  blizzard  that 
comes  down  in  an  instant  upon  the  Western  plains. 


WTT.T.TAM  MCKINI.EY. 

Commander -in-chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  Stataa. 


DEMAND  FOR  WAR.  23 

There  had  been  angry  talk  of  war,  with  Britain,  with  Spain,  with 
Chili,  in  fitful  gusts,  for  years.  But  the  impulse  was  only  momentary. 
The  country  paused,  berated  the  power  or  policy  offending  us,  then 
plunged  into  the  ways  of  peace.  So  recurrent  had  these  almost  humorous 
outbursts  become,  that  our  foreign  critics  cynically  took  up  the  tale  to 
point  the  moral  of  a  hopelessly  practical  people,  so  bent  on  money  making 
that  they  couldn't  carry  a  great  impulse  to  its  legitimate  conclusion. 
Other  nations,  saying  the  same  things  in  the  press  and  parliament,  about 
their  neighbors,  were  ready  for  hostilities  before  uttering  them.  But  the 


FLAG   DAY   AT   AN   AMERICAN   SCHOOL. 

Yankee,  it  was  agreed,  whose  immortal  soul  is  immersed  in  "booms" 
and  deals  and  trusts,  pays  no  heed  to  his  parliament,  except  when  it  is 
considering  tariffs  or  the  excise. 

From  long  habit  in  warlike  speech,  most  of  us,  had,  while  not  assenting 
to  the  acerbities  of  this  criticism,  come  to  regard  Congress  as  a  safety  valve, 
rather  than  a  deciding  force  in  peace  or  war.  Nine  out  of  ten,  if  asked 
the  question,  any  time  before  the  21st  of  April,  would  have  declared  that 
war  could  not  be  brought  nbout,  except  by  the  will  of  the  people, 


24 


THREE  DAYS  OF  GRACE. 


vaguely  supposing  that  in  some  occult  way,  a  mandate  could  be  obtained 
from  the  millions,  who  make  Congress  and  executives. 

Hence  when  Congress  gave  Spain  three  days  to  withdraw  from  Cuba, 
there  were  very  few  of  the  citizens  of  this  republic  who  realized  that  we 
had  thrown  down  the  gauntlet;  that  war  inevitably  followed  the  deci 
sive  action  of  our  lawmakers.  The  words  were  but  too  well  understood 
in  Spain.  To  escape  the  humiliation  of  the  ultimatum  from  the  despised 
nation  of  "  merchants,  "  the  Spanish  cabinet  resorted  to  a  not  unjusti- 
fiable subterfuge  ;  the  despatch  from  our  Secretary  of  State  to  Minister 
Woodford,  informing  him  of  the  determination  of  Congress,  was  taken 


GENERAL   STEWART    L.    WOODFORD. 


from  the  wire  and  conveyed  to  the  Sagasta  ministry  before  its  deliv- 
ery to  the  Legation.  In  the  precedents  of  international  dealing,  Spain 
had  but  one  thing  to  do.  Our  minister  was  handed  his  passports. 
This  was  a  virtual  declaration  of  war,  for  when  the  tension  between 
powers  becomes  so  strained  that  a  cabinet  refuses  to  hold  intercourse 
with  an  envoy,  he  is  given  his  passports  to  leave  the  country. 

This  was  early  on  the  morning  of  the  21st  of  April.  Before  night- 
fall Spain  had  cause  to  realize  that  war  was  begun.  From  the  Carib- 
bean sea  came  reports  of  the  enterprise  of  our  cruisers.  Swiftly,  by 


ULTIMATUM  TO   SPAIN.  25 

every  despatch  thereafter  the  tale  of  capture  was  retold.  Then  arose  a 
furious  outcry.  It  was  charged  in  the  Spanish  press,  and  reechoed  in 
London,  that  with  true  Yankee  greed,  we  had  anticipated  the  pre- 
scribed forms  of  war  and  for  the  mere  "  money  in  it "  had  begun  the 
spoliation  of  innocent  merchant  vessels,  sailing  the  seas  unconscious  of 
the  state  of  war. 

On  the  25th  of  April,  in  order  to  formalize  the  situation,  Congress 
put  on  record  the  declaration  that  the  United  States  were  at  war  with 
the  monarchy  of  the  Spains.  But  even  then,  when  the  daily  despatches 
brought  the  country  captivating  narratives  of  the  prowess  of  our  auda- 
cious mariners,  the  people  did  not  wholly  realize  that  the  long-drawn 
agony  that  had  troubled  the  counsels  of  administrations  for  the  last  fifty 
years,  was  irrevocably  submitted  to  the  arbitrament  that  leaves  no  appeal. 

When  the  President  called  for  125,000  troops,  a  premonitory  thrill 
of  the  spirit  that  moved  the  land  in  '61,  for  a  moment  broke  the 
chill.  Then  began  to  be  seen  the  results  of  multitudes  of  influences 
that  had  been  almost  imperceptibly  at  work  during  the  last  thirty 
years.  Then  the  youth,  who  had  been  nourished  on  the  deeds  of  their 
fathers  in  the  war  of  the  rebellion,  uprose  as  their  fathers  rose  in  the 
memorable  days  of  revolt.  Then  a  condition  was  shown  that  never  had 
a  parallel  in  a  civilized  state.  Had  the  President's  call  been  for  a  mil- 
lion men,  the  number  would  have  been  enrolled  before  the  machinery 
could  be  prepared.  Though  we  are  ranked  among  the  cold-blooded 
and  unimpassionate  races,  the  imagination  of  the  multitude,  at  once  caught 
the  import  of  the  struggle.  We  were  going  to  war  for  an  idea !  The 
profligate  despotism  that  had  for  a  century  stifled  the  energies  of  an 
earthly  paradise,  was  to  be  brought  to  book  for  crimes  against  human 
freedom. 

War  had  been  talked  loosely  in  our  semi-jocose  way  of  treating 
grave  subjects,  any  time  during  the  last  thirty  years.  So  far  indeed,  as 
cautious  observation  connoted  public  sentiment,  we  were  much  nearer 
war  with  France  in  1865,  when  the  legions  of  the  republic  were  freed 
from  the  conquests  of  the  rebellion  ;  again  when  the  British  seemed  to 
demur  against  paying  the  damages  incurred  by  their  aid  and  assistance 
to  the  southern  insurgents.  War  for  a  moment  seemed  inevitable  when 
Cleveland  brought  the  British  tergiversations  to  a  pause  in  the  Vene- 
zuelan scheme. 

In  all  the  wars  we  have  ever  undertaken  overt  acts  have  preceded 
the  formal  declaration;  that  is,  the  people  have  taken  the  matter  into 
their  own  hands.  If  the  South  Carolinians  had  not  fired  on  Sumpter. 


26  CONDITIONS  IN  CUBA. 

there  might  have  been  years  of  controversy,  ending  in  compromise,  "but 
the  tragedies  of  .human  passion  cannot  be  resisted,  when  war  is  in  the 
air.  Therefore  it  may  be  said  that  war  with  Spain  came  as  a  grievous 
surprise  to  a  vast  majority  of  the  people. 

It  was  in  Congress  and  the  public  press,  that  the  enormities  of  Span- 
ish despotism  had  been  most  passionately  dwelt  upon  ;  the  vast  majority 
of  the  people  had  but  a  vague  notion  of  what  was  going  on  in  Cuba,  or 
what  had  been  going  on  since  we  first  cautiously  intervened  in  the 
diplomatic  way  that  nations  observe  in  dealing  with  questions  likely  to 
bring  on  serious  crises.  The  story  of  the  misgovernment  of  the  island, 
Spain's  first  conquest  on  this  continent,  had  been  told  and  retold  so 
often,  that  only  the  political  devotee,  so  to  speak,  kept  track  of  the 
dolorous  tragedy,  as  it  was  unrolled  from  day  to  day  in  the  press,  and 
from  year  to  year  in  volumes  of  thrilling  power. 

Rarely,  since  1875  had  there  been  a  year  when  the  cry  of  the  Cuban 
"  patriot "  was  not  raised ;  revolt,  more  or  less  serious  had  employed  the 
resources  of  Spain.  Time  and  again  the  assistance  of  sympathizers  in  the 
States  seemed  about  to  wrench  the  island  from  the  domination  of  the 
parent  power.  Filibustering  expeditions  left  our  shores,  and  for  a  time 
gave  the  Spanish  captains  serious  alarm.  These  incursions,  sometimes 
rising  to  the  gravity  of  international  disputes,  kept  the  two  cabinets  of 
Washington  and  Madrid  incessantly  active. 

Whenever  this  government  made  remonstrance  with  Spain  at  the  in- 
tolerable condition  of  the  Cuban  people,  Spain  retorted  that  all  the  un- 
rest was  the  work  of  "  Yankee  adventurers. "  In  1875,  we  barely  es 
caped  war  over  the  capture  and  execution  of  a  band  of  impulsive  volun- 
teers, who  set  out  to  rescue  the  battling  revolutionists.  But  by  timely 
concessions  to  our  demands,  successive  Spanish  cabinets  succeeded  in 
staving  off  decisive  measures. 

But,  during  the  last  ten  years  a  group  of  daring  men  arose  in  the 
island,  who,  admonished  by  the  failures  of  their  predecessors,  directed 
their  efforts  to  a  campaign  of  attrition.  While  depending  almost  exclu- 
sively upon  sympathizers  in  this  republic  for  material,  and  even  men,  they 
maintained  an  incessant  activity  about  the  exposed  legions  of  the  Span- 
ish army,  that  in  time  wore  out  the  courage  of  the  soldiery  and  disheart- 
ened the  efforts  of  the  captains  sent  to  put  down  the  rebellion.  But  their 
greatest  triumph  was  in  forcing  the  accents  of  their  wrongs  and  miseries 
upon  the  attention  of  the  whole  world,  as  they  had  never  been  heard  be- 
fore. The  journals  of  this  country  rang  daily  with  protests  and  these 
were  heard  in  the  old  world.  Even  the  atrocities  of  the  Turk,  which 


OPPOSED  TO  THE  IDEA  OF  WAR.  29 

moved  the  heart  of  Christendom,  could  not  drown  the  cry  of  anguish 
that  finally  reached  the  ears  of  mankind.  In  Congress  the  leaders  of  the 
great  parties  took  up  the  tale.  The  pulpits  echoed  it.  A  distinct  senti- 
ment for  the  rescue  of  Cuba  from  intolerable  oppression  became  irre- 
sistible. 

President  Cleveland,  in  the  last  years  of  his  administration  warned 
the  Spanish  ministry  that  the  patience  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
had  been  dangerously  tried ;  that  it  behooved  wise  men  to  make  such  a 
change  in  the  conduct  of  affairs  in  the  island,  as  would  insure  content- 
ment to  the  majority. 

When  assassination  had  carried  off  the  chief  advocate  of  repression, 
Canovas  del  Castillo,  the  liberal  ministry  that  succeeded,  gave  the  Wash- 
ington cabinet  assurances  that  the  Cubans  should  have  Home  Rule,  in 
the  form  Britain  administers  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  Then  followed 
the  Autonomist  experiment,  but  it  was  too  late.  The  battling  minority 
were  unconquerably  averse  to  Spanish  domination  and  the  insurrection 
raged  as  fiercely  as  ever. 

President  McKiuley  was  from  the  first  opposed  to  the  idea  of  war. 
He  selected  a  statesman  of  high  character,  a  jurist  of  distinction,  to  go  to 
Madrid  as  our  minister  and  impressed  upon  him  the  necessity  of  enlight- 
ening Spanish  statesmen  of  the  dangers  they  were  exposing  the 
monarchy  to,  by  keeping  Cuba  a  perpetual  ulcer  on  the  Spanish  national 
body.  But,  though  Minister  Woodford  extorted  the  admiration  of  even 
the  Spaniards  themselves,  he  was  unable  to  make  the  ministry  see  that 
all  that  was  left  to  the  Metropolitan  was  to  withdraw  from  the  island  and 
leave  the  inhabitants  to  their  destiny. 

The  heritage  of  woe  left  the  islanders  by  Captain  General  Weyler, 
was  too  much  for  diplomacy  to  reconcile  with  the  methods  of  a  civilized 
state.  The  horrors  of  his  system  of  crowding  the  rural  population  into 
masses  under  the  range  of  fhe  soldiers'  guns,  brought  about  a  ferment  of 
feeling  that  no  influence  in  Congress,  not  even  the  executive,  could  re- 
sist. * 

While  the  country  was  shuddering  in  horror  over  the  atrocities  of  the 
'•  reconcentrados,"  the  nation  was  roused  to  anguish  by  the  sinking  of 
one  of  our  most  powerful  war  vessels  in  the  harbor  of  Havana,  where  she 
was  anchored  on  a  mission  of  peace.  Slight  events  sometimes  undo 
the  strongest  forces  of  human  calculation.  The  destruction  of  the  Maine 
made  negotiation  extremely  difficult  for  the  Washington  cabinet.  The 
country  believed  that  the  noble  ship  had  been  sunk  by  a  Spanish  hand ; 
it  was  never  alleged  that  the  hand  had  been  inspired  by  anybody  in 


30 


THE  « MAINE"  TRAGEDY. 


authority,  but  the  atrocity  came  as  a  conclusive  proof,  of  all  the  ma- 
lignant cruelties  so  long  charged  upon  the  Spanish  administration. 

Though  it  did  not  fire  the  heart  of  the  republic,  as  the  attack  upon 
the  Massachusetts  regiment  marching  at  Lincoln's  call,  in  1861,  it 
made  anything  like  procrastination  on  the  part  of  the  negotiators  im- 
possible. When  the  secret  is  found  out,  it  will  probably  be  seen  that 


SURVIVORS   OP  THE  MAINE  DISASTER. 
(Drawn  from  life,  in  the  Brooklyn  hospital.) 

the  hand  that  struck  down  the  great  b*attle  ship  was  dealing  the 
hardest  blow  to  Spain  that  had  ever  been  struck,  since  the  spirit  of  re- 
volt arose  on  the  island.  For  had  it  not  been  for  this,  the  president 
would  have  had  a  strong  following  in  his  purpose  of  extricating  Cuba 
from  her  woes,  Without  the  direful  expedient  of  war. 

Added  to  this  was  another  incident,  which  though  trivial  enough  in 
itself,  swayed  public  sentiment  far  beyond  its  gravity.  The  Cuban 
Junta,  tireless  in  its  efforts  to  bring  peaceful  negotiations  to  a  fruitless 
issue,  managed  to  get  hold  of  a  letter  from  the  Spanish  Minister.  Du- 
puy  DeLome,  in  which  the  President  was  spoken  of  in  a  rather  dis- 
paraging way  and  the  project  of  autonomy,  referred  to  skeptically. 


THE  DE  LOME  INCIDENT. 


81 


The  Spaniard  wrote,  as  he  supposed,  in  the  inviolable  confidence  of  in- 
timate personal  friendship,  and  unburdened  his  mind  of  opinions  and  in- 
ferences that  he  was  forced  to  keep  to  himself,  in  the  hostile  atmosphere 
of  Washington.  Letters  of  the  same  character  are  passing  all  the  time 
from  diplomats  to  their  familiars,  or  even  unofficially,  to  their  hierarchical 
chiefs.  Any  volume  of  personal  memoirs  of  statesmen  will  show  correspond- 
ence of  the  same  tenor.  But  of  course  the  contents  are  not  made  known 
until  the  incidents,  or  persons  criticized,  have  passed  out  of  the  sphere  of 
actualities.  Mischievous  as  the  letter  was,  the  President  would  have 
ignored  it,  had  it  not  been  published  to  the  world,  simultaneously  with 


DDPUr  DE   LOME. 

its  reception  by  the  Secretary  of  State.  It  accomplished  its  purpose,  to 
the  extent  its  purveyors  desired.  It  made  the  further  presence  of  the 
luckless  diplomat  impossible,  and  to  that  extent,  lessened  the  chances  of 
a  peaceful  solution  of  the  negotiations  with  Spain.  De  Lome's  successor 
was  at  pathetic  disadvantage  in  assuming  the  momentous  mission  from 
which  so  much  was  expected. 


32  THE  CISNEROS  INCIDENT. 

But  perhaps  the  most  conclusive  indication  of  the  wholly  false  attitude 
the  country  was  made  to  seem  to  hold,  was  in  an  incident  which  sur- 
passed in  insolent  disregard  of  national  comities  anything  ever  done  by 
one  people  to  another  since  the  A ustro-British  allies  murdered  the  French 
envoys  at  Rastadt.  A  young  woman  named  Cisneros,  had  been  put  in 
an  Havana  prison  for  undue  activity  in  aiding  and  abetting  the  schemes 
of  the  Junta.  Volumes  of  lachrymose  twaddle  were  published  in  the 
sensational  journals,  recounting  her  heroism,  her  sufferings  at  the  hands 
of  the  Spanish  authorities.  It  was  however,  never  intimated  that  she  was 
conspiring  against  the  lawful  authorities  of  Cuba:  that  she  was  taken 
with  every  evidence  of  her  handiwork  in  evidence.  She  was  put  in 
prison,  and  as  Havana  was  virtually  under  military  law,  she  fared  as  other 
culprits  of  the  kind  ever  fare  in  war.  One  of  the  most  adventurous  of 
the  yellow  journals  conceived  that  the  invasion  of  the  prison  and  the 
rescue  of  this  person  would  make  a  sensation.  The  prisoner  was  spirited 
out  of  the  lax  keeping  of  her  gaolers  and  carried  to  New  York  in  triumph. 
There  was  no  attempt  made  to  conceal  the  operation — in  fact  the  desperado 
who  managed  the  law  breaking,  made  a  copious  narrative  of  the  exploit. 
The  "rescued"  young  woman  was  petted  and  exhibited  in  New  York  ;  she 
was  paraded  to  Washington  and  made  the  protc'ge'  of  eminent  dames.  The 
wife  of  the  Vice  President  went  so  far  as  to  give  her  a  sort  of  adoption. 
High  personages  in  the  administration  felicitated  her  and  her  rescuer. 

Now,  had  Spain  been  Great  Britain,  would  anybody  in  this  country 
have  ventured  to  do  this  criminal  act,  or  having  done  it,  would  the  au- 
thorities of  the  United  States  admit  even  tacit  sympathy?  Suppose, 
during  the  Civil  War,  the  British  had  countenanced  the  enterprise  of  a 
London  journalist  in  entering  the  "  Old  Capitol "  prison  to  rescue  Belle 
Boyd,  or  Miss  Surratt,  or  Miss  Greenough?  The  demand  of  this  govern- 
ment for  the  restoration  of  the  prisoner  and  the  punishment  of  the  des- 
perado would  have  followed  the  first  trace  of  the  crime  and  the  criminal. 
Yet,  Spain  never  ventured  to  present  a  word  of  protest  against  this  mon- 
strous invasion  of  her  sovereignty.  So  far  had  we  departed  from  the 
right  view  of  proper  conduct,  that  scarcely  a  word  of  protest  was  ever 
raised  in  press  or  public.  It  was  plain  that  a  nation  compelled  to  endure 
such  an  affront  as  that,  would  suffer  anything  rather  than  go  to  war. 
Perhaps  the  jingoes  and  demagogues  who  continued  provocation  after 
this,  did  not  apprehend  war,  certainly  no  legislative  chambers  ever  heard 
snch  utterances  about  a  neighboring  state  as  were  uttered  in  both 
branches  of  Congress,  during  the  two  months  preceding  the  command  to 
Spain  to  vacate  her  sovereignty  in  Cuba. 


NOT  READY  FOR  WAR.  83 

Two  distinct  currents  were  marked  in  the  discussion  of  the  course  to 
be  pursued  by  the  President.  One  was  voiced  by  what  was  called  the 
"  Jingoes,"  the  other  by  moderate  men  who  repelled  the  very  suggestion 
I  of  war  as  barbarous.  But  by  far  the  most  decisive  factor  in  the  denoue- 
\  ment,  was  a  new  school  of  newspapers  called  fantastically  "  Yellow 
Journalism."  This  extraordinary  evolution  of  the  press  had  arisen  sud- 
I  denly ;  had  dazzled  the  country  by  exploits  that  puzzled  the  grave  and 
delighted  the  lax.  By  every  conceivable  art.  they  magnified  the  inci- 
dents attending  the  rebellion  on  the  island  of  Cuba,  and  from  the  pettiest 
detail  upreared  a  fabric  of  atrocity  that  threw  certain  elements  of  the 
people  into  a  delirium  of  wrath.  The  excesses  of  the  Spanish  soldiery 
were  exaggerated,  the  inhumanity  of  the  chiefs  surcharged  with  refine- 
ments of  cruelty  that  convinced  the  reader  of  the  incurable  ferocity  of 
the  Spanish  administration.  The  truth  and  the  fact  were  lamentable 
enough,  but  these  systematic  inventions,  reacted  on  the  law-makers.  It 
was  impossible  to  deliberate  with  the  dispassionate  sincerity  such  an  emer- 
gency called  for.  From  all  parts  of  the  country,  constituents  made 
known  to  congressmen  that  war  alone  could  avenge  outraged  humanity. 
For  months  both  chambers  of  Congress  echoed  the  indictments  of  the 
press.  The  foremost  advocates  in  the  House  and  Senate  were  men  who 
had  achieved  distinction  in  the  combats  of  the  Civil  War. 

Against  such  a  torrent  the  President  struggled  resolutely.  He  knew 
that  we  were  not  ready  for  war.  He  knew  that  though  Spain  had  been 
drained  of  her  lifeblood  by  maladministration,  and  almost  incessant  war- 
fare at  home  and  abroad,  she  was  not  an  enemy  to  be  attacked  with 
levity.  In  this  attitude  the  President  was  supported  by  the  great  major- 
ity of  his  countrymen.  He  was  upheld  by  his  Cabinet  fervently.  Indeed 
when  Congress  made  further  negotiation  impossible,  two  of  the  members 
of  this  body  resigned,  feeling  it  to  be  impossible  to  give  apparent  assent 
to  the  new  departure.  John  Sherman,  the  veteran  of  the  Republican 
party,  under  plea  of  ill-health  quit  the  great  place  of  Secretary  of  State, 
and  the  Postmaster  General, — Gary,  retired  to  private  life.  Now  every 
one  who  gave  thought  to  the  Cuban  cause,  sincerely  desired  the  enfran- 
chisement of  the  island  ;  but  not  one  in  a  thousand  would  have  consented 
to  the  extreme  step  of  war,  if  the  end  could  be  brought  about  in  any 
other  way.  Nor  were  the  men  who  advocated  war  in  the  House,  or  the 
Senate,  the  leaders  that  the  people  trusted  implicitly  in  counsel.  The 
veterans  of  our  politics  were  almost  unanimously  opposed  to  war.  In- 
deed the  advocacy  of  a  universal  system  of  arbitration,  to  which  all  that 
is  most  sober  in  public  life  had  given  adhesion,  made  the  very  suggestion 


84  FIRING  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE. 

of  war  seem  an  untimely  derision.  Nowhere  from  an  authoritative 
source  came  a  voice  for  war.  On  the  other  hand,  the  clamor  swelled  and 
was  apparently  unheard  or  misunderstood  by  the  conservative.  So  in- 
credible did  such  an  issue  seem,  that  the  oldest  journal  in  the  metropolis, 
stated  gravely  the  very  day  before  Congress  acted,  that  such  a  thing  as 
war  was  impossible,  in  this  advanced  stage  of  public  morals. 
/"""An  unimpeachable  witness — among  others  the  editor  and  owner  of 
a  powerful  journal  in  Chicago,  submitted  proof  that  agents  of  the 
Cuban  Junta  had  offered  him  $1,000,000  in  bonds  to  "Fire  the  American 
people  over  Cuba's  wrongs."  Nor  was  there  any  doubt  that  the  Cuban 
outcry  was  almost  purely  mercenary,  where  it  was  not  a  delusion.  If  the 
fomenters  could  but  gain  a  five  minutes'  recognition  of  the  so-called 
Cuban  republic,  these  millions  of  bonds,  distributed  where  they  would  do 
the  most  good,  would  be  equal  to  so  much  money.  That  was  the  purpose 
of  the  propaganda.  How  many  of  the  public  men  who  took  up  the  cry 
and  carried  on  the  crusade,  were  influenced  by  these  bonds,  will  probably 
never  be  known.  But  of  two  conclusions  the  one  must  be  adopted. 
Either  the  advocates  of  aggressive  interference  in  Cuba  were  venal,  and 
disseminating  what  they  knew  to  be  lies,  or  they  were  ignorant  and  there- 
fore had  no  authority  to  speak.  The  war  had  not  gone  on  a  month  be- 
fore this  was  made  clear.  There  was  no  Cuban  republic;  there  were  no 
Cuban  patriots;  there  were  no  thousands  on  the  island  clamoring,  suffer- 
ing, dying,  for  Free  Cuba!  There  was  no  executive  government;  there 
was  no  army.  There  was  no  considerable  number  of  what  would  be 
regarded  as  reputable  citizens  desirous  of  a  change. 

But  the  very  agencies  that  should  have  safeguarded  us  against  com- 
mitting the  error  of  going  to  war,  were  most  of  them  enlisted  in  forcing 
uslnto  war.  If  a  statesman  in  Congress  undertook  to  demand  proof  of 
the  matters  alleged,  or  pointed  out  discrepancies,  he  was  jeered  in  the 
jingo  presses  as  "  The  Senator  from  Spain ! "  Only  the  most  resolute  public 
men  ventured  to  hold  out  ;^these,  it  is  humiliating  to  say  were  few.  Most 
of  the  public  men,  while  privately  confessing  the  action  wrong,  voted  to 
force  Spain  to  fight,  when  the  time  came.  Unhappily  for  the  republic, 
the  administration  was  confronted,  by  no  opposition  worthy  of  even  the 
semblance  of  tactical  deference.  In  the  House  the  party  of  Jefferson  had 
relapsed  into  the  keeping  of  immature  nondescripts,  who  were  too  dull  or 
too  indifferent  to  look  up  the  party  traditions.  The  mere  word  war  de- 
prived them  of  the  semblance  of  rational  speech.  They  clamored  for 
war,  yet  denounced  the  majority  for  preparing  for  it.  They  professed 
undying  sympathy  for  the  "patriots"  pf  Cuba,  but  took  no  action  to 


BOOMING  FREE  CUBA.  35 

prove  that  there  were  patriots  there.  Rarely  indeed  has  the  popular 
system — the  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  made  so  igno- 
minious a  failure,  as  the  Congress  of  1897-8.  Neither  group  wanted  war; 
the  sane  men  in  both  knew  that  there  was  no  occasion  for  war  but  the 
Democrats  believed  that  they  could  gain  a  party  advantage  by  daring  the 
majority  to  go  to  war,  and  then  deriding  them  on  the  hustings  for  not 
daring.  It  was  this  double  duplicity  that  finally  frustrated  the  wise 
measures  of  the  executive  and  the  men  capable  of  thinking  calmly. 

It  is  to  be  remembered  too,  that  most  of  the  party  platforms  made 
mention  of  Cuba  in  recent  political  contests.  Both  the  great  parties  in 
the  last  presidential  campaign  demanded  peace  and  liberty  for  Cuba,  but 
jione  of  them  went  so  far  as  to  declare  for  war.  The  people  of  this  country 
have  come  to  regard  platforms  with  a  good  deal  of  indifference ;  for 
parties  in  power  rarely  find  it  expedient  to  carry  out  what  seems  desir- 
able when  in  opposition.  It  is  too  near  the  event  perhaps,  to  trace  mi- 
nutely the  interpenetrating  influences  which  so  suddenly  transferred  the 
field  of  action  from  diplomacy  to  the  field  of  war. 

While  sympathy,  based  on  every  trait  that  adorns  and  ennobles  human 
nature,  was  the  basis  of  the  sentiment  the  country  felt  toward  the  unfortu- 
nate Cubans,  there  were  unquestionably  other  and  ignoble  motives  at 
work  to  bring  on  a  conflict.  Vast  commercial  interests  were  involved  in 
the  expulsion  of  the  Spanish  and  the  substitution  of  "Free  Cuba." 
Juntas  for  the  "  booming "  of  the  cause  of  the  "  patriots,"  were  main- 
tained in  many  of  the  great  seaports.  Bonds  to  an  enormous  amount 
were  issued,  and  so  placed  as, to  influence  moulders  of  public  opinion.  An 
immense  traffic  in  arms,  stores  and  supplies,  sprung  up  along  our  sea- 
coasts.  Filibustering  became  almost  as  profitable  to  merchants  in  New 
York,  Boston  and  the  southern  seaports,  as  blockade  running  to  the  mer- 
chants of  London  and  Liverpool  during  our  Civil  War.  Though  the 
Spanish  press,  and  even  Spanish  statesmen,  made  this  traffic  a  constant 
subject  of  reproach  to  our  administration,  there  is  every  evidence  that 
our  officials  strove  in  good  faith  to  suppress  this  evasion  of  the  law  of 
neutrality.  This  very  necessity  was  among  the  causes  that  inflamed  the 
advocates  of  war.  The  activity  of  the  revenue  cutters  was  denounced 
as  a  base  partnership  in  the  crimes  Spain  was  committing  daily  on  the 
Cubans.  To  every  remonstrance  of  our  diplomacy  against  the  enormi- 
ties practiced  by  the  Spanish  soldiery,  the  Spanish  diplomats  made  re- 
sponse that  the  war  would  not  last  a  week  if  it  were  not  supported  by 
Yankee  adventurers. 


PART  II. 

BARELY  had  we  embarked  in  war  when  its  scope  and  potentialities 
began  to  expand.  We  set  out  by  declaring  our  purpose  to  redress 
an  intolerable  grievance.  To  break  the  ghastly  clutch  of  the  dying  hand  of 
Spain  from  the  corpse  of  Cuba.  Before  the  war  was  ten  days  old,  the  same 
influences  and  agencies  which  precipitated  the  conflict,  were  engaged  in  a 
propaganda  of  conquest.  The  preconcert  of  the  cry,  the  level  uniformity 
of  the  argument,  the  shameless  appeal  to  all  that  is  sordid,  thoughtless, 
unscrupulous  in  humanity,  left  no  room  to  doubt  that  some  ulterior 
agency  was  at  work,  educating  the  people  of  the  republic  in  the  way  of 
danger — of  dishonor. 

Coincident  with  this  cry  of  conquest,  an  amazing  phenomenon  was  wit- 
nessed in  the  British  press.  Where  we  had  always  been  reviled  and  dis- 
paraged, we  were  now  fulsomely  plastered  with  praise.  We  were  invited 
to  share  the  grotesque  designation  of  "  Anglo-Saxon  " — a  term  evolved 
from  the  empyrical  formularies  of  British  Chauvins,  restive  under  the  his- 
toric traditions  of  the  Norman  Conquest.  We  were  asked  to  believe  that 
our  seventy  millions  were  really  of  British  fibre  and  brawn  ;  that  British 
blood  comes  pure  and  undefiled  from  a  handful  of  piratic  nomads,  who 
fled  from  the  penury  of  the  Baltic  marches,  to  pillage  themselves  into 
prosperity  on  the  island  of  the  Angles.  The  clashing  cymbals  of  triumph 
were  sounded  over  a  race  alliance  which  should  join  our  seventy  millions 
with  the  "  interests  "  of  Britain  ;  fusion  with  the  Yankees  was  acclaimed 
in  the  Tory  presses.  A  notorious  politician  identified  with  recreancy 
to  liberalism,  infidelity  to  his  convictions,  moral  turpitude  in  the  Trans- 
vaal outrage,  denounced  in  Parliament  as  only  second  to  Judas  in  recre- 
ancy, took  the  stump  to  convince  the  British  people  that  all  they  had  to 
do,  was  to  dissemble  their  ingrained  hate  of  us  long  enough,  and  British 
power,  paralyzed  by  the  union  of  France  and  Russia,  would  again  cow 
the  world.  The  argument  was  virtually  this: 

The  Yankees  are  of  the  same  covetous,  grasping  breed  we  are ;  all  that 
is  necessary  to  win  them  into  aids  and  accomplices,  is  to  flatter  their  love 
of  glory,  dazzle  them  from  the  heights  of  the  mountain  of  predetermined 
victory,  by  plausible  promises  of  booty  in  lands,  the  loot  of  all  that  Spain 
possesses — perhaps  a  share  in  the  despoliation  of  the  colonies  Fiance  has 
gathered  under  her  flag,  during  the  last  half  century.  Manila,  it  was 
artfully  held  out,  would  be  a  noble  acquisition  for  the  republic.  The 

(36) 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR,  RUSSELL  A.  ALGEK,  IN  HIS  OFFICE. 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY,  JOHN  D.  LONG,  IN  HIS  OFFICE. 


BRITISH  ALLIANCE  OFFERED.  39 

teeming  interests  of  the  United  States  would  find  that  realm  of  magnif- 
icent opportunities  an  ideal  field  for  Yankee  activities.  Britain  would 
louk  on  with  benevolent  acquiescence  while  we  declared  the  Monroe  doc- 
trine a  sham.  Coincidently  with  this,  the  agents  of  the  British  govern- 
ment sedulously  propagated  the  rumor  as  semi-official  fact,  that  the  great 
powers,  the  European  concert,  were  conspiring  to  limit  our  operations 
beyond  the  waters  of  the  Caribbean  sea!  Simultaneously  with  the  ad- 
vance of  our  fleets,  the  cablegrams  from  London  were  daily  filled  with 
guarded  disclosures  of  the  heroic  efforts  of  British  diplomacy  to  check  the 
union  of  the  powers.  Tales  of  the  enmity  of  France,  Germany,  Austria, 
Italy — all  the  European  powers  in  short,  were  poured  into  our  news  chan- 
nels with  such  assiduity,  that  for  a  term  the  horrified  people  expected 
that  any  hour  might  bring  a  declaration  of  European  intervention :  the 
appearance  of  an  allied  squadron  in  our  waters,  and  the  enforcement  of  a 
peace  upon  such  terms  as  the  European  concert  might  see  fit  to  dictate. 

Strangely  enough,  the  jingo  press — the  very  yellow  journals,  culpable 
in  precipitating  the  war,  were  the  noisiest  in  propagating  this  insensate 
intrigue.  There  was  a  moment  when  if  put  to  a  vote,  the  Cabinet  would 
have  been  compelled  to  accept  the  yoke  of  an  alliance  with  the  Briton. 
In  every  city  in  the  Union,  the  presses  were  ablaze  with  letters  to  the 
editor,  glorifying  the  noble  role  Britain  had  played  in  the  world.  That 
segment  of  social  activity,  the  clergy,  were  as  history  often  shows,  first  to 
put  the  seal  of  approval  upon  this  plausible  campaign  of  hypocrisy  and 
craft.  They  melted  into  rhapsodic  eulogiums  of  the  "  Christian  graces  " 
of  British  civilization,  of  the  endearing  ties  of  kinship  that  linked  the 
two  peoples;  of  the  lingering  love  in  the  heart  of  the  people  of  this  re- 
public for  the  "  mother-country."  Meanwhile,  the  continental  powers 
and  social  forces,  ignorant  of  the  astute  campaign  directed  from  and  by 
British  agencies,  went  on  treating  the  war  very  much  as  we  treat  the 
conflicts  that  involve  our  friends  and  enemies  abroad. 

Sentimentally,  the  aristocrats  sympathized  with  a  monarchy  staggering 
under  the  crushing  blows  of  the  colossal  democracy  ;  even  those  who  ap- 
proved our  intervention  to  rid  Cuba  of  its  curse,  were  by  a  readily  com- 
prehensible tendency  of  human  nature,  moved  to  sympathize  with  the 
"  under  dog."  But  when  the  agencies  of  the  continental  powers  in  this 
country,  made  known  to  their  home  governments  the  malevolent  craft, 
the  systematic  perfidy  of  the  British  propagandists  in  distorting  the  ut- 
terances and  belying  the  attitude  of  the  powers,  it  was  too  late.  The 
belief  had  been  infiltrated  into  the  mind  of  the  people  of  the  republic 
that  in  our  first  venture  in  a  war  undertaken  from  high  motives,  the  con- 


40  THE  SHAMELESS  ARTIFICE. 

tinental  nations  distrusted  our  aims,  and  were  only  withheld  from  inter- 
ference by  the  sturdy  veto  of  Britain.  It  was  useless  for  the  ministers  of 
France,  Russia  and  Austria  to  show  documents  in  proof  of  an  inviolate 
neutrality  ;  of  an  attitude  of  absolute  impartiality.  The  British  cables 
were  at  hand  daily  to  represent  the  heroic  magnanimity  of  Albion— who 
stood  guardian  over  the  snarling  powers.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  chiv- 
alrous good  sense  of  the  British  Liberals,  within  a  month  of  the  opening 
of  the  war,  we  should  have  found  our  future  mortgaged  by  a  bond  as  in- 
iquitous as  it  would  be  futile,  with  the  nation  that  never  kept  a  pledge, 
and  never  succored  an  ally,  the" moment  her  interests  made  treason  prof- 
itable. 

The  party  of  Gladstone  denounced  the  shameless  artifice;  they 
warned  the  republic  that  the  Tory  pleadings  were  simply  to  enable  the 
discredited  diplomacy  of  the  Tory  Cabinet,  to  take  up  the  battle  against 
a  Europe  coalized  against  Britain  instead  of,  as  heretofore,  coalized  with 
her.  A  long  series  of  affronts  were  to  be  avenged :  Russia  had  elimi- 
nated British  influence  in  the  East;  Turkey  hud  escaped  the  thraldom  of 
the  Crimean  war;  France  is  in  threatening  propinquity  in  Africa,  and 
resolute  for  enforcing  the  fulfilment  of  the  compact  for  Egypt's  libera- 
tion. With  the  forces  of  the  republic  to  do  the  fighting,  as  the  conti- 
nent did,  in  the  campaigns  against  Napoleon  ;  as  the  French  did  in  the 
Crimea,  Britain  might  hope  to  withstand  combined  Europe  with  her 
fleets,  and  wear  out  the  resources  of  the  less  affluent  states.  When  the 
time  for  peace  came,  she  would  turn  on  her  "  kinsmen  "  as  she  has  turned  on 
every  nation  that  ever  entered  into  alliance  with  her,  and  despoil  them  of 
every  acquisition  held  out  as  a  bribe.  It  was  not,  however,  the  transpar- 
ency of  the  British  machination  that  checked  the  impulse  to  become  its 
victim.  It  was  the  extraordinary  readiness  of  our  press  and  public  men 
to  fall  into  the  pitfall.  With  some  there  can  be  no  manner  of  doubt  the 
conversion  was  venal.  We  have  become  so  habituated  to  the  charge  of 
"  British  gold,"  that  the  term  is  now  derisive.  But  that  British  gold  made 
the  path  easy,  and  the  way  shining  for  the  monstrous  proposal  of  union 
with  our  hereditary  haters  and  contemners,  no  one  acquainted  with  Brit- 
ish methods  doubts. 

While  a  vigilant,  satanic,  unceasing  corps  was  employed  in  watching 
the  ill-natured  utterances  of  the  continental  press,  the  gist  of  whatever 
was  acrimonious  was  carefully  collated  and  telegraphed  to  London,  and 
there  made  into  paragraphs  of  studious  malignity  for  our  home  consump- 
tion;  the  savage  denunciation,  the  brutal  innuendoes  of  the  high  caste 
British  periodicals  were  rigorously  ignored  or  explained  away. 


THE  SATURDAY  REVIEW.  41 

If  there  is  a  journal  in  the  British  isles  that  faithfully  voices  the  in- 
alienable rancor,  the  inborn  hatefulness  of  the  whole  British  race,  it  is 
the  Saturday  Review.  A  half  century  ago,  Matthew  Arnold  took  up 
arms  to  educate  that  journal  in  the  graces  of  suavity,  or  sweetness  and 
light :  to  turn  its  tone  into  the  "  sweet  reasonableness  "  of  the  master,  in 
order  that  mankind  might  be  brought  to  think  less  harshly  of  the  British. 
But  he  never  succeeded.  The  Saturday  Review  has  never  treated  the 
people  of  this  republic  other  than  as  a  vast  congeries  of  ignorant,  dis- 
honest, ungovernable  and  ungoverned  social  buccaneers.  It  was  our  in- 
veterate and  calumniating  enemy  during  the  Civil  War.  It  never  admit- 
ted that  we  exhibited  bravery,  however  constant,  in  the  long  war,  or  a 
single  virtue  of  a  great  people  during  the  five  years  of  ordeal,  when 
our  institutions  were  tried  as  by  fire.  It  vituperated  Lincoln,  from  the 
day  he  assumed  his  burden,  until  the  day  he  laid  it  down.  It  befouled 
our  eminent  men  ;  it  pilloried  our  processes  as  venal,  malodorous,  anarchic. 
It  lashed  the  Gladstone  government  to  shreds  for  assenting  to  the  Ala- 
bama award,  and  has  never  ceased  to  stigmatize  the  treaty  as  blackmail. 
In  the  scale  of  peoples,  it  has  consistently  treated  us  as  a  mingling  of 
Mexican  and  Figiians.  When  the  declaration  of  Congress,  expelling 
Spain  from  Cuba  reached  London,  this  journal  denounced  us  as  thieves 
and  bullies.  The  war  was  a  speculation  of  the  most  abhorrent  forces  of 
the  most  abhorrent  people  in  Christendom.  Now  this  is  the  real  senti- 
ment of  seven  in  ten  of  the  authoritative  Britons.  Any  citizen  of  this 
republic  who  has  sojourned  in  a  British  city,  knows  that  a  hate  of  hates, 
a  scorn  of  scorns,  animates  the  Briton  in  his  estimate  of  the  people  of 
this  republic.  It  was  but  a  few  years  ago  that  the  great  shops  in  Lon- 
don made  known  that  "  American  trade  "  was  not  desired  in  their  estab- 
lishments— by  "American,"  meaning  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 

But  a  more  eloquent  testimony  of  the  inexpugnable  rancor  borne  for 
us,  is  shown  by  the  methods  adopted  by  the  journals  and  journalists  en- 
gaged in  the  plot  to  captivate  our  alliance.  Such  a  compact  would  mean 
a  new  career  of  arrogant,  unbridled  British  domination — for  no  sooner 
were  we  compromised  by  the  bonds  of  British  intrigue,  than  we  should  be 
compelled  to  transform  our  democratic  civic  system  into  an  armed  readi- 
ness to  meet  the  enemies  Britain  would  on  the  instant  raise  for  us.  We 
should  be  dragged  into  long  and  exhaustive  wars  in  Britain's  interest,  in 
Asia,  even  in  Africa  where  the  British  thirst  to  exterminate  the  only  free 
people  left — the  Boers  of  the  Transvaal. 

But  more  machiavelian  than  this,  we  should  by  joining  in  this  nefari- 


12  AS  THE  BRITISH   ARE. 

ous  union  with  a  nation  whose  diplomacy  is  a  synonym  for  fraud  and 
perfidy,  give  bonds  against  a  future  union  with  Canada.  That  immense 
empire  bounding  us  on  the  north,  and  to  some  extent  shackling  our  ex  » 
paiision,  must  in  the  very  nature  of  things  unite  its  fortunes  with  this  re- 
public. Indeed,  the  jingoes  who  exulted  in  the  Venezuelan  complication, 
demanded  with  a  perfervid  insistence,  a  campaign  for  the  annexation  of 
the  Dominion.  The  press  of  the  country,  if  polled  a  year  ago,  would 
have  proclaimed  by  an  almost  unanimous  voice,  the  vital  need  of  absorb- 
ing the  last  relic  of  British  dominion  on  the  continent,  if  not  in  the 
waters  of  the  continent.  The  leprous  union  proposed  by  the  British 
would  have  ended  that  tendency.  As  yet,  we  have  not  been  indoctri- 
nated in  the  practice  of  despoiling  allies,  as  Britain  did  Holland,  Denmark 
and  Spain.  Hence,  Canada  would  be  safe  under  the  adage  of  honor 
among  thieves.  For  once  identified  with  the  British,  we  should  be  as  the 
British  are,  and  there  is  not  a  literature  in  Christendom,  or  paganism 
either,  where  the  British  do  not  figure  as  thieves.  If  the  republic  could 
be  lured  into  a  treaty  of  "imperialism,"  seduced  into  seizing  the  Philip- 
pines and  thus  forced  to  seek  British  countenance,  the  future  would  be 
easy  for  the  traditional  British  policy.  We  should  be  compelled  to  seek 
British  counsel  and  British  aid.  We  should  be  vulnerable  to  the  attacks 
of  coalized  Europe.  Above  all,  we  should  forever  explode  the  logic  of 
the  Monroe  doctrine.  All  of  South  America  would  be  open  to  the  enter- 
prise of  the  powers,  surfeited  but  not  slaked  by  the  pillage  of  Africa. 

The  aim  was  set  forth  with  characteristic  cynicism  to  Channcey  Depew. 
This  effusive  personage  deprecated  the  war  for  the  Cubans,  holding  it  our 
duty  to  gain  our  ends  by  diplomacy.  But  in  his  annual  tour  to  Europe 
he  was  taken  in  hand  by  the  Tory  propaganda  and  to  the  stupefaction  of 
his  admirers  came  back  after  a  six-weeks'  junket  in  British  castles,  a  con- 
vert to  war,  to  imperialism  and  to  the  British  alliance.  He  explained 
without  reserve  the  cajoleries  employed.  "You  Yankees,"  said  the 
tempters,  "  have  grown  too  big  for  your  slice  of  the  continent.  You 
must  seize  the  Philippines;  you  can  claim  it  as  we  always  do  when  we 
want  desirable  territory,  on  the  plea  of  civilization.  That's  what  we  pre- 
tend in  Egypt,  and  the  game  always 'goes.'"  It  is  easy  to  imagine  the 
leer  of  the  descendants  and  acolytes  of  the  Pitts,  the  Walpoles,  the  Cas- 
tlereaghs  and  Palmerstons,  as  these  phrases  were  Bounded  in  the  ear  of 
the  Yankee.  Depew  came  home  convinced,  and  set  to  work  at  once  to 
propagate  the  thirst  for  dominion,  the  fever  o'f  grab,  the  religion  of 
hypocrisy,  that  has  carried  the  British  on  a  tide  of  sordid  glory  and  tar- 
nished grandeur,  from  the  days  of  Elizabeth  to  the  days  of  Victoria. 


CARLYLE'S   ESTIMATE.  43 

Never  did  the  fowler  set  the  snare  with  such  contemptuous  disregard  of 
the  victim's  common  sense.  The  presses  which  had  reeked  with  disdain- 
ful disparagement  of  everything  we  did  or  attempted  to  do  ;  the  presses 
which  had  glorified  Jeff  Davis  and  the  slave  holders,  the  presses  which 
had  rated  the  people  of  the  union  as  a  mingling  of  the  ticket-of-leave 
man  and  the  Irish  bogtrotters,  in  a  day,  as  it  were,  found  that  we  were 
bone  of  British  bone,  flesh  of  British  flesh.  That  no  wiser  saying  had 
ever  been  uttered  than  the  machiavelian  gibe  of  the  time-serving  dys- 
peptic Carlyle,  that  "  King  Shakspeare  held  the  dwellers  of  the  United 
States  in  as  profound  allegiance  as  the  cult  of  royalty  itself."  The  same 
Carlyle  made  his  estimate  of  his  countrymen  as  "  Thirty  millions,  mostly 
fools."  Hence,  the  populace  of  this  country  were  accorded  the  privilege 
of  being  at  one  with  the  thirty  millions,  mostly  fools.  But  the  new 
ecstasy  went  farther.  The  chief  of  the  Tartuffe  organs  of  British  guile, 
found  that  "Americans  shared  the  hatred  of  the  continent  with  the  Brit' 
ish."  Now  for  sixty  years  the  Briton  has  been  loathed  in  continental 
Europe.  For  almost  the  same  length  of  time  the  British  casuists,  recog- 
nizing this,  have  expended  volumes  in  wonder  over  the  fact.  Various 
reasons  have  been  accepted  or  assigned — sometimes  even  the  true  causes 
have  been  complacently  admitted. 

Time  and  again,  you  might  read  in  British  monthlies  that  the  Briton 
was,  and  is,  hated  because  he  is  hateful.  The  various  states  of  Europe 
hate  the  British  because  they  have  at  various  times  made  alliance  with 
British  cabinets,  and  in  every  instance  they  have  been  cheated.  Den- 
mark hates  the  Briton,  because  in  a  time  of  peace  a  British  navy  entered 
the  harbor  of  Copenhagen  and  destroyed  half  her  fleet,  and  carried  away 
the  rest;  Holland  hates  the  British,  because  under  the  gi'ise  of  alliance, 
the  British  flag  was  flung  out  over  Dutch  colonies,  and  still  remains 
there ;  Portugal  and  Spain  hate  the  British  because  as  allies  they  robbed 
and  pillaged  them ;  Germany  and  Austria  hate  the  British,  because  in 
general  wars,  she  made  these  states  do  the  fighting,  and  when  peace  came 
seized  all  the  spoils.  France  loathes  the  British,  because  she  subsidized 
the  world  to  check  her  liberalizing  march  ;  because  she  sent  hordes  of  as- 
sassins to  murder  French  patriots  and  French  rulers;  because  she  never 
kept  faith.  Because  she  has  made  history  a  lie  and  turpitude  a  religion. 
Because  from  1789  to  1815  the  flower  and  chivalry  of  France,  that  fell 
into  British  hands  were  subjected  to  the  atrocities  we  mean  when  we 
speak  of  the  prison  ships  in  which  our  fathers  rotted  in  our  harbors; 
the  massacres  of  Wyoming  and  a  thousand  other  martyrdoms,  put  upon 
the  patriots  of  the  revolution ;  because  during  the  sweat  and  agony  of 


44  WHY   BRITAIN  IS  HATED. 

the  Civil  War,  British  ships,  British  guns,  British  aid  were  poured  out 
like  water  to  destroy  the  Union;  that  a  rebel  victory  at  Bull  Run  or 
Fredericksburg,  was  hailed  by  the  presses  that  now  degrade  us  by  their 
sycophantic  cajoleries,  which  were  then  most  ebullient  in  pronouncing  us 
corrupt  and  imbecile. 

One  Briton,  a  public  man,  member  of  Parliament  and  editor  of  a  widely 
read  weekly  journal — Henry  Labouchere,  has  never  minimized  the  crimes 
of  his  country.  He  had  opposed  the  greed  for  territory  and  the  oppres- 
sion of  weaker  powers,  both  in  Parliament  and  in  his  journal.  His  speech 
is  the  delight  of  the  British  plain  people,  for  he  sets  his  face  against  the 
enormous  expenditures  the  jingo  policy  costs  the  British  tax  payers.  He 
saw  the  object  of  "  British  sympathy  "  for  the  United  States,  and  taking 
the  conversion  of  Depew  as  a  text,  he  gave  us  warning.  Depew  went 
abroad  deprecating  any  aim  in  the  war,  other  than  the  end  Congress  de- 
clared. He  returned  converted  to  "  imperial  "  jingoism.  Labouchere  gives 
a  glimpse  of  the  seduction.  Depew  was  beset  by  aristocratic  wheedlers, 
who  know  the  weight  of  coronets  and  caste  insignia,  upon  certain  types 
of  the  Democracy.  "Keep  the  Philippines,"  they  implored,  "and  share 
China  with  us."  They  rallied  him  humorously  on  Yankee  protestations 
of  fine  sentiment,  confiding  to  him,  the  working  of  the  British  system. 
"That's  the  way  we  go  about  annexation,  we  protest  Christian  and  civi- 
lizing motives  and  promise  to  leave  as  soon  as  these  begin,  and  then  we 
stay.  Christianity  and  civilization  demand  it,  you  know,  and  we  give 
the  beggars  liberty,  law,  justice,  and  order,  which  they  never  had  before. 
It  is  in  your  blood,  you  have  come  to  it  honestly,  you  have  aroused  this 
appetite  of  earth  hunger,  and  you  cannot  stop." 

Labouchere,  who  has  been  in  public  life  longer  than  most  of  his  con- 
temporaries, adds  some  reflections  that  touch  the  British  and  their 
methods,  with  a  firm  sure  stroke :  "  I  do  not  know  who  the  statesmen 
were  that  thus  confided  in  Mr.  Depew.  Over  the  dinner  table,  with  the 
genial  American,  they  laughed  at  the  pleas  for  grab  which  they  profess  in 
public  to  their  countrymen.  They  glory  in  their  predatory  instincts. 
They  come  honestly  by  these  instincts,  they  boast  because  it  is  in  their 
blood,  and  they  advise  Americans  to  show  their  kinship  to  us  by  follow- 
ing our  example.  There  is,  however,  a  fact  which  both  they  and  Mr. 
Depew  would  do  well  to  remember  :  *  thieves  fall  out.'  *  Share  with  us 
China'  sounds  well,  but  if  the  booty  were  jointly  secured,  it  is  probable 
that  the  confederates  would  proceed  to  fight  for  the  lion's  share  of  it.  If 
the  Americans  are  wise,  they  will  maintain  the  policy  in  regard  to  their 
relations  with  foreign  nations  that  has  made  them  the  most  prosperous 


THIEVES  FALL  OUT.  45 

nation  on  the  globe.  They  would  not  annex  any  country,  where  they 
would  have  to  rule  over  subject  races.  They  will  claim  a  voice  in  any 
alterations  in  the  tenure  of  territory  on  the  continent  on  which  their  lot 
is  placed,  but  they  will  steadily  act  elsewhere  on  those  sound  principles 
of  non-intervention  that  they  have  already  so  conclusively  proved  are  the 
road  to  fortune.  They  are  entirely  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  mass 
of  Englishmen  are  the  cynical  robbers  that  their  statesmen  have  repre- 
sented them  to  be  to  Mr.  Depew.  They  have  been  temporarily  led  astray. 
But  there  are  already  signs  that  they  will  soon  return  to  the  path  of  hon- 
esty and  of  common  sense." 

Arguments  so  crudely  base,  so  cynically  rascally  were  addressed  to  the 
groveling  and  sordid  in  us  that  it  is  clear  we  are  rated  of  the  intelligence  of 
the  Pacific  islanders,  who  exchange  the  sovereignty  of  the  coral  strands  and 
palm  groves  for  casks  of  rum,  glass  beads,  or  opium.  By  some  inexplicable 
process,  the  correspondents  of  our  chief  journals  stationed  in  Britain,  be- 
came ardent  propagandists  of  the  "  deal."  For  it  was  frankly  put  upon 
this  basis.  You  need  the  markets  of  China,  the  Briton  urged.  If  you 
don't  join  hands  with  us,  Russia,  Germany  and  France  will  dismember 
the  ancient  empire,  and  then  where  will  your  trade  be?  Nor  in  the  vol- 
umes on  volumes  of  confraternal  seduction  poured  out,  was  there  any 
argument  more  valid  than  this.  Nor  did  the  sense  of  the  country  seem 
to  detect  the  shallowness  of  this  prattle.  For  why  should  China  be  any 
less  open  to  our  markets  with  Russia  and  France,  Germany  and  Austria 
ruling  the  celestial  territories,  than  when  ruled  by  the  Chinese  them- 
selves? 

If  we  have  wares  that  the  millions  of  the  Chinese  empire  need,  they 
will  buy  them  from  us,  no  matter  what  power  or  council  of  European 
powers  dominate  Pekin.  We  sell  our  wares  in  Russia,  in  Germany,  in 
France — why  should  we  find  it  any  more  difficult  to  sell  in  markets 
under  the  domination  of  these  powers?  Or,  why  should  we  need  the 
Philippines  to  insure  the  peaceful  entry  into  Oriental  ports?  Our  inter- 
ests in  Asia  remain  precisely  where  they  always  have  been  ;  we  have 
reached  a  vast  trade  there,  because  the  people  must  have  what  we  pro- 
duce. Could  any  power  or  combination  of  powers  impede  us — even  were 
they  disposed  to  ?  But  that  the  British  should  venture  to  insult  our  in- 
telligence by  this  species  of  argument,  discloses  the  ineradicable  misun- 
derstanding the  Briton  has  always  manifested  in  judging  us.  He  be- 
lieves that  the  majority  of  the  people  of  this  republic  are  knaves,  in- 
fluenced by  the  temptation  that  arms  the  cracksman  and  the  freebooter, 
and  he  addresses  us  arguments,  that  in  old  times  would  be  resented  as 


46  OUR  FOREIGN  MARKETS. 

a  cause  for  war.  With  honest  wares  to  offer  the  world,  it  is  a  matter  of 
indifference  to  this  republic  what  powers  seize  and  hold  other  people's 
territories.  But  the  Briton  urges :  "  We  have  discovered  the  immense 
potentialities  of  the  United  States  for  reshaping  international  destinies, 
and  with  the  discovery  has  come  the  realization  of  the  fact  that  only  by 
the  aid  of  American  influence  can  grave  disasters  to  the  prestige  and 
prosperity  of  the  British  empire  be  averted.  Moreover,  England  is  will- 
ing to  pay  what  she  considers  to  be  a  fair  price  for  the  necessary  coopera- 
tion. That  is  the  basis  of  the  whole  matter.  Sentiment  has  nothing  to 
do  with  it,  and  the  quicker  it  is  dismissed  from  consideration  in  connec- 
tion with  the  question  of  an  Anglo-American  understanding,  the  better 
it  will  be— for  America."  In  other  words,  Britain  will  accord  us  what  she 
cannot  possibly  keep  from  us,  if  we  will  aid  her  to  brow-beat  the  rest  of 
Europe :  maintain  her  supremacy  as  arbiter  of  international  destinies. 
If  we  are  the  hard-headed,  far  sighted  race,  we  get  credit  for  being,  the 
impudent  baseness  of  the  proposition  ought  to  be  enough  to  forever  end 
anything  but  the  most  formal  relations  with  a  power  cynical  enough  to 
make  the  proffer,  and  insulting  enough  to  believe  us  capable  of  consider- 
ing it. 


THK  KING  OF  SPAIN  AND  QCKKN  KKGENT. 


II. 

DNTIL  the  moment  the  action  of  Congress  reached  the  Spanish  people, 
no  one  in  the  peninsula  dreamed  of  the  possibility  of  war  with  this 


SAGASTA   ANNOUNCING    A   NEW   CABINET. 

republic.     The  last  to  apprehend  it,  was  the  Queen  Regent  and  the  Cab« 
inet.     Sagasta,  a  venerable  statesman  who  had  served  all  parties  and  was 

(49, 


50  SPAIN'S    DECADENCE. 

known  to  deprecate  extremes,  had  counselled  concessions  to  the  utter- 
most demands  of  the  Cubans  as  voiced  by  our  minister.  Day  by  day  all 
that  had  been  denounced  in  Spanish  administration  on  the  isle,  was 
changing.  Home  rule,  as  applied  to  Canada  by  the  British,  had  been 
formulated — above  all,  the  odious  Weyler  had  been  promptly  recalled  on 
the  urgent  suggestion  of  the  Washington  Cabinet.  Our  proffers  to  care 
for  and  feed  the  wretched  country  people,  crowded  into  the  Spanish  lines 
called  "  reconcentrados  "  had  been  accepted.  So  far  as  the  Spanish  Cab- 
inet knew,  there  were  no  further  serious  demands  to  be  made.  When 
therefore  the  command  of  Congress  reached  Madrid,  giving  Spain  three 
days  to  quit  the  island  of  Cuba — there  was  from  one  end  of  the  peninsula 
to  the  other  but  one  cry,  one  resolution — to  die  first.  Nor  was  this  con- 
sidered a  figure  of  speech,  by  the  most  patriotic  of  the  people.  Spain, 
as  all  her  children  knew,  was  far  from  a  condition  to  wage  war,  even  with 
a  less  formidable  power  than  the  republic.  For  years  her  treasury  had 
been  drained  by  colonial  wars,  by  the  creation  of  a  navy  adequate  to  her 
colonial  needs,  altogether  out  of  proportion  with  her  revenues :  by  revo- 
lution at  home,  and  insurrection  abroad;  by  the  maladministration  of  the 
finances,  by  political  jobbery,  by  the  dynastic  necessities  of  a  semi-alien 
sovereign  to  secure  by  bribery,  what  other  rulers  hold  by  loyalty  and 
patriotism. 

Carlism — the  century  curse  of  this  kingdom,  kept  the  Court  and  Cabi- 
net in  apprehension.  At  best  the  Spanish  race  have  mistaken  their  tra- 
dition for  actualities,  since  the  reign  of  Philip  II.  Under  his  hide  bound 
bigotry,  the  Spain  of  Charles  V.,  the  Spain  of  heroic  achievements  came 
to  an  end.  She  had  eminent  men  in  her  service  for  many  a  day  after, 
but  the  morale  of  the  nation  suffered  an  eclipse,  as  visible  as  it  has  here- 
tofore been  incomprehensible.  Strangely  enough  the  decadence  began 
from  above  ;  a  long  series  of  semi-imbecile  and  wholly  profligate  kings 
germinated  the  seeds  of  decadence,  which  spreading  from  court  to  camp, 
from  camp  to  cloister,  gradually  impregnated  the  race.  Neither  art  nor 
science  in  any  of  the  varied  fields  that  began  to  thrive  exotically  else- 
where, remained  in  Spain.  Decay  was  as  manifest  in  the  humbler  arts  of 
industry  as  in  the  sublimer  reaches  of  the  plastic  arts.  Since  the  six- 
teenth century,  Spain  has  produced  no  great  pictures,  no  statuary,  no 
eminent  embodiment  of  any  of  the  masterpieces  that  multiply  among 
perennially  thriving  peoples.  In  war,  the  Spanish  armies  sank  to  derision, 
her  fleets,  never  victorious  save  under  exceptional  circumstances,  became 
a  nullity  with  the  opening  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

Yet,  curiously  enough  this  people  mistaking  its  past  achievements  for 


SPAIN'S   EARLY   CONQUESTS. 


51 


present  actualities,  brought  the  career  of  the  world  master — Napoleon  to 
an  end.  It  was  the  stupefying  surrender  of  a  French  corps  d  elite, 
at  Baylen,  that  aroused  Europe  to  the  fact  that  the  master  of  victories 


DON     CARLOS. 


was  vulnerable,  that  he  could  be  beaten  in  arms,  if  a  whole  people  re* 
solved  it.  It  was  the  Spanish  people  who  wore  the  French  out,  by  the 
endurance  of  four  years  of  disaster  on  every  field  they  fought.  Three 


THE   COXQUISTADORES. 

hundred  thousand  of  the  soldiers  who  had  conquered  every  army  in 
Europe,  were  decimated.  The  Spaniards  won  what  is  called  in  sublime 
irony,  "the  war  of  independence,"  by  very  much  the  same  tactics  in 
which  the  Cubans  wasted  the  armies  of  Spain's  greatest  warriors  during 
the  last  ten  years.  Wherever  they  stood  up  in  battle  before  the  veterans 
of  Napoleon,  they  were  routed  like  herded  cattle,  but  in  the  deeps  of  the 
forest,  from  the  secret  paths  of  mountain  and  defile,  in  the  narrow 
streets  of  the  tortuous  mountain  towns,  the  deadly  stroke  of  the  guerilla 
picked  off  the  unconscious  soldiery.  Though  nominally  master  of  every 
city  aiid  strong  place  in  the  peninsula,  or  the  strategic  points,  the  invad- 
ing army  was  never  secure,  except  in  its  camps. 

Nor  was  the  war  of  independence  the  only  memory  that  stood  as  an 
actuality  in  the  mind  of  the  Spaniard.  Cortez,  Pizarro,  Alva,  Ganzaga — 
the  great  captains,  were  in  the  minds  of  the  million,  living  personages  to- 
day. Though  he  may  be  unable  to  read  or  write,  the  meanest  peasant 
from  Andalusia  to  the  Basques,  knows  the  story  of  the  great  conquista- 
dor Cortez,  the  ungovernable  boy,  who,  fleeing  from  the  trammels  of  the 
law  sought  glory  and  gold  in  the  Eldorado  Columbus  had  just  given  to 
Spain.  How  he  had  impressed  his  courage  and  ability  on  the  viceroy  of 
Cuba,  who  was  in  need  of  a  submissive  lieutenant  to  blaze  the  way  for 
a  secure  conquest  of  the  fabled  Mexico.  How  with  500  men,  Cortez 
landed  on  the  Mexican  shores,  astutely  availed  himself  of  the  supersti- 
tious awe  of  the  people,  who  believed  the  strange  white  beings  gods, 
pushed  on  throught  he  swarming  millions  to  the  capital  of  the  Montezu- 
m;is ;  dominated  these  wild  and  credulous  children  of  the  sun.  How 
when  the  truth  dawned  upon  them  that  the  whites  were  mere  mortals, 
and  they  arose  in  vengeance,  Cortez  with  his  500  held  them  at  bay  and 
though  half  his  force  was  slaughtered  in  the  "sad  night"  of  destruction, 
snatched  victory  and  conquest  from  the  very  jaws  of  ruin. 

Nor  was  this  prodigious  story  the  only  one  that  the  Spaniards  counted 
among  the  evidence  of  Spain's  superiority.  The  annals  of  no  people 
ceem  with  more  audacious  enterprises,  more  constancy  in  every  conceiv- 
able danger  and  hardship.  Scores  of  historical  masterpieces  in  every 
tongue  are  devoted  to  the  stirring  tale.  The  humblest  Spaniard  in  com- 
mon with  the  proudest,  could  not  conceive  the  inheritors  of  such  ances- 
tors, such  traditions,  vulnerable  to  a  race  of  yesterday,  as  it  were.  What 
though  there  were  seventy  millions  of  people  in  the  arrogant,  parvenu 
republic;  could  such  a  race  pretend  to  give  law  to  the  inheritors  of  the 
men  who  had  conquered  the  masters  of  the  old  world  and  made  the  new? 
Add  to  this,  that  reading  as  we  know  it,  does  not  exist  in  the  peninsula. 


BRITISH  INTRIGUES.  63 

That  learning,  education  are  prerogatives  of  the  rich,  the  well  born. 
That  newspapers  are  rare  and  costly.  That  the  mind  of  the  Spain  of  to- 
day, is  the  mind  of  the  Spain  three  centuries  ago. 

When  a  people  are  dependent  for  arms,  for  every  article  of  commerce, 
when  their  ships  are  built  in  foreign  dock  yards,  their  railways  con- 
structed, operated  by  foreign  artisans  and  foreign  capital,  their  mechanic 
arts  carried  on  by  strangers,  even  their  hostleries  and  pleasure  houses 
managed  by  foreign  syndicates,  their  mineral  wealth  exploited  by  outside 
companies,  even  their  vineyards  in  the  hands  of  aliens ;  it  is  not  hard  to 
prophesy  the  helplessness  of  such  a  people  in  the  operations  of  war,  now- 
reduced  to  an  exact  science. 

Since  the  day  Spain  accepted  the  alliance  of  the  Briton,  her  decadence 
has  been  steady,  insidious,  decisive.  For  the  "war  of  independence" 
carried  on  by  British  treasure  and  manipulated  in  British  interests,  was 
but  the  transfer  of  the  destinies  of  Spain  from  the  constitutional  liberal- 
ism of  Napoleon's  well-meant  usurpation,  to  the  maleficient  despotism  of 
Bourbonism,  under  the  tutelage  of  British  greed  and  duplicity.  The 
British  alliance  in  Spain,  as  everywhere  else  that  this  unholy  bond  has 
been  formed,  has  brought  rot,  decay  and  extinction  to  all  nationality.  It 
was  a  British  alliance  that  wrought  the  destruction  of  Holland  ;  it  was 
British  alliance  that  dragged  France  to  the  abysm  of  anarchy  from  1815 
to  1852.  It  was  British  alliance  that  blotted  Prussia  from  the  map  of 
Europe  in  1805  and  Austria  from  1797  to  1815.  It  was  by  alliances  with 
her  destined  victims  that  the  British  succeeded  in  seizing  a  third  of  the 
colonies  of  the  globe.  But  of  all  the  victims  of  British  alliance,  Spain  is 
the  most  warning  example,  for  every  step  in  the  decadence  of  the  people 
is  clearly  traceable  to  British  instrumentalities  in  specious  forms. 

To  the  student,  there  was  the  pathos  of  the  inscrutable  in  the  causes 
and  passion  that  thrust  this  republic  to  the  front  as  the  instrument  of 
Spain's  last  devastation.  For  even  the  most  ardent  friends  of  Spain  felt 
from  the  first,  that  the  perishing  people  of  the  peninsula — sixteen  or 
seventeen  millions — were  no  match  for  the  seventy  million  robust  antag- 
onists, the  war  made  us.  There  were  exhaustive  arguments  and  studies 
in  foreign  periodicals  demonstrating  the  inevitable  outcome  of  the  im- 
pending conflict.  The  republic  of  course,  must  carry  her  point  in  the 
end.  But  the  earlier  stages  of  the  war  would  witness  destructive  over- 
throws of  the  republic's  fleets ;  of  her  armies  by  disease  in  the  swamps  of 
Cuba.  For  a  year  at  least,  it  was  circumstantially  prefigured,  the  repub- 
lic would  have  to  learn  war  at  the  hands  of  her  weaker  foe ;  on  sea  and 
land  she  would  be  overwhelmed  by  the  superior  fleets  and  the  better  dis- 


64  SPAIN'S  FLEETS  ON  PAPER. 

ciplined  soldiery  of  the  Castilian  elite.  The  array  of  the  Spanish  fleets 
oil  paper,  overtopped  all  the  republic  could  muster  in  majesty  and 
science.  The  trained  ranks  of  a  regular  army,  that  had  lived  on  war, 
would  rout  the  raw  levies — howsoever  brave — hastily  called  from  the 
pursuits  of  peace.  Our  great  seaboard  cities,  it  was  mathematically 
demonstrated,  would  be  either  leveled  or  ransomed  within  ten  days  of 
the  opening  of  hostilities!  The  points  of  vantage  on  our  coast  were 
pointed  out,  where  the  invincible  fleets  of  Spain,  in  the  early  days  of  the 
conflict,  would  entrench  bases  for  supply  and  even  recruiting  stations  for 
the  army  and  navy. 

For  among  the  extraordinary  delusions  holding  the  fixity  of  an  axiom 
in  the  foreign  mind,  was  the  conviction  that  the  population  of  this  repub- 
lic was  not  of  the  homogeneous  texture  that  makes  the  multitude  patriots, 
that  inspires  men  to  quit  home,  wealtk  getting — all  the  ease  and  ends  of 
life,  in  short,  to  defend  the  flag,  to  illustrate  it,  if  need  be.  The  ablest 
polemists,  the  most  admired  philosophers,  made  this  mixture  of  races,  this 
disparity  of  citizenship,  one  of  the  fatal  drawbacks  to  vigorous  and  sus- 
tained effort  on  the  part  of  this  country.  Indeed  the  universality  of  this 
belief — that  the  peoples  of  this  republic — who  have  not  even  a  generic 
name;  who  have  no  country  in  the  sense  that,  the  Frenchman,  Italian 
and  Spaniard  have  their  "  patrie,"  the  Germans,  their  "  fatherland,"  could 
not  be  brought  to  face  the  self-sacrifices  of  war,  the  immolation  of  soldier- 
ing or  sailoring,  colored  the  judgments  of  our  critics.  The  generality 
of  this  belief  and  its  serious  utterance,  are  another  testimony  to  the 
superficiality  of  general  knowledge. 

The  most  cursory  glance  at  the  history  of  the  republic,  from  the  infant 
efforts  of  the  colonists,  to  the  prodigious  enterprises  of  the  Civil  War, 
would  have  admonished  theorists  of  this  text,  that  no  struggles  in  the 
evolution  of  peoples,  demonstrated  more  devotion  to  all  the  symbols  of 
citizenship,  country,  than  the  unanimity  shown  by  the  men  who  make  up 
this  nation  ;  whether  the  volunteer  be  native  born,  alien,  or  the  descend- 
ant of  an  alien — no  state — since  the  foundation  of  Rome,  has  ever  evoked 
the  devotion  of  its  citizens  so  impulsively  as  this. 

Nor  once  since  the  formation  of  the  republic,  have  we  a  record  of  a 
treason  among  the  trusted  men  of  the  republic.  What  race,  nation,  or 
cause,  since  recorded  events  have  been  trustworthily  reported,  can  show 
a  similar  testimony?  No  one  ever  heard  of  state,  military  or  adminis- 
trative secrets,  sold  to  foreign  powers,  from  any  official  source  in  this 
country.  History  could  have  refuted  this  argument  of  Europe,  that  we 
were  bound  to  pass  through  defeat  to  ultimate  triumph,  but  our  history 


YANKEE    COUSINS.  55 

does  not  seem  to  have  interested  the  foreigner.  Sor  Is  this  surprising,  for 
we  are  separated  from  the  continental  peoples  by  the  barrier  of  language 
— all  that  is  known  of  us  on  the  continent,  is  caught  up  from  British 
renderings.  Now,  though  we  use  the  same  tongue  as  the  British,  we  ara 
as  little  known  to  the  majority  of  the  islanders,  as  we  are  to  the  Germans, 
the  French  or  the  Russians.  Such  history  as  the  continent  reads  con- 
cerning the  United  States,  is  translated  from  British  texts.  Any  one 
familiar  with  the  appreciations  of  this  republic,  and  its  manners,  insti- 
tutes, habits,  tendencies,  government  and  administration,  as  set  forth 
in  British  works,  is  not  surprised  at  the  grotesque  misjudgments  passed 
upon  us  by  continental  jcritics.  Until  within  a  few  years — coincident  in 
fact  with  the  President's  message  on  British  rapacity  in  Venezuela,  Brit' 
ish  discourse  on  the  republic  and  its  people,  was  a  mingling  of  derisive 
misinformation,  ironic  tolerance  or  insufferable  condescension.  It  is  no 
orime  in  the  Briton  to  know  little  or  nothing  of  the  republic  or  its  peo- 
ple, but  it  is  in  keeping  with  his  world-wide  status  in  perfidy,  that  he  re- 
produces us  to  the  rest  of  the  world,  without  warning  the  reader  that 
his  assertions  are  conjectures,  his  deductions  half  truths,  his  estimates 
partial. 

It  is  easy  to  comprehend  why  the  British  should  estimate  us  in  fantas- 
tic disproportion.  We  are  a  new  people  ;  our  history  is  humdrum  :  there 
Are  none  of  the  scenic  situations  in  our  development  that  a  European 
people  presents.  Our  political  intrigues  involve  no  possibility  of  war. 
What  is,  or  is  not  done,  in  our  Congress  is  a  matter  of  indifference  to 
statesmen,  guiding  other  peoples.  The  success  or  defeat  of  one  or  the 
other  party  in  our  elections,  bears  no  ulterior  relation  to  other  powers. 
For  an  instant,  our  assertion  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  aroused  the  super- 
cilious interest  of  Europe.  Journalists  were  despatched  from  over  the 
water  to  report  just  the  sort  of  folk  we  seemed  to  be.  Gushing  evangels 
of  "  kinship "  were  delegated  from  London  to  melt  the  sensibilities  of 
"  the  better  classes  "  of  the  States,  by  the  proclamation  of  the  love  the 
British  people  felt  for  their  "  Yankee  cousins."  But,  ap  the  yellow 
journals  of  "  the  mother  country  ",  as  the  Anglophiles  are  fond  of  styling 
Britain,  protested  British  love,  the  "nobility  and  gentry"  made  manifest 
the  contemptuous  scorn  in  which  we  are  now  and  always  have  been  held 
by  the  ruling  caste. 

It  was  largely  by  depending  on  British  estimates  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  that  the  Spanish  people  and  Spanish  ministers  played  the 


56  SPAIN  TEMPORIZES. 

fatal  game  of  temporization.  They  had  learned  from  British  diplomnts 
and  British  presses  that  we  were  ineradicably  corrupt;  that  our  politicians 
were  braggart  irvespousibles ;  that  the  multitude  were  so  intent  on  heap- 
ing up  millions,  they  would  not  stop  for  war,  even  if  the  Congress  and 
the  President  should  have  the  courage  to  declare  it.  Down  to  the  last 
penny  in  our  treasury,  the  last  bolt  in  our  war  ships,  the  Spaniard  got 
his  information  from  British  presses,  British  publicists,  and  British 
agents.  It  was  an  unquestioned  acceptance  of  this  voice,  that  led 
them  into  the  fools'  paradise  of  confidence,  which  made  the  Spanish 
masses  turn  in  execration  upon  the  British,  so  soon  as  the  war  was  de- 
clared. Then  the  Briton  revealed  himself;  the  presses  scolded  the  Span- 
iard for  dreaming  of  war  with  such  a  treasury  as  the  republic  had  at  its 
disposal.  They  pointed  out  the  impossibility  of  meeting  such  an  adver- 
sary on  equal  terms.  They  reminded  Spain  that  the  Yankees  were  of 
British  kin,  and  that  the  race  was  always  victorious  at  sea.  The  wretched 
Spaniards  began  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  abyss  they  had  dug  for  them 
selves. 

But  there  were  other  powers  that  had  sometimes  shown  generosity. 
France  had  gone  to  war  for  ideas;  had  fought  to  give  Italy  unity  and 
freedom ;  had  shed  blood  in  rivers  to  free  Poland,  had  never,  in  fact,  re- 
fused to  aid  the  overmatched.  Then  too,  the  French  were  kin  ;  they  were 
of  the  same  ancient  stock — that  is  to  say,  the  two  peoples  could  be  traced 
to  a  single  source,  called  in  the  confusing  jargon  of  the  learned, — 
"  Latins."  France  too,  or  her  financiers,  held  millions  on  millions  of 
Spanish  bonds;  French  skill,  taste  and  enterprise  were  in  exploitation  of 
nearly  every  branch  of  domestic  handicraft  in  the  peninsula.  France 
surely  would — the  Spaniard  believed — fling  the  tri-color  out  beside  the 
livid  oriflamme  of  Castile.  But,  while  the  ranks  of  pleasure,  the  bankers 
and  journalists,  fell  into  fervid  exclamations  of  sympathetic  admiration  for 
the  harassed  cousins  across  the  Pyrenees,  the  sober  peasantry,  the  hard- 
headed  bourgeoise,  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Democracy,  turned  away  in 
silence.  It  was  hard  to  be  unneighborly  they  said  in  dumb  show — but 
France  as  a  republic  could  not  give  more  than  platonic  sympathy — even 
to  a  cousin.  Then  a  Minister  of  the  Queen  arose  in  the  Cortes — with  a 
Jeremiah  lament,  that  impressed  the  nations.  Europe,  he  declared,  had 
lost  its  soul.  There  is  no  longer  a  sentiment  of  chivalry  ;  the  adoration 
of  might  has  obliterated  the  very  idea  of  the  profit  of  right.  Europe 
wants  cent  per  cent.,  for  whatever  she  does.  We  must  go  with  our 
hands  full  and  pay  a  big  price  if  we  expect  help. 

Just  what  Spain  took  in  her  hands  when  she  appeared  in  Berlin — this 
generation  will  probably  not  know — but  Berlin  seems  to  have  found  the 
handful  nearly  enough — for  thereafter  the  master  of  Germany  did  every- 


SYMPATHY  FOR  SPAIN. 


69 


thing  but  send  men  and  fleets  to  support  the  lavish  hand.  Not  that  the 
Powers  were  not  in  sympathy  with  Spain  ;  when  the  time  comes  to  disclose 
the  official  documents  —  it  will  be  seen  that  every  Cabinet  in  Europe,  from 
the  Thames  to  the  Neva,  was  of  one  mind,  so  far  as  partiality  for  Spain 
went.  But  —  the  spoil  to  be  gathered  afterward  —  divided  the  harmonious 
concert.  By  concessions  in  China  —  the  Russian  bear  and  British  lion 
would  have  roared  together  behind  the  Spanish  plume.  By  breaking  the 
compact  with  Russia  and  joining  hands  with  Britain,  France  might  have 
shared  the  Philippine  conquest  with  the  preacher  of  "Anglo-Saxon'' 
solidarity.  But  Spain  could  not  prevail  on  France  to  break  with  Russia 
for  the  doubtful  boon  of  sharing  British  gains.  France  had  experienced 
the  lack  of  equity  in  British  alliances,  and  refused  to  join  the  plot.  But 
from  the  very  blackness  and  deeps  of  defeat  and  affront,  —  British  diplo- 
macy plucked  the  imposing  semblance  of  a  masterstroke.  As  if  by  magic, 
the  whole  world  awoke  one  morning  and  found  this  Republic  enamored 
of  Great  Britian.  The  tale  is  as  humorous  as  Shakespeare's  analogous 
miracle—  Titania's  infatuation  for  the  ass  I 


COAST  DEFENCE  GUN  AT  CADIZ. 


PART  II. 

IN  the  grandiose  pageantry  of  history,  there  is  no  host  legendary  or  ideal 
that  stands  out  more  impressively  than  the  groups  who  wrought 
Spain's  earlier  destinies,  and  impressed  her  supremacy  on  two  worlds* 
From  the  almost  fabulous  conquests  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, — to  the 
subjugation  of  the  two  Americas,  the  Spaniard  illustrated  every  trait  as- 
sociated with  heroism.  Under  the  sceptre  of  Charles  V.,  more  than  half 
of  Europe  paid  tribute  to  the  genius  of  Spain.  Like  Rome  she  estab- 
lished her  religion,  her  language,  her  laws,  over  unknown  lands  and  peo- 
ples— a  million  fold  more  numerous  than  her  own  children.  From  his- 
sombre  cell  in  the  Escurial,  Philip  II.  sent  mandates  to  his  lieutenants — 
who  ruled  the  then  unknown  continents  of  North  and  South  America — 
even  the  Philippines  now  at  the  disposal  of  this  republic. 

The  dynastic  wars  of  the  eighteenth  century  began  the  demolition 
of  this  colonial  world  empire.  The  seating  of  a  French  Prince,  the 
grandson  of  the  Bourbon  King  Louis  the  XIV.,  stimulated  the  jealous 
rage  of  Britain,  Austria  and  the  Stadt-Halter  of  Holland,  the  crafty  Prince 
of  Orange — who  by  arts  and  conduct  little  in  keeping  with  his  professions, 
gained  possession  of  the  British  throne.  The  Continental  Powers  were 
intent  on  crippling  the  European  extension  of  French  domination,  while 
the  British  were  bent  on  appropriating  the  American  possessions  of  the 
decaying  Spain.  When  the  war  ended,  the  French  Prince  was  left  undis- 
turbed on  the  throne  of  the  great  Emperador  Charles — but  all  coveted 
parts  of  the  vast  possessions  of  the  crown  had  fallen  into  British  hands. 

When  the  Napoleonic  wars  began,  Spanish  power  and  Spanish  admin- 
istration were  the  scorn  of  Europe.  The  Bourbon  monarchy,  pendulating 
between  the  caprice  of  women  and  the  ineptitude  of  monks,  ennobled  the 
worst  Moslem  regime  by  contrast.  A  Bourbon  King  invoked  the  army  of 
Napoleon  to  curb  the  plotting  of  the  heir  to  the  throne.  In  contempt  of 
law,  policy,  and  even  personal  honor,  Napoleon  set  the  dynasty  aside  and 
installed  his  brother  in  the  palace  of  the  Hapsburg  Caesars.  His  methods 
of  doing  this  were  of  a  piece  with  the  substitution  of  the  Houses  of 
Orange  and  Hanover,  for  the  Stuarts  in  Britain — but  he  neglected  to 
cover  his  designs  with  the  panoply  of  religion  and  liberty,  which  the 
Britain  flings  over  similar  predations.  The  Spanish,  who  loathed  their 
imbecile  kings,  were  inflamed  to  expel  the  invader — even  though  that  in- 

(60) 


SPAIN  IN  BONDAGE.  61 

vader  had  begun  the  work  of  political,  social  and  religious  reconstruction 
that  would  have  made  Spain  a  well-governed,  enlightened  and  liberal 
regime.  But  it  was  to  the  vital  "  interests "  of  Britain — her  oligarchy 
and  her  traffic,  that  Spain  should  be  kept  in  political  and  social  bondage. 
British  subsidies  were  poured  in  Klondike  streams  into  the  treasuries  of 
the  provincial  juntas,  which  claimed  to  embody  the  patriotism  of  the 
Spanish  people.  To  the  subsidies  were  added  armies — such  as  Britain 
had  never  before  organized,  even  for  the  crushing  of  our  forefathers.  By 
attrition,  by  fomenting  the  passions  of  the  people,  by  coalizing  Europe, 
Napoleon  was  diverted  from  completing  the  military  conquest  of  the 
peninsula,  and  finally  when  swirled  into  the  campaign  in  Russia,  the 
British,  with  all  Spain  swarming  in  arms  about  Wellington's  army,  were 
emboldened  to  face  the  depleted  ranks  of  France,  and  drove  them  over  the 
border. 

From  that  day  to  this,  British  intrigue  has  held  Spain  as  firmly  in  the 
grasp  of  British  interest  as  Australia  or  Canada.  During  the  campaign 
from  1808  until  1813,  the  British  laid  claim  to  supporting  and  upholding 
the  Spanish  people  in  their  efforts  for  independence ;  they  formed  the 
wild  enthusiasts  that  flocked  to  the  Spanish  standard  in  their  own  simil- 
itude. They  breathed  the  breath  of  national  life  into  them.  They  denied 
the  armies,  they  organized  every  able-bodied  man  on  the  peninsula — in- 
cluding Portugal — the  first  attribute  of  soldiery ;  they  protested  that  no 
Spanish  army,  whatever  its  number  or  howsoever  well  equipped,  could  be 
brought  to  stand  a  volley  from  the  French,  no  matter  how  inferior  in 
numbers  or  lacking  in  supplies.  British  reports  were  laden  with  the 
fanatic  savagery  of  the  Spaniards,  gentle  and  simple.  Yet  Napier,  the 
standard  historian  of  the  Wellington  campaign,  puts  on  record  that  the 
British  soldiery — whenever  it  was  victorious  in  town  or  camp,  outvied 
savages  in  the  excesses  committed  on  women  and  property. 

Every  great  power  in  Christendom  maintains  officers  at  the  capitals  of 
other  states,  to  keep  track  of  the  status  of  military  and  naval  invention, 
increase  in  fleets,  armaments,  and  the  whole  field  covering  efficiency  in 
war.  Now — when  war  was  declared,  our  administrative  bodies  were  not 
certain  of  the  proportion  of  the  fleets,  nor  the  effectiveness  of  the  arma- 
ments that  could  be  put  to  immediate  use  by  Spain. 

It  was  after  1868,  when  the  Spanish  naval  system  went  to  pieces  from 
the  dry  rot  of  maladministration,  that  the  government  took  in  hand  the 
re  creation  of  a  navy  capable  of  safeguarding  the  monarchy  both  at  home 
and  abroad.  The  dockyards  of  Spain  and  the  mechanical  ingenuity  of 
*be  people  were  unequal  to  carrying  out  the  decrees  of  the  Cortes.  The 


62  TORPEDO  VESSELS. 

building  of  the  vessels  was  therefore  turned  over  to  the  dockyards  of 
Britian,  Italy  and  Germany.  In  the  course  of  ten  years,  more  than  a 
hundred  fighting  craft — from  armored  cruisers  and  battle  ships  to  tor- 
pedo-boats, were  turned  over  to  the  Spanish  marine.  They  represented 
at  the  epochs  when  completed,  the  very  farthest  advance  in  the  perfection 
of  fighting  machines.  In  the  rating  of  navies,  the  maritime  forces  of 
Spain  have  been  given  rank  after  Germany  and  Italy.  The  battle  ships 
and  cruisers  were  accounted  as  effective  as  any  similar  vessels  in  the 
British  fleets,  which  are  conceded  precedence  above  all  the  powers  both  in 
number  and  destructiveness.  While  the  perfection  of  the  Spanish  ships 
was  universally  admitted,  there  was,  even  before  Dewey's  and  Schley's 
demonstration,  some  doubt  as  to  the  efficiency  of  the  officers  and  crews 
to  handle  mechanism  requiring  qualities  and  aptitudes  so  unlike  the  pro- 
verbial gifts  of  the  Spaniard. 

But  while  this  was  admitted,  it  was  universally  held  that  the  possession 
of  a  crushing  preponderance  of  torpedo  vessels  would  make  it  perilous 
for  the  fleets  of  the  republic  to  stand  up  before  the  enemy's  war  ships — 
even  in  equal  numbers.  It  was  pointed  out  by  military  writers,  that  the 
efficiency  of  the  naval  army  had  been  greatly  impaired  by  the  drastic 
abolition  of  privileges,  brought  about  after  the  revolution  of  1868.  Since 
that  time  the  nobility,  the  wealthy  in  the  coast  provinces  have  not  con- 
tributed their  due  proportion  to  the  marine  service.  Hence,  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  seamen  and  many  of  the  officers,  go  on  board  the  ships 
from  the  interior,  with  no  sea  habitudes.  Every  Spaniard  is  bound  to 
serve  with  the  colors  after  the  age  of  nineteen,  and  it  is  made  optional  up 
to  a  certain  number  whether  the  conscript  shall  join  the  land  or  sea  forces. 
Hence,  while  implicit  confidence  was  generally  expressed,  by  European 
critics,  in  the  intelligence,  skill  and  patriotism  of  the  naval  hierarchy,  there 
was  an  admitted  uncertainty  as  to  the  plain  tar. 

This  doubt  was  more  than  justified  in  the  combat  which  involved  the 
destruction  of  Cervera's  fleet  at  Santiago.  Our  sailors  found  guns  loaded 
and  ready  to  fire,  and  other  evidences  of  slack  discipline  and  half-hearted 
endeavor.  But  Cervera  and  his  staff  supply  the  most  explicit  evidence. 
They  declare  that  the  officers  were  compelled  to  humor  the  gun  crews 
with  draughts  of  brandy,  and  stand  over  them  with  drawn  cutlasses  to 
keep  them  working  the  batteries.  There  are  other  and  more  signifi- 
cant circumstances  to  account  for  the  astounding  collapse  of  the  Spanish 
sailor  while  fighting  his  ship. 

The  official  caste  of  a  Spanish  vessel  preserves  all  the  odious  abuses  that 
have  been  abolished  from  the  navies  of  other  and  freer  countries.  The  tales 


THE  SPANISH  SAILOR.  08 

of  inhumanity  related  of  the  tar's  life  on  the  conquered  fleets,  revive  the 
excesses  of  old  time  British  barbarism.  Every  ancient  punishment  identi- 
fied with  the  brutalities  of  the  navy,  still  holds  a  place  in  the  discipline  of 
the  Spanish  fleets.  From  the  moment  the  sailor  sets  his  foot  on  the  ves- 
sel, often  entrapped  by  the  petty  officers,  he  is  made  to  feel  that  no 
daring,  no  devotion  to  duty,  can  bring  him  into  anything  like  equality 
with  the  officer.  He  is  regarded  as  of  another  class  of  the  human  ;  he 
is  made  to  do  the  duty  of  a  menial — from  the  caring  for  his  superior's 
shoes,  to  washing  his  soiled  linen.  For  the  slightest  infringement  of  the 
capricious  and  onerous  regulations  of  the  ship,  he  may  be  strung  up  by 
the  thumbs,  lashed  on  the  naked  back,  or  confined  in  an  airless  chamber, 
and  fed — by  a  refinement  of  cruelty,  on  salt  fish,  until,  mad  with  the 
delirium  of  thirst,  he  is  haled  out  to  take  his  chances  of  recovery, 
through  burning  fever. 

So  ill  is  the  fame  of  the  treatment  of  the  common  sailor,  that  of  late 
years  the  Spanish  Admiralty  have  been  compelled  to  wink  at  a  very 
general  practice  of  what  is  called  "  shanghaeing,"  that  is  the  systematic 
search  for  stalwart  youth,  the  leading  them  to  places  of  depravity  and 
hustling  them  on  board  ship,  while  in  drunken  stupor.  This  would 
hardly  be  considered  a  ^lomising  novitiate  for  a  sailor, — but  two-thirds 
of  the  crews  that  manned  the  ships  of  Great  Britain  down  to  within  a 
half  century,  were  obtained  in  this  odious  way  ;  with  men  thus  impressed, 
Nelson  won  the  combats  that  Britain  reckons  her  chief  glory.  Yet  with 
all  this  in  mind,  the  critics  of  Europe  professed  the  conviction  that  our 
improvised  sailors  would  prove  no  match  for  these  Spanish  serfs.  Nor  is 
it  unlikely  that  the  knowledge  of  the  status  of  the  Spanish  common 
sailor,  gave  Dewey  and  Schley  and  our  commanders  everywhere,  the  con- 
fidence that  seemed  recklessness.  They  knew  that  crews  hating  their 
officers  could  not  be  made  to  fight,  as  the  humanely  treated  sailors  of 
our  navy  fight.  But  to  the  Spaniard,  the  navy,  in  some  occult  sense 
typifies  his  religion, — his  ancestry — the  enshrined  heroic  phalanxes — 
from  the  dim  beginning  of  the  race  until  its  apogee  under  Charles  II. 

The  naming  of  the  ships  attests  at  once  the  idealism  and  the  credulity 
of  the  Spanish  mind.  Of  old,  the  names  of  the  Armadas  embraced  the  rubric 
of  the  saints.  A  British  Admiral  attacking  a  Spanish  fleet  in  the  last  cen- 
tury felt  as  if  he  were  invading  heaven — for  the  names  of  most  of  the  saints 
could  be  found  on  the  Spanish  hulls.  The  present  fleets  however,  embalm 
the  secular  worthies  of  the  race,  from  that  wondrous  hero  Pelayo,  to  Don 
Antonio  D'Ulloa — whose  namesake  went  down  in  the  harbor  of  Manila. 
Don  Antonio  was  a  scientist,  who  in  moments  of  leisure,  commanded  his 
4 


64  SPAIN'S  ADMIRALS. 

country's    fleets    and    administered    her   colonies   as   viceroy.     He    was 


BOW    OF   THE    "  ALMIRANTE   OQUKNDO. 

governor  of  Louisiana  during  Spain's  occupancy  of  that  colony,  but  his 


NAVAL    NOMENCLATURE.  65 

memory  is  cherished  as  the  man  who  founded  the  observatory  at  Cadiz 
and  the  conception  of  the  only  important  engineering  works  of  a  remark- 
able character  on  the  peninsula. 

The  Spaniard  acquainted  with  the  history  of  his  country,  must  have  re- 
flected on  the  irony  of  the  naval  nomenclature,  when  he  read  of  the  fate 
of  the  Almirante  Oquendo — in  the  surf  of  Santiago.  Oquendo  is  a  name 
that  holds  about  the  same  place  in  Spanish  naval  glory,  that  Farragut 
does  in  ours.  Three  generations  of  Oquendos  distinguished  themselves 
in  the  Spanish  naval  service,  between  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  and  the 
middle  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  Oquendo  family  belonged  to 
the  province  of  Vizcaya,  and  the  second  vessel  of  the  fleet,  strangely 
enough,  bore  the  name,  and  went  down  with  the  Oquendo.  The  great 
Admiral,  the  father,  held  a  place  in  the  "Invincible  Armada  "  correspond- 
ing to  that  of  a  commodore.  He  commanded  the  Guipuzcoa  squadron. 
His  son  Antonio  was  ten  years  old  at  that  time;  at  the  age  of  twenty-six, 
in  1604,  he  commanded  a  squadron  which  destroyed  a  fleet  of  British  cor- 
sairs. Three  years  later,  Almirante  Oquendo  wrought  havoc  among  the 
Dutch  ships  of  war  that  were  convoying  the  East  India  merchant  fleet 
past  the  Spanish  coast.  In  1631  he  gained  a  great  victory  over  the 
Dutch  Admiral,  Adrian  Hanspater,  off  the  Argentine  coast,  and  accord- 
ing to  Spanish  authorities,  a  Dutch  fleet  which  Oquendo  successfully 
withstood  in  the  French  Channel  some  years  later,  outnumbered  the 
Spanish,  by  five  vessels  to  one.  Antonio  de  Oquendo,  as  well  as  Miguel 
his  son,  were  and  are  regarded  as  the  type  of  the  Spaniard  that  gave 
Spain  the  world. 

But  the  vessel  that  Spaniards  of  all  ranks  and  conditions  regard  with 
reverence  is  the  Pelayo,  the  monarch  of  the  Spanish  navy — commemorat- 
ing a  character,  half  historical,  half  mythical — the  founder  of  the 
Spanish  nation.  Beyond  the  Cid — beyond  all  the  great  captains,  mon- 
archs  and  conquistadores,  Don  Pelayo  holds  the  reverential  devotion  of 
all  Spaniards.  He  appeared  in  the  seventh  century,  when  Spain  was  the 
prey  of  the  Moors.  He  is  variously  set  forth  as  of  the  Roman  race  that 
peopled  Spain,  and  the  Goths  that  poured  in  from  the  Pyrenees  frontier. 
Pelayo  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  and  on  his  return  found  that 
the  Moors  in  their  conquering  northward  march,  had  subjugated  his 
birthplace,  the  Asturias.  He  breathed  the  vigor  of  resistance  into  his 
clansmen.  He  raised  an  army  and  defeated  the  pagans.  His  victory 
was  entered  in  the  records  of  this  time  as  "  Miraculous,"  because  the 
Moors  were  more  than  a  thousand  to  Pelayo's  one !  He  was  elected  king 
by  the  Gothio  nobles,  and  from  that  kingdom  comes  the  dynasty  of  to- 


66 


NAVAL  NOMENCLATURE. 


day.  It  is  further  of  record,  that  Pelayo  was  the  first  Spaniard  voted 
the  right  to  use  the  title  Don — hitherto  employed  only  to  designate  saints. 
Spanish  kings  are  always  to  this  day  called  Don — as  Don  Alfonso  XII. 
The  Carlists  pretenders  adhere  rigidly  to  the  Don,  and  the  title  is  in- 
separable from  their  name,  whether  ruling  or  conspiring. 


TORPEDO   BOAT   IN   A  GALK. 


III. 

WAR  once  begun,  invoked  as  the  majority  believed,  recklessly,  the 
country  began  to  consider  with  poignant  questioning  the  char- 
acter and  resources  of  the  antagonist  we  had  challenged.  Thirty  years 
of  controversy  in  the  press,  heated  declamation  in  Congress  and  on  the 
stump,  had  not  disturbed  the  ancient  admiration  of  the  cultivated  for  the 
splendid  qualities  that  had  made  Spain  mighty  and  admirable  in  other 
days.  Indeed,  outside  the  ebullition  of  demagogues  and  the  repulsive 
jargon  of  jingo  presses,  there  was  never  a  rancorous  feeling  against  the 
Spanish  people.  Our  literature  from  the  first  gropings  of  our  earliest 
writers  is  filled  with  appreciation  and  even  reverence  for  the  master 
rninds,  and  masterpieces  of  Spanish  art.  Next  to  Shakespeare,  the 
genius  of  Cervantes  finds  its  warmest  and  most  generous  admirers  in  this 
country. 

The  historical  studies  of  Prescott,  of  Washington  Irving,  Ticknor,  to 
omit  scores,  have  made  the  Spaniard  of  the  past  two  centuries  much  more 
kin  to  us  than  the  races  on  the  British  Isles,  who  sometimes  acknowledge 
kinship  when  the  condescension  may  serve  a  purpose.  Nor  can  it  ever  be 
forgotten  that  in  our  struggle  for  life,  Spain  was  only  second  to  France 
in  the  material  aid  given  our  forefathers.  Indeed,  had  the  Spanish  court 
refused  to  add  the  weight  of  Spain's  alliance,  France  might  never  have 
ventured  to  send  her  armies  and  fleets  so  far  from  the  kingdom.  Nor 
was  it  forgotten  that  in  the  court  of  Spain  our  modest  envoys,  both 
before  and  after  the  war,  received  distinguished  consideration,  only 
second  to  that  lavished  on  Franklin  in  the  court  of  France.  That  the 
Spanish  monarch  and  Castilian  grandees  suspended  the  most  cherished 
forms  of  etiquette  to  make  easier  for  our  homely  diplomats,  the  onerous 
burdens  they  encountered  in  Europe.  That  personal  amity  existed  be- 
tween Washington,  the  Republican  leaders,  and  the  successor  of  the 
Hapsburg  Caesar.  The  curious  too,  recalled  that  it  was  to  the  inter- 
vention of  this  good-natured  monarch,  we  owe  the  domestication  of  that 
grotesque  but  invaluable  beast  of  burden — the  mule,  for  it  was  from  his 
royal  stables,  in  Andalusia,  that  the  first  of  that  hybrid  race  came  to  this 
country,  a  present  to  General  Washington,  sent  on  the  suggestion  of 
Lafayette.  Nor  was  it  forgotten  that  after  our  independence  had  been 
wrung  from  the  hateful  shackles  of  the  arrogant  Briton,  our  ministers 

C69J 


fO  SPAIN'S  AVAILABLE  FORCES. 

forced  to  endure  endless  affronts  from  the  British  courts,  were  upheld  and 
vindicated  by  Spanish  confraternity.  But  it  was  in  the  pages  of  Spain's 
history,  that  the  mind  of  the  people  became  imbued  with  what  may  be 
called  identity  of  sentiment.  The  illustrious  men  who  ventured  into  the 
new  world,  now  dominated  by  this  republic,  seemed  in  some  incom- 
municable way,  our  own  ancestors. 

The  conquistadores — from  Columbus  to  Cortez,  from  Cortez  to  De  Soto, 
are  enshrined  among  our  national  worthies  under  the  majestic  dome  of 
the  nation's  capital.  The  deeds  of  these  great  men  are  part  of  our  heritage. 
Cortez  is  as  much  the  wonder  and  delight  of  the  children  of  this  republic, 
as  Daniel  Boone  or  the  stalwart  yeomen  who  illustrated  the  settlement 
of  the  great  West.  A  boy  of  this  republic  would  hold  it  shame  not  to 
know  the  thrilling  story  of  Cortez,  the  Arabian  tale  of  Pizarro.  The  first 
sentiment,  when  Spain  stood  before  us  as  a  foe,  was  the  consciousness  of 
the  task  of  confronting  a  race  capable  of  the  deeds  recorded  of  the  con- 
quistadores. Even  though  diminished  in  numbers,  despoiled  of  her  world 
realms,  the  victim  of  political  bravos  and  childish  bigotries,  to  the 
imagination  we  were  going  forth  to  battle  with  a  race  that  had  conquered 
every  people  in  the  world  in  other  days. 

The  presses,  the  reviews  teemed  with  studies  of  the  available  fleets  and 
armies  of  Spain.  This  was  taken  up  all  over  the  world.  It  was  the  em- 
phatically expressed  opinion  of  experts  and  amateurs  that  the  first  action 
at  sea,  if  not  on  land,  would  go  ill  with  the  improvised  army  and  navy  of 
the  republic.  The  comparison  of  the  available  war  forces  did  seem 
appalling,  when  set  forth  by  men  trained  in  analyzing  the  effectiveness  of 
armaments.  It  was  agreed  from  the  first  that  the  conflict  would  be 
mostly  on  the  sea.  There  was  never  an  idea  expressed,  either  in  Spain  or 
Europe,  that  the  monarchy  would  attempt  the  invasion  of  the  republic. 
Cuba  was  by  common  agreement  recognized  as  the  battlefield,  but  even 
in  that  field  it  was  maintained  there  would  be  little  beyond  a  blockade, 
the  island  being  in  the  nature  of  a  fortress,  assailable  only  by  overwhelm- 
ing fleets,  whose  business  it  would  be  to  starve  the  garrison  into 
surrender. 

The  conviction  was  nowhere  disputed  in  Europe,  that  the  republic 
would  make  no  effort  to  carry  hostilities  to  the  Spanish  mainland ;  it  was 
even  held  improbable  that  the  naval  operations  would  extend  beyond 
Atlantic  waters.  In  this  preconception  of  the  field  of  operations,  certain 
obvious  advantages  were  universally  conceded  to  the  enemy. 

Spain's  fleets  were  more  numerous,  her  great  battleships,  some  of  which 
had  been  viewed  with  awe  in  our  own  harbors,  where  the  workmanship  of  the 


THE   REPUBLIC'S  NAVY.  71 

foremost  yards  of  Europe  in  handicraft  and  invention.  Her  marines  had 
long  been  trained  in  the  handling  of  these  mighty  forces.  Her  officers 
were  reckoned  among  the  most  accomplished  in  Christendom.  Almost 
constant  warfare,  during  the  last  ten  years,  had  given  their  rank  and  file, 
the  experience  which  alone  can  make  the  operations  of  fleets  certain  or 
effective.  In  Havana,  and  its  ideal  harbor,  Spain  possessed  a  base,  perfect 
for  defence  or  attack.  Her  ships,  gathered  under  the  impregnable  walls 
of  Morro  Castle  and  the  ominous  miles  of  forts  commanding  the  water, 
could  from  the  outset  compel  the  naval  movements  to  take  such  form  as 
the  Spanish  Cabinet  might  seek.  This  republic  could  be  put  on  the 
defensive ;  never  certain  whether  the  squadrons  of  the  enemy  were  to 
strike  at  our  forts,  or,  by  maneuvering  with  the  advantages  of  greater 
celerity,  draw  our  fleets  into  ambush  and  destroy  them  in  detail.  For, 
added  to  other  advantages,  all  the  more  formidable  ships  of  the  enemy 
were  reputed  greater  in  speed,  by  several  miles  an  hour,  than  the  swiftest 
of  our  defenders. 

The  navy,  at  the  immediate  disposal  of  the  administration,  was  more 
formidable  on  paper  than  in  arms.  All  the  world  could  see  what  we  had, 
for  the  status  of  both  army  and  fleet  is  presented  yearly,  to  the  uttermost 
detail,  to  Congress.  The  list  comprised  four  armored  battle  ships  of  the 
first-class,  launched  and  ready — five  under  way.  Two  armored  cruisers 
of  the  second-class.  Two  armored  cruisers  of  no  class  ;  one  armored  ram. 
Thirteen  protected  cruisers — that  is  partly  covered  with  steel ;  seventeen 
gunboats ;  five  torpedo  boats.  Beside  these  there  were  six  monitors, 
designed  more  for  coast  defence  than  actual  action  at  sea.  But  beyond 
these  the  sea  administration  had  the  potentialities  of  an  almost  indefinite 
auxiliary  navy.  For  no  sooner  was  the  war  a  fact,  than  private  in- 
dividuals crowded  forward  to  put  strong  and  fleet  vessels  of  the  most 
modern  type,  at  the  service  of  the  authorities.  Equal  to  this  significant 
augmentation,  great  liners,  that  had  attained  world-wide  fame  for  the 
speed  of  their  journeys  across  the  ocean,  were  quickly  transformed  into 
formidable  cruisers,  as  was  shown  on  the  Cuban  coast ;  they  answered 
admirably  to  supplement  the  regular  battle  fleets.  Indeed,  one  of  the 
incidents  that  gave  the  country  immense  gratification  was  the  disabling  of 
the  Spanish  torpedo  boat  the  Terror,  by  the  guns  of  the  transformed 
American  liner  St.  Paul,  under  command  of  the  captain  of  the  Maine — 
Sigsbee.  Every  naval  expert  in  the  world  had  looked  forward  to  the 
havoc  bound  to  be  wrought  in  the  unwieldly  vessels  of  the  new  type,  by 
the  torpedo  craft,  swift  sailing,  slight  in  structure,  but  armed  with  appli- 
ances that  once  launched  at  an  ironclad,  no  armor  could  resist.  The 


72 


THE  "ST.  PAUL"  AND  "TERROR/ 


incredible  conquests  achieved  by  our  fleets,  hardly  won  more  attention  in 
Europe,  than  this  slight  encounter  of  the  St.  Paul  and  the  Terror.  For 
it  was  accepted  as  evidence,  that  in  the  hands  of  a  resolute  commander, 
the  iron  masses  that  make  up  the  modern  war  ship,  are  not  necessarily  at 
the  mercy  of  the  torpedo  boat.  This  however  was  a  rash  assumption,  for 


ST.    PAUL"   DISABLING   THE    "TERROR." 


our  Gushing  demonstrated  that  in  the  hands  of  a  resolute  man  the  torpedo 
is  fatal.  Of  late  years  there  had  been  immense  interest  shown  in  the 
new  navy.  The  "  White  Fleet "  had  been  pictured  in  every  journal  in  the 
country.  Every  schoolboy  could  possess  photographs  of  favorite  vessels. 
The  manning  of  the  ships  too,  had  aroused  state  and  civic  sentiment. 
Most  of  the  vessels  named  after  states  and  cities,  had  received  services  of 
plate  to  enable  the  officers  to  fitly  entertain  at  the  ship's  tables.  These 
gifts  were  made  up  from  contributions  representing  all  grades  of  the  life 
of  the  republic.  The  creation  too,  of  a  naval  reserve,  at  which  the  wise 
in  the  old  world,  jeered  unceasingly,  made  the  extemporization  of  a 
marine  as  facile  as  the  creation  of  an  army. 

There  were  both  high  inspiration  and  vague  apprehension  in  the  horizon 


CONTINENTAL  FLEETS.  73 

of  hopes  the  commanders  of  our  fleets  carried  into  the  oper&tifttii  >»ith 
Spain.  They  were  inspired  by  the  unbroken  record  of  valor  in  our  navies 
— from  1775  during  five  wars — or  sea  campaigns.  In  all  of  these  our 
mariners  had  maintained  an  incontrovertible  superiority  ovei  every  adver- 
sary encountered.  The  Continental  fleets,  though  contemptible  in  size, 
and  few  in  number,  wrought  a  havoc  in  the  ranks  of  the  British  in  almost 
grotesque  disproportion  to  their  bulk  in  build.  For  the  sailors  were  un- 
trained, the  vessels  improvised,  the  armaments  haphazard.  Yet  the  fig- 
ures collated  at  the  end  of  the  war,  revealed  the  surprising  fact  that  the 
volunteer  fleets,  comprising  privateers  mostly,  captured  eight  hundred  of 
the  enemy's  vessels.  By  the  computation,  agreed  upon  as  a  fair  average, 
fifteen  men  to  a  ship,  the  total  number  of  prisoners  could  not  have  been 
under  12,000.  This  was  wrought  by  a  force  that  never  exceeded  5,000 
men.  Among  these  12,000  taken  by  our  na>y,  there  were  at  the  low- 
est estimate,  one  thousand  regular  soldiers,  the  flower  of  the  British  army, 
whose  capture  by  the  land  forces  would  have  ranked  as  a  decisive  victory. 
But  the  record  of  actual  battles  at  sea,  when  our  navy  was  an  inchoate 
experiment,  compares  with  the  marvels  of  the  campaigns  with  Spain. 
John  Paul  Jones,  no  matter  what  the  disparity  of  forces,  the  inferiority 
of  his  ships,  never  hesitated  to  attack  a  British  ship,  wherever  encoun- 
tered. The  history  of  no  navy  records  a,  triumph  so  striking  as  the  victory 
of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  over  the  British  ship  Serapis.  In  all  that 
makes  seamanship  admirable,  the  infant  attempts  of  the  republic  rank 
with  the  finest  achievements  known  in  sea  literature. 

It  was  in  1812  however,  that  the  fleets  of  the  republic  eclipsed  all 
rivalry — taking  the  proportions  into  consideration.  Though  inferior  to 
the  British  in  number  and  armaments  of  vessels,  our  successes  at  sea 
were  only  second  to  the  record  made  in  the  late  war,  and  strangely 
enough,  our  most  striking  victories  were  won  at  a  cost  always  in  amazing 
disproportion  to  the  casualities  suffered.  During  the  two  years  and  five 
months  the  war  lasted,  the  Yankee  fleets,  cruisers,  and  privateers  cap- 
tured fifteen  hundred  vessels  from  the  British  flag, — with  more  than  20,000 
prisoners.  Conditions  consideied,  this  is  even  more  striking' than  the 
destruction  of  Spain's  fleets,  by  Dewey  and  Schley — for  Spain  never  pre- 
sumed to  the  rank  of  the  British  on  the  seas,  even  in  the  days  of  her 
might. 

In  1812,  Britain  was  the  undisputed  mistress  of  every  navigable  sea  in 
the  known  world.  She  had  by  the  foulest  of  foul  play,  destroyed  the 
navies  of  the  lesser  powers,  and  by  the  genius  and  sometimes  perfidy  of 
her  admirals,  crushed  the  fleets  and  suspended  the  marine  growth  of  her 


74  "THE  WHELP  OF  THE  LION." 

only  rival — France.  She  was  as  indisputably  master  of  the  sea  as  Napo- 
leon was  of  the  land.  British  journals,  seamen  and  military  men,  hailed 
the  war  with  the  "  Yankee  vipers  "  as  the  signal  to  "  redeem  the  error  " — 
committed  in  1781 — when  a  weak  ministry  conceded  the  "  rabble  "  of  the 
colonies — independence.  The  republic  was  to  be  crushed  in  a  campaign, 
its  derisory  navy  swept  from  the  seas  by  blank  cartridges.  During  the 
thirty  months  this  war  lasted,  there  were  eighteen  enga'gements  fought : 
the  despised  Yankees  conquered  in  fifteen.  But  even  more  ominous  than 
the  defeats  the  British  sustained  at  the  hands  of  our  mariners,  the  dispar- 
ity of  the  losses  numbed  the  British.  Though  not  quite  so  marked  in  the 
disparity  of  the  killed  and  wounded,  as  in  Dewey's  and  Schley's  combats, 
the  British  losses  were  frightful  as  compared  with  ours.  The  results  of 
every  encounter  of  our  men-of-war  and  the  British,  were  marked  by 
slaughter  on  the  enemy's  ships  and  but  trifling  loss  on  our  own.  But 
the  British  were  unwilling  to  draw  the  same  deduction  that  they  pro- 
nounce to-day — namely  that  the  "  whelp  of  the  lion  shows  the  origin  of 
his  superiority  "  as  one  of  the  London  Reviews  summed  up  the  battle  of 
Santiago. 

In  the  famous  action  between  the  crack  British  frigate  Macedonian, 
thirty-eight  guns  and  the  United  States,  forty  guns,  out  of  three  hundred 
men,  the  enemy's  loss  was  thirty-six  killed  and  sixty-eight  wounded — 
while  our  loss  was  seven  wounded  and  five  killed.  The  difference  of  two 
guns  in  our  favor,  was  more  than  compensated  by  the  more  effective  am- 
munition of  the  Macedonian.  Indeed,  the  larger  number  of  guns  on  the 
United  States  war  ships  of  those  days,  was  generally  condemned  as  an 
error — for  it  made  the  ship  unwieldly  and  more  difficult  to  manipulate  at 
a  time  when  sails  were  the  single  locomotive  power.  The  validity  of  this 
criticism  was  soon  shown  by  the  diminution  of  the  number  of  guns.  But 
every  encounter  told  the  same  tale.  When  the  Frolic  was  taken  by  the 
Wasp,  the  British  had  fifteen  killed  and  forty-seven  wounded  out  of  487 
— our  "Wasp"  had  five  killed  and  five  wounded.  When  our  Hornet 
vanquished  the  British  Peacock  in  eleven  minutes,  the  list  was,  five  killed 
and  thirty-three  wounded  out  of  130  men,  while  we  had  but  three  men 
slightly  injured.  The  tale  might  be  carried  to  every  encounter  with 
nearly  the  same  result.  All  Britain  made  an  outcry  when  these  astound- 
ing discrepancies  leaked  out  in  the  press.  "London" — The  Times  of  that 
period  solemnly  announced,"  was  covered  by  a  degree  of  gloom,  painful  to 
observe."  Disasters  on  land,  the  British  had  long  been  accustomed  to 
bear,  but  to  be  beaten  at  sea,  by  a  despised  and  derided  republic,  the 
44  scum  of  Europe,"  as  British  publicists  were  in  the  habit  of  designating 


FALSE  MEASUREMENTS.  75 

the  colonies,  rankled  for  many  a  year  in  the  mind  of  the  privileged 
classes. 

But  the  remedy  was  soon  found.  I  question  whether  one  in  a  thou- 
sand of  the  people  of  this  republic,  however  proud  of  the  record  of  our 
ancestors — knows  that  the  victories  won  by  our  forefathers,  were  if  not  on 
equal  terms,  in  most  cases  at  a  disadvantage  to  our  marines.  The  British 
writers  and  naval  pundits  at  once  took  the  matter  in  hand.  The  naval 
histories  embalming  the  operations  of  the  fleets,  explain  the  humiliating 
show  made  with  the  king's  navy,  by  alleging  superior  tonnage  against  the 
unfortunates,  in  every  instance.  Hence  it  is  so  written  and  so  accepted. 
That  is,  every  conquest  made  by  the  United  States  ships,  was  due  to  the 
heavier  build  of  the  winning  vessel.  Then  it  is  set  forth  circumstantially 
that  in  every  instance  where  the  Yankees  came  out  best,  the  British 
ships  were  old,  rotten,  inadequately  manned  or  shackled  by  untrained 
crews.  In  a  comprehensive  history  of  the  United  States  navy,  Maclay 
has  taken  pains  to  go  to  the  fountain  head  of  evidence  in  the  matter. 
He  accuinlates  proof  on  proof  to  show  that  the  British  record  is  a  tissue 
of  falsehoods ;  that  in  every  case  the  United  States  vessel  was  older  in 
build  and  less  complete  in  equipment.  In  the  tonnage  pretext — which 
the  general  reader  accepts,  because  the  explanation  is  rather  technical, 
the  British  claim  is  squarely  in  the  teeth  of  the  facts.  To  palliate  their 
defeats  and  the  enormous  slaughter  wrought  among  the  crews,  the  ac- 
cepted historians  assert  that  the  Yankee  frigates  were  from  forty  to  fifty 
per  cent,  larger  than  their  conquered  antagonists.  This  was  plausibly 
shown  by  the  method  of  measurement  in  those  days.  Half  the  vessel's 
breadth  at  the  broadest  part  was  taken  as  the  depth.  Three-fifths  of  the 
breadth  was  deducted  from  the  length  of  the  hull,  the  remainder  was 
multiplied  by  the  breadth  and  this  result  divided  by  ninety-five.  By 
this  method  the  United  States  ship  was  in  every  instance  shown  to  be  of 
greater  proportions,  and  for  this  reason. 

From  the  very  beginning  of  our  naval  construction,  New  England  and 
Baltimore  shipbuilders  discovered  a  genius  for  the  improvement  of  vessels. 
The  form  indeed  of  "  The  Baltimore  Clipper,"  as  well  as  the  New  Eng- 
land "  Sea  Bird,"  was  known  wherever  the  sea  carried  the  navies  of  com- 
merce. It  was  on  these  docks  the  long  graceful  curving  lines  of  our  ships 
first  took  form.  By  cutting  off  all  the  structure  between  the  water  line 
and  the  keel  the  Yankee  craft  gave  the  appearance  of  solid  lines  down  to 
the  bottom,  whereas,  in  fact,  they  slanted  off  even  with  the  water  line. 
The  British  vessels,  on  the  other  hand,  were  built  on  the  old  and  ugly 
lines,  which  are  illustrated  by  a  canal  boat.  It  requires  no  technical 


76  A  HISTORIC  LIE. 

training  to  perceive  the  differences  in  weight.  A  Yankee  craft,  to  all  in- 
tents and  appearances  as  heavy  as  a  ship  of  the  same  size  built  squarely 
down  to  the  keel,  was,  in  fact,  not  much  more  than  half  the  weight,  for  she 
had  two  of  her  angles  cut  off.  But  the  falsehood  did  its  work.  Even  the 
warmest  champions  of  our  1812  heroes,  have  conceded  that  the  ships  were 
heavier — because  the  historical  lie  stands  sealed  by  the  official  imprimatur. 
This  fantastic  method  of  measurement  was  adopted  by  experts,  to  rob  the 
United  States  of  the  credit,  won  in  the  encounters  with  British  ships, 
and  as  it  is  difficult  to  comprehend,  and  ostensibly  perfectly  above  board, 
the  British  contention  has  gone  into  history ;  even  writers  on  this  side  of 
the  water,  adopting  the  plea.  But  the  rule  of  measurement  thus  applied 
to  war  vessels,  was  devised  for  custom-house  purposes,  to  guage  the  col- 
lection of  revenues.  For  this  use  it  was  perhaps  fair  enough,  but  it  was 
grossly  misleading  in  measuring  the  proportions  of  United  States  vessels, 
even  merchantmen.  The  plan  of  the  British  frigate  showed  that  the  ex- 
treme length  of  the  deck  was  maintained  nearly  the  whole  distance  be- 
tween the  bow  and  the  stern.  The  rake  of  the  stem  and  the  stern  posts 
of  the  Yankee  frigate  was  uniformly  greater  than  in  the  case  of  the 
British.  From  measurements  taken  at  the  custom-house  in  Baltimore  in 
1812,  it  was  made  plain  that  a  merchant  vessel  built  on  the  plan  of  the 
British  Macedonian,  registered  300  tons  and  was  able  to  carry  400  hogs- 
heads of  tobacco,  while  a  ship  of  the  same  tonnage,  but  built  on  the  lines 
of  the  United  States  frigate,  could  carry  only  100  hogsheads.  It  is  true 
that  the  United  States  forty-four  gun  frigate  in  the  war  of  1812  was 
from  ten  to  fifteen  feet  longer  than  the  British  thirty-eight  gun  frigate, 
but  owing  to  the  rake  of  the  stem  and  stern  posts  in  our  vessels  not  an 
extra  gun  could  be  put  into  the  broadside,  there  being  just  fifteen  ports 
in  the  side  in  both  ours  and  the  British  ship. 

Another  matter  upon  which  some  stress  has  been  laid  by  the  British,  is 
the  heaviness  of  the  metal  carried  on  our  frigates.  It  is  a  fact  that  the 
United  States  vessels  were  armed  with  twenty-four  pounders  on  the  main 
deck,  while  the  British  ships  carried  only  eighteen  pounders.  At  the  time 
of  the  war  of  1812,  however,  the  use  of  twenty-four  pounders,  as  the  main 
armament  of  frigates,  was  largely  experimental,  with  the  weight  of  ex- 
perience and  authority  against  them.  British  commanders  insisted  that 
twenty-four  pounders  were  too  heavy  and  could  not  be  worked  as  effec- 
tually as  eighteen  pounders.  It  was  clearhr  demonstrated  that  our  three 
frigates  of  the  forty-four  gun  class,  were  overweighted,  and  the  experience 
of  the  first  battles  in  which  they  were  engaged,  disclosed  the  truth  to  their 
commanders.  In  the  first  actions  of  the  war,  the  Constitution  carried 


YANKEE    CREWS.  79 

fifty  five  guns  in  all,  with  a  total  weight  in  shot  of  1,401  pounds:  before 
the  close  of  the  war,  her  armament  was  reduced  to  fifty-one  guns,  having 
a  total  shot  weight  of  1,287  pounds.  The  "  United  States"  in  her  action 
with  the  Macedonian  carried  fifty-four  guns  to  the  enemy's  forty-nine,  but 
on  returning  to  port  six  of  the  United  States  guns  were  discarded,  as  it 
was  found  that  their  great  weight  had  caused  the  frigate  to  become 
"  hogged,"  or  broken  backed.  The  third  of  these  frigates,  the  President, 
also  reduced  the  number  of  her  guns  to  fifty-two,  but  even  this  was  not 
sufficient  to  prevent  her  from  becoming  "hogged."  Overweight  was  the 
cause  of  her  being  overtaken  and  brought  to  grief  by  a  British  squadron 
in  1815. 

The  Yankee  ships  and  Yankee  crews  of  1812  overcame  the  British 
enemy  for  just  the  same  reasons  that  they  would  to-day.  Because  the 
ships  were  better  built,  but  above  all,  because  every  shot  fired  from  a 
Yankee  deck,  represented  a  man  who  had  a  right  to  himself ;  every  man 
was  fighting  for  his  own  and  his  children's  heritage,  while  the  Briton  was 
fighting  for  pay,  for  a  sovereign  he  had  never  seen,  or  might  ever  hope  to 
see;  for  a  constitution  which  took  no  more  note  of  the  man  or  the  mass, 
than  the  ukase  of  the  Czar  or  the  irade  of  the  Padishah.  Not  a  man,  how- 
ever humbly  employed  in  the  republic's  marine,  forgets  for  an  instant,  that 
it  depends  on  himself  whether  he  remains  in  the  galley  or  mounts  to  the 
bridge ;  a  rail  splitter  was  president  of  the  republic ;  there  is  no  insuper- 
able obstacle  to  a  stoker  taking  the  place  occupied  by  James  A.  Gaifield, 
driver  of  a  canal  team.  The  outworn  phrase  that  began  to  fill  the  British 
press — "the  man  behind  the  gun,"  has  a  vastly  different  meaning  from 
that  inferred.  When  the  man  feels  that  he  has  a  right  in  himself — the  gun 
is  part  of  him,  but  the  man  behind  the  British  gun,  has  never  felt  that, 
and  he  never  can. 

Uplifting  as  the  retrospect  of  the  early  wars,  there  were  still  more  gran- 
diose pictures  evoked  in  recalling  the  stupendous  burdens  borne  by  the 
na\'3r  in  the  Civil  War.  The  deeds  of  Ellet,  of  Dupont,  of  Foote,  in  the 
early  days  of  the  war,  when  the  navy  was  almost  held  in  derision,  until 
Grant's  forces  were  rescued  at  Belmont,  Shiloh,  and  aided  to  victory  at 
Donelson  and  Fort  Henry.  These  inland  prodigies  could  not  be  imi- 
tated or  emulated  in  Cuban  waters.  With  this  double  sentiment  ani- 
mating officers  and  crew,  there  was  still  another,  and  this  weighed  with 
poignant  pressure  on  the  thought  of  the  whole  country.  The  stupendous 
fighting  machines  we  had  fabricated  during  the  last  fifteen  years  were  ob- 
jects of  unknown  force.  The  mere  manning  of  these  involved  the  tech- 
nical familiarity  with  abstrusities  hitherto  associated  with  expert  crafts- 


80 


MODERN    FIGHTING  MACHINES. 


men,  trained  in  engineering  and  the  mechanic  arts.  What  certainty  that 
the  various  corps  of  skilled  artisans  would  be  able  to  keep  presence  of 
mind,  during  the  pandemonium  of  actual  warfare  ?  Even  the  least  im- 
aginative could  invoke  the  actualities  of  the  crash  and  carnage  of  battle; 
in  the  meeting  of  two  iron  and  steel  masses,  vomiting  tons  of  metal,  whose 
mere  impact  crushes  the  stoutest  shield.  Masses  that  would  plough 
through  yards  of  masonry;  masses  hurled  three,  four  and  five  miles  over 
the  surface  of  the  water  as  surely  as  in  other  days  the  puny  missiles  of  the 
six  pounder,  were  sped. 

Nor  were  the  horrors  involved  in  the  new  life  at  sea  for  a  moment  for- 
gotten, or  ignored.     Masses  of  300  to  700  men  sealed  under  iron  rafters, 


WORKING  THE  BIG  TURRET   GUNS   ON   THE   IOWA. 

iron  partitions,  iron  gangways,  and  even  in  the  calm  watches  of  the  night 
immured  in  the  foetid  atmosphere  of  an  iron  vault.  With  such  constraint, 
with  such  vicissitudes,  would  the  old-time  constancy  and  valor  avail  to 
keep  the  body  of  men  equal  to  the  unspeakable  ordeal  of  combat?  When 
the  fatal  hour  arrived,  when  the  demoniac  hail  pattered  on  the  decks, 
could  human  nature  find  physical  reserves  to  support  the  superadded 


THE  INSTINCT  OF  THE  SHIP.  fcl 

strain  ?  Millions  put  themselves  in  the  sailor's  place  ;  they  saw  the  dis- 
tant outline  of  the  enemy's  squadrons  barring  the  blue  horizon;  they 
heard  the  venomous  screeching  of  the  trial  shells,  searching  for  the  range. 
They  felt  the  agonizing  expectancy,  when,  everything  breakable,  inflam- 
mable, cleared  from  the  adamantine  decks,  the  sea  soldiery,  swarmed  to  their 
allotted  places;  here  a  group  at  the  guns,  there  a  reserve  aligned  in 
ranks  to  fill  the  places  of  the  dead  and  disabled.  The  very  ship  seems 
instinct  with  the  coming  death.  The  thrill  and  throb  of  the  engines  enter 
into  a  frightful  rhythmic  sympathy  with  the  awful  crisis.  From  the  faces 
of  the  men,  great  beads  of  sweat  roll  down  in  streams,  while  with  lips 
compressed,  each  fated  figure  waits  his  prescribed  function.  The  captain 
of  the  ship  stands  in  the  place  of  terror,  the  tribune  of  the  deck;  about 
him  the  lesser  officers  wait  immobile.  The  guns,  as  if  endowed  with  con- 
sciousness, lunge  far  outward,  spying  the  point  where  they  can  carry 
most  fatal  destruction.  Everything  is  glowering — formidable — the  en- 
ginery of  Pandemonium — waiting  the  signal.  In  this  prelude  of  tension, 
that  no  words  can  make  real,  sea  and  sky  seem  blurred,  by  the  apparition 
of  the  potential  ministers  of  slaughter.  It  would  be  a  relief  to  the  wait- 
ing man,  to  feel  the  shells  strike  the  iron  ramparts,  to  get  a  touch  of  the 
reality  ;  all  thus  far  is  of  the  supernatural. 

The  conviction  that  suddenly  flashes  into  every  man  reared  in  peace, 
indoctrinated  in  the  amenities  of  the  creed  of  Christ,  is  that  the  ocean  is 
a  dream,  that  he  cannot  in  reality,  be  sailing  the  summer  seas,  in  search 
of  other  men  nurtured  in  the  same  doctrine,  to  slay;  to  be  slain  ;  to  inflict 
all  that  earthquakes,  storms  and  natural  agencies  visit  upon  the  helpless. 
This  fleeting,  whimsical  ratiocination,  is  the  supreme  agony  of  man  in 
battle — after  that  the  ferocious  instinct  of  slaughter  holds  him  as  in  a 
fever.  For  with  the  bidding  to  let  loose  the  thunder  of  the  guns,  a  con- 
tracting condition  comes  in  instantaneous  swiftness.  The  exhilaration  of 
being  a  vengeance,  an  instrument  of  a  people's  wrath,  exalts  the  feeblest, 
stimulates  the  ardent,  to  another  sphere  of  fairly  preternatural  effort. 
The  shock  of  the  speeding  mass  of  metal,  as  it  quits  the  brazen  maw  of 
the  gun,  induces  of  itself,  an  electric  current,  as  the  ship  staggers  under 
her  own  vitalities.  A  fierce  joy  displaces  this  sombre  tension  of  the  long 
expectancy.  The  words  of  command,  no  longer  the  perfunctory  mono- 
tones of  death,  but  shrilling  with  a  meaning,  that  portends,  death  or  life, 
subdue  the  apprehensions  and  swiften  the  movements  of  the  thunderbolt 
launchers. 

To  this  phantasm  of  the  imagination — the  millions  added  the  down- 
pour of  lead;  the  din,  infernal,  and  malignant,  of  the  shells  bursting 


82  FEEDING  THE  FIRES. 

where  the  massed  men  are  plying  the  guns.  Appalling  as  these  spectral 
anticipations — there  were  even  more  grewsome  deeps  in  the  minds  of  the 
families — who  had  brothers,  sons,  or  kin  on  the  terrible  structures,  that 
preserve  and  destroy.  In  the  sirocco  breath  of  the  engine  caves,  nude 
figures  are  seen  feeding  the  roaring  furnaces.  They  are  far  below  the 


RAPID   FIRE   GUN    ON    SHIPBOARD. 

water's  level;  hundreds  of  tons  of  metal  are  above  and  about  them. 
Every  thrill  through  the  fuliginous  mass,  may  mean  death  in  the  most 
atrocious  form  to  these  grimy  gnomes.  What  after  all  is  the  heroism  of 
a  Hobson,  the  valor  of  a  Dewey  or  a  Schley,  to  the  inconceivable  con- 
stancy of  these  perpetual  immolators  of  self?  Is  there  not  then  something 
incomparably  rare  in  the  patient  devotion  of  that  amazing  body  of  men, 
who  alone  make  it  possible  to  put  the  exquisite  inventions  of  science  to 
the  deadly  uses  involved  in  war?  Heroism  can  take  no  more  awe-inspir- 
ing form  than  this  abnegation  of  the  brave  in  the  deeps  of  the  iron  hulks, 
denied  the  sustaining  sunlight,  the  companionship  of  the  common  aven- 
gers and  defenders.  He  cannot  even  know  whether  death  is  coming  by 
shell  or  torpedo.  He  must  wait  until  the  waters  gulf  him  in  the  briny 


APPALLING  ANTICIPATIONS. 


83 


maelstrom.  Not  many  bethought  themselves  of  these  momentous  factors 
in  the  prevoyant  anguish  that  hovered  over  our  fleets,  as  they  gathered 
in  Cuban  waters.  And  while  the  actual  destruction  was  spared  our 
kindred,  the  horrors  herein  adumbrated,  were  actualities  on  the  magnifi- 
cent ships  of  the  wretched  Spaniards  ;  indeed  these  imaginings  ten  fold 
inluridated  would  but  feebly  reproduce  the  inferno  of  each  of  the  ships 
that  our  guns  battered  into  tortured  masses  of  shapeless  ruin. 


LOADING   A   GUN   ON  THE  TEXAS. 


IV. 

BARELY  had  the  word  of  war  been  spoken  when  the  malevolent  in- 
fluence of  the  **  yellow  "  press  began  to  make  itself  felt  in  the  con- 
duct of  affairs.  There  were  millions  who  remembered  the  disasters 
forced  upon  Lincoln's  administration  by  the  clamor,  "On  to  Bull  Run  I" 
In  the  history  of  the  Crimean  War,  Kinglake  devotes  a  section  of  un- 
equalled brilliancy  to  the  influence  of  the  press  upon  a  nation  at  war. 
He  describes  with  absorbing  and  sustained  force  the  gradual  shifting  of 
the  initiative  from  the  grasp  of  the  departments  of  State,  to  the  editorial 


VOLUNTEERING   IN   NEW  YORK. 

sanctum  of  the  Times  newspaper.  Commanders  in  the  field,  councils, 
every  responsible  source  of  action,  worked  in  paralysis  compared  with 
the  potentiality  of  the  Orphic  utterances  of  the  press.  Before  a  squadron 
could  be  reasonably  expected  to  be  ready,  the  yellow  press  began  a  vocif- 

(85) 


36  THE  RAW  RECRUITS. 

erous  demand  for  action,  for  results,  for  the  doing  of  things  that  would 
enable  "enterprise"  to  publish  "extras."  Insensibly  the  disposition  of 
the  people  was  influenced  by  the  incessant  iteration. 

The  troops  called  out  by  the  President  were  so-to-speak  as  naked  as  the 
newborn  babe.  Everything  had  to  be  done  to  give  them  a  semblance  of 
cohesive  force.  It  was  necessary  to  assign  camps  accessible  to  the  va- 
rious groups  of  quotas.  Chickamauga,  identified  with  one  of  the  momen- 
tous battles  of  the  Civil  War,  was  selected  as  the  rendezvous  for  the 
middle  division  of  the  Union.  The  daily  papers  were  filled  with  the 
admirable  disposition  of  the  youth  of  the  land  to  take  up  the  burden  of 
battle  ;  thousands  in  every  state  offered  themselves  to  the  recruiting  offi- 


THE  "PURITAN"  IN  ACTION  AT  MATANZAS. 


eers.  The  people,  thrown  into  alarm  by  the  vehemence  of  the  press, 
vaguely  felt  that  the  recruit  was  a  soldier  the  moment  he  signed  his  name 
to  the  muster-roll.  The  yellow  press  daily  proclaimed  that  the  navy  was 
ready  and  able  to  •*  end  the  war  in  a  week  " ;  that  the  200,000  men  had 
nothing  to  do  but  march  to  the  sea  and  sail  over  to  Cuba.  It  was  even 
argued  in  the  noisiest  and  most  potential  of  the  metropolitan  presses,  that 


OUR  NAVY   AT  MATANZAS. 


89 


there  was  no  use  for  the  calling  out  of  the  soldiery ;  that  the  navy  was 
equal  to  the  conquest  of  Cuba  and  the  Spanish  holdings  in  the  Caribbean 
Sea. 

When,  on  April  24th  the  fleet  made  a  slight  test  of  its  guns  at  Matan- 
zas,  there  was  a  furious  denunciation  of  the  administration  for  withhold- 
ing the  tars  from  "real  war."  The  President  was  represented  as  bent 
upon  a  *' kind  hearted  war"  in  which  there  should  be  merely  tentative 
bombardments  of  fleets  and  strong  places.  Much  was  made  of  the  fre- 


SPANISH   PRIZES   IN    KEY   WEST   HARBOR. 

quency  and  facility  of  the  captures  on  the  high  seas.  The  whole  country 
was  thrown  into  merriment  by  the  audacities  of  the  hastily-improvised 
cruisers  and  blockaders,  attacking  the  most  formidable  of  Spanish  craft 
and  dragging  them  into  port  as  prizes.  Indeed,  for  a  fortnight  the 
southern  ports  were  incapable  of  harboring  the  immense  fleets  of  mer- 


SPANISH    PRIZES.  ,  91 

chant  vessels,  that  fell  a  prey  to  our  energetic  craft.  The  incidents  gave 
rise  to  embittered  controversy  abroad,  where  it  was  sneeringly  deduced 
that  the  mercantile  spirit  of  the  Yankee  was,  as  usual,  the  preeminent 


CAPTURED   SPANISH   OFFICERS   ON   THE   "  NASHVILLE. 

phase  of  the  conflict.  By  international  law,  an  enemj^'s  ships,  when  war 
is  declared,  are  entitled  to  thirty  days'  warning.  We,  on  the  contrary, 
had  barely  broken  relations  with  Spain,  when  our  ships  swarmed  in  every 


92 


THE   ADMINISTRATIVE   BUREAUX. 


avenue  of  commerce,  to  surprise  vessels  whose  commanders  had  no  sus- 
picion of  hostilities.  Sordid  calculation  of  the  "  money  in  it "  for  our 
sailors  and  our  treasury  filled  the  presses.  For  a  time,  it  would  have  been 
natural  to  suppose  that  the  war  had  been  declared  to  enable  our  fleets  to 
accumulate  prize-money ! 

Meanwhile  the  harassed  administrative  bureaux  were  straining  the 
new  and  creaking  machinery  to  make  soldiers  out  of  the  admi- 
rable material  proffered.  But  soldiers  cannot  be  made  by  mere  de- 


LIGHT   AND   HEAVY   UNIFORMS. 

crees.  The  regimenting  and  brigading,  the  mobilization  of  200,000 
men  can  only  be  rightly  done  in  prescribed  ways.  In  other  countries, 
these  ways  have  been  prepared  for  years — where  people  live  as  in  an 
armed  camp.  With  our  small,  but  ample  army  of  25,000  men,  we  have 
no  machinery  for  putting  four  times  that  number  in  military  harness. 
Everything  was  to  be  done.  Uniforms  were  to  be  made,  the  innumer- 


LESSONS  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  i'3 

able  requirements  of  men  huddled  in  masses  and  obliged  to  supply  them- 
selves with  food,  covering  all  the  needs  of  life,  in  short.  Even  the  trans- 
portation of  these  hastily  formed  bodies  of  troops  presented  difficulties. 
The  railways  could  not  supply  trains  promptly ;  groups  of  men  were 
shifted  and  sent  astray,  when  the  camps  of  organization  were  located.  It 
was  found  that  there  were  no  provisions  for  shelter,  uniforming,  even 
drilling.  The  regulars  were  hurried  to  the  deadly  sand-dunes  of  the 
Florida  coast,  ready  for  actual  service  ;  but  alone,  it  was  held  they  were 
unequal  to  attacking  the  least  of  the  Spanish  strong  places. 

In  this  interval  disputations  arose  in  most  of  the  states  over  the  terras 
upon  which  the  militia  might  be  made  use  of  to  serve  under  the  Presi- 
dent's call.  The  rank  and  file  of  the  state  troops  in  every  case  waived 
all  rights  to  immunity  from  foreign  service,  and  eagerly  demanded  the 
privilege  of  upholding  the  republic  wherever  her  interests  were  at  stake. 
In  the  war  bureaux  at  Washington  it  was  seen  that  an  early  movement 
would  be  perilous ;  that  aside  from  the  always  present  danger  of  the 
Cuban  climate,  it  would  be  murder  to  dispatch  untrained  ranks  to  encoun- 
ter the  veterans  defending  Cuba's  strong  places.  Coincident  with  diffi- 
culties and  embarrassments  inseparable  from  the  extemporizing  of  so 
large  an  army,  one  of  the  most  vicious  defects  of  our  system  came  to  add 
to  the  confusion,  inefficiency  and  benumbing  fatalities  of  the  situation. 
The  place-hunter,  denied  the  usual  spoils  of  office  in  the  civil  service,  in- 
sisted on  having  the  officering  of  the  new  levies. 

We  had  costly  lessons  in  this  very  evil  during  the  Civil  War.  We  had 
seen  presuming  politicians  in  command  of  regiments,  brigades,  army 
corps,  departments,  in  a  million  posts  requiring  the  training  and  exper- 
ience of  men  educated  in  our  military  schools;  it  was  supposed  that  the 
administration  thus  admonished  would  stand  between  the  soldiery  and 
these  soulless  cormorants.  There  are  volumes  attesting  the  thousands 
slaughtered  on  every  field  of  the  Civil  War  by  the  intrusion  of  political 
adventurers ;  the  lessons  had  been  so  deeply  impressed  that  the  country 
heard  with  a  shock  of  indignant  disbelief,  that  senators  and  representa- 
tives were  making  it  impossible  to  carry  on  the  war,  unless  commissions 
were  given  to  "workers,"  relatives,  and  influential  nobodies.  The  coun- 
try was  swarming  with  the  graduated  men,  who  had  devoted  years  to  the 
study  and  practice  of  the  art  of  war.  There  were  enough  accomplished 
graduates  of  West  Point  to  officer  a  million  men  safely  and  competently. 
Not  one  in  a  thousand  of  these  men,  eager  to  return  something  to  the 
republic  in  zealous,  enlightened  devotion  for  the  education  given,  could 
even  get  a  hearing.  The  rich  sons  of  affluent  politicians,  the  profligate 


94  THE  "ROUGH  RIDERS." 

kinsraeii  of  war-time  personalities,  were  given  staff  appointments,  places 
the  most  difficult  to  fill,  and  upon  whose  proper  filling  depends  the  safety 
of  the  masses  sent  under  fire. 

The  lamentable  effects  became  apparent  in  every  attempt  to  move  the 
inchoate  legions.  Indeed,  the  picture  given  of  the  hopeless  tangle  at  the 
various  camps,  became  so  disheartening,  that  the  executive  departments 
were  constrained  to  promise  that  no  more  of  this  murderous  nepotism 
should  be  carried  on.  But  the  country  remarked  that  in  every  batch  of 
appointments  sent  to  the  Senate,  the  "political  pull  "  still  made  itself  felt, 
and  made  itself  felt  to  the  end.  Naturally,  there  was  delay,  confusion, 
hardships  in  the  mobilization  of  the  army,  for  the  indispensable  machinery 
was  defective  from  its  inception.  The  pictures  that  reached  the  country 
from  Key  West,  Tampa  and  other  points  of  rendezvous,  gave  promise  of 
the  disasters  that  signalized  the  years  1861,  and  '62.  Even  when  exper- 
ienced men  were  put  in  place,  the  selections  seemed  based  on  other  than 
consideration  of  fitness  for  the  peculiar  campaigns  involved. 

The  administrative  officers  were  in  many  instances  long  past  the  age  of 
vigor.  Veterans  from  both  the  Confederate  and  Union  armies  were 
promptly  named,  but  they  were  frequently  men  who  had  not  been  identi- 
fied with  happy  campaigns  or  individual  initiative ;  on  the  other  hand 
the  most  eminent  of  the  groups  who  had  conducted  armies  with  precision 
and  success  were  passed  by.  Under  these  conditions,  the  armies  assem- 
bled in  Florida  and  at  the  rendezvous  in  the  interior,  did  not  impress  the 
solicitous  as  likely  to  meet  the  crisis.  But  with  these  short-comings  and 
vices,  there  were  imposing  evidences  of  the  devotion  and  constancy  of  the 
soldier,  that  to  a  great  extent  made  up  for  the  lack  of  leadership. 

Perhaps  the  most  significant  demonstration  of  this  spirit  of  the  country 
was  the  organization  of  a  regiment  which  became  the  joy  of  the  para- 
graphers  and  the  pundits  of  the  press.  Theodore  Roosevelt,  a  rich  young 
New  Yorker,  who  had  figured  frequently  as  a  reformer  in  the  insurrections 
of  New  York  City  politics  during  the  last  decade,  resigned  the  responsi- 
ble place  of  assistant  secretary  of  the  navy,  to  become  a  subaltern  in  a 
regiment  designed  to  do  and  dare.  Under  the  characteristic  designation 
of  the  "  Rough  Riders,"  Roosevelt  almost  in  a  day,  gathered  the  most  dis- 
parate groups  of  the  republic's  adventurers.  The  recruits  came  from  the 
scholastic  seclusion  of  Harvard,  from  the  wild  life  of  the  plains,  from  the 
gilded  clubs  of  the  metropolis,  the  Capauan  splendors  of  millionaire 
palaces.  The  cowboy  and  the  dude,  the  pioneer  and  the  dilletante  jostled 
each  other  in  the  ranks  that  were  formed  almost  in  a  day.  The  gathering 
of  this  unique  organization,  the  roster  of  its  bizarre  personalities,  was  read 


THEODORE   ROOSEVELT.  95 

from  day  to  day,  with  delight  and  laughter.  The  drilling  and  disciplin- 
ing of  the  mass,  the  Crcesan  gifts  of  the  privates  to  the  regiment,  the 
readiness  of  the  aristocratic  contingent  to  fall  into  the  squalid  details  of 
camp  life,  made  a  page  of  piquant  interest  for  the  whole  country. 

Roosevelt,  himself,  was  the  most  interesting  figure ;  a  man  of  letters, 


A   GROUP    OF   ROUGH   RIDERS. 

eager,  impulsive,  absorbed  in  everything  he  undertook,  he  was  indulgently 
admired  by  even  those  who  distrusted  his  sagacity  or  opposed  his  ideals. 
He  was  the  chief  of  the  jingo  voices  in  all  international  ardors.  He  had 
been  the  candidate  of  his  party  for  mayor  of  New  York.  He  had  been 
put  at  the  head  of  the  metropolitan  police  commission  on  the  overthrow 
of  Tammany  in  1895 — and  made  the  life  of  his  compatriots  gay  by  his 
original  administration  of  this  apparently  uncongenial  post.  He  had 
written  voluminous  pamphlets  in  a  semi-historical  vein,  on  the  settling  of 


96 


A  MOTLEY  LEGION. 


the  West,  and  had  made  himself  the  idol  of  the  groups  that  demanded  a 
big  navy,  a  big  army — everything  big  iu  fact  that  the  tax  payer  distrusts. 
In  his  new  endeavor,  Roosevelt  brought  the  same  irrestrainable  energy 
to  the  task  that  had  given  him  eminence  in  other  enterprises.  He  mas- 
tered the  rubric  of  the  tactics  and  set  to  work  to  drill  his  motley  legion 
with  the  assiduous  delight  of  a  Prussian  martinet.  In  the  long  journey 
from  the  regiment's  rendezvous,  at  San  Antonio,  Texas,  to  Tampa,  the 
rough  riders  were  a  magnet  to  the  inhabitants  from  far  and  near.  The 
farmers  and  villagers  who  had  read  for  years  of  the  "  400  "  of  New  York, 
flocked  to  the  railway,  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  scions  of  these  mysterious 
potencies,  transformed  into  private  soldiers  of  the  republic.  The  famous 
athletes,  the  notorious  cowboys,  the  equivocal  of  mining  camps  and  Buf- 
falo Bill  shows,  were  no  less  embodiments  of  wonder  to  the  country 
through  which  the  squadrons  passed.  In  every  city  they  were  feted, 
caressed,  glorified.  But  for  that  matter,  no  body  of  men  bearing  the  in- 
signia of  the  republic  were  neglected,  as  the  trains  bearing  them,  dragged 
an  uncertain  course  to  the  decisive  point  of  embarkation.  We  shall  see 
them  in  the  strain  and  storm  of  cruel  trial,  and  find  that  the  touch  of  one 
hand,  impressed  some  of  the  rare  qualities,  that  make  steadfast  troops — 
but  even  in  the  almost  bouffe  heroism,  we  shall  likewise  see  that  soldiers 
are  not  made,  officers  are  not  created  by  mere  proclamations. 


n 


INSPECTING    A    DYNAMITE   GUN. 


CAPTAIN  CHARLES  V.  GRIDLEY. 


COMMANDKK    ASA    WAI.KEK. 


LlEIJT.-CoMMANDEB  JOHN   E.  PlLLSlH:KY, 


C'OMMANDKK    KOWMAX    H.   McCALLA. 


BOOK  TWO. 
I. 

ON  the  Sunday  morning  of  the  first  of  May,  the  war  being  nine  days 
old,  a  thrilling  rumor  stopped  the  groups  wending  their  way  to 
church.  Across  vague  leagues  of  sea  and  land,  from  the  uttermost  width 
of  the  globe  came  a  tale  of  conquest.  The  flag  of  the  republic  had  been 
victorious  in  a  combat  upon  the  fortunes  of  which  depended  a  vast  colony. 
The  distance,  the  mystery  of  the  ships  engaged,  the  sum  of  death  and  de- 
struction, were  for  twenty-four  hours  a  poignant  anguish  to  the  electrified 
people.  Gradually,  the  country  learned  that  the  almost  unknown  squad- 
ron of  Commodore  Dewey,  stationed  in  Chinese  waters,  had  in  obedience 
to  a  curt  order  from  the  navy  department,  sailed  from  Hong  Kong,  sought 
the  enemy  at  his  strong  place  and  fought  him  until  not  a  vessel  was  left 
to  fly  the  enemy's  flag.  There  had  been  light  talk  and  fanciful  conjecture 
in  the  public  prints,  on  the  possibilities  of  our  Asiatic  squadron  doing 
something  to  make  the  Spaniards  uneasy  for  their  last  and  most  splendid 
possession  in  the  East,  but  the  most  sanguine  never  ventured  to  hope 
that  the  first  blow  of  the  war  would  result  in  a  conquest,  such  as  great 
powers  consider  ample  gain  for  a  long  campaign. 

Many  causes  had  combined  to  bring  about  an  increase  in  our  Asiatic 
squadron,  even  before  the  authorities  had  any  clear  apprehension  of  war. 
The  late  astounding  aggression  of  Germany  on  the  territory  of  China,  in  a 
time  of  peace,  had  suggested  the  need  of  ample  sea  power  to  safeguard 
our  immense  commercial  interests  in  Oriental  waters.  The  threatening 
complications  between  Britain  and  Russia,  gave  promise  of  a  partition  of 
the  unwieldly  domains  of  the  Celestial  empire,  such  as  the  world  has  been 
witnessing  in  Africa.  It  is  inferable  too,  that  the  sagacious  statesman  at 
the  head  of  the  navy  department,  had  a  prevoyant  instinct  in  the  matter, 
when  he  selected  the  men  and  the  craft  for  the  station.  Whether  fortui- 
tous or  designed,  the  republic  was  miraculously  served.  One  of  the  de- 
cisive victories  rarely  achieved  in  war,  was  fought  and  won,  almost  before 
the  republic  had  adjusted  its  armor  for  the  fray.  To  the  country,  the 
news  came  with  all  the  fascinating  unexpectedness,  that  made  the  new 
world  conquests  tales  of  marvel  to  the  Europeans  of  three  centuries  ago  ; 
when  successive  caravels,  brought  to  the  monarch  of  the  Spains,  the  title 
deeds  of  lands  far  surpassing  his  inherited  realms  in  extent. 

It  is  on  record  that  Dewey  himself,  accepted  the  Asiatic  billet  with  re- 

(99) 


100  COMMERCIAL  DIPLOMACY. 

luctnnce,  counting  the  Atlantic  as  the  only  chance  for  the  fleets,  in  the 
by  no  means  probable  event  of  hostilities.  It  was  set  down  to  his  credit, 
that  having  the  right  to  an  Atlantic  assignment,  he  magnanimously 
yielded  to  the  request  of  a  brother  officer,  whose  term  was  nearing  an 
end,  and  hoped  that  if  there  were  need  for  action  he  might  have  a  chance 
to  wind  up  his  career  gloriously. 

Hong  Kong  is  a  world  harbor ;  seized  by  the  British  in  the  first  epoch 
of  European  predation  upon  China,  the  port  is  open  to  the  commerce  arid 
navies  of  the  world.  In  this  harbor,  Commodore  Dewey  waited  with  a 
sailor's  impatience,  the  fateful  word  that  was  to  launch  the  wondrous 
"  white  squadron  "  against  the  unknown.  The  crews  of  the  great  ships, 
the  hierarchy  of  the  officers,  every  man  on  the  vessels — longed  for  the 
word  war.  For  the  idleness  of  an  international  harbor  becomes  irksome 
to  the  tar.  He  loves  the  sea — even  in  the  inhuman  tenements  assigned 
him  in  modern  war  structures.  Hong  Kong  is  a  tropic  port,  and  the  lassi- 
tude of  the  climate  begins  to  tell  after  a  short  sojourn.  It  was  noted  by 
the  curious,  that  Dewey  had  become  deeply  immersed  in  the  charts  of 
the  China  Seas ;  that  like  Napoleon,  before  the  Italian  campaign,  he 
studied  them  by  day,  and  meditated  them  by  night.  It  was  not  however, 
until  the  brush  of  the  painter  was  called  in  to  transform  the  beautiful 
white  surfaces  of  the  fleet  into  a  repellent  nameless  drab,  that  even  the 
almond  eyed  navvy,  knew  that  there  was  ominous  work  ahead,  when  this 
portentous  transfiguration  eclipsed  the  glory  of  the  fleet.  When  Dewey 
on  his  own  responsibility — anticipating  the  future,  with  the  wise  prevoy- 
ance  of  a  prudent  executive,  bought  out  of  hand,  a  British  steamer  from 
Cardiff,  freighted  with  3,000  tons  of  coal  and  a  vessel  of  a  Hong  Kong 
house,  laden  with  provisions  ;  the  very  powder  boys  knew  that  war  was  to 
be  the  wear  very  soon.  Dewey's  fitness  for  the  post  he  had  taken  with 
reluctance,  was  never  more  consummately  shown  than  in  this  commercial 
diplomacy.  He  assured  breathing  space  for  his  enterprize  and  really 
augmented  his  force  by  two  powerful  auxiliaries — for  the  entire  crews  of 
these  vessels  to  a  man  took  service  under  the  flag  of  the  republic.  Then 
came  a  breath  of  the  far-off  land — home.  The  McCulloch,  a  revenue  cutter, 
employed  by  the  Treasury  Department  on  missions  far  removed  from 
war,  suddenly  appeared  among  the  fleet,  shrilling  salutes  to  the  en- 
raptured tars.  In  war,  the  President  may  make  use  of  these  pacific  craft 
to  supplement  the  fleets,  and  when  this  vessel  appeared,  every  bluejacket 
on  board  felt  that  he  was  sure  of  the  deadly  chance  he  had  been  eager 
for.  It  was  this  swift  craft,  that  on  the  26th  of  April  dashed  up  to  the 
flagship,  to  deliver  this  fr  teful  message : 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  ORDER.  101 

"  WASHINGTON,  April  26th. 

"DEWEY;  Asiatic  Squadron:  Commence  operations  at  once,  particu- 
larly against  Spanish  fleet,  you  must  capture  or  destroy  them. 

"  McKlNLEY." 

It  is  not  often  that  the  President  of  the  republic  thus  puts  his  signature 
to  a  command.  Only  once  during  the  Civil  War  did  Abraham  Lincoln 
perform  this  function  of  his  constitutional  prerogative — when  on  February 
1862  he  ordered  all  the  armies  of  the  United  States  to  move.  But  no 
order  ever  given  was  so  completely  executed.  The  Spanish  fleet  was  both 
destroyed  and  captured.  Dewey's  comment  as  reported  by  a  witness  at 
hand,  portended — what  was  to  follow :  "  Thank  the  Lord,"  he  ejaculated, 
"at  last,  I've  got  the  chance,  and  I'll  wipe  them  off  the  Pacific  Ocean." 
The  squadron  was  lying  in  Chinese  waters  when  this  curt  mandate 
reached  its  commander.  For  under  the  laws  of  nations,  neither  belligerent 
is  permitted  to  make  a  stay  of  more  than  twenty-four  hours  in  a  neutral 
port.  Dewey  had  taken  refuge  in  the  nearest  haven  to  Hong  Kong,  Mirs 
Bay,  and  that  Celestial  harbor  was  thrown  into  a  panic  by  the  stertorous 
outburst  from  the  ships,  when  at  two  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  April 
26th  the  commodore's  war  pennant  fluttered  out  from  the  mast  head. 
This  was  the  seaman's  signal  that  the  ships  were  no  longer  panoplied  by 
the  safeguards  of  law,  that  at  any  moment,  they  must  be  ready  to  de- 
fend themselves, — three  miles  from  neutral  shores.  It  meant  war ;  and 
among  the  masses  imprisoned  in  the  iron  hulks,  there  was  the  exultant 
delight  of  the  human  on  being  liberated.  Every  mile  the  ship  sailed 
now,  meant  the  growing  peril  of  bomb,  torpedo,  and  ram,  but  the  sailors 
hailed  these  dangers,  as  others  hail  redemption.  On  the  instant,  as  if 
impatient  to  taste  to  the  full  the  liberty  to  slay  and  be  slain,  the  fleet, 
nine  vessels  in  all,  made  straight  eastward,  where  the  enemy  was  known 
to  be.  The  commodore's  flagship — the  Olympia,  led  the  way,  followed  in 
order  by  the  Baltimore,  the  Boston,  the  Raleigh,  the  Concord,  the 
McCulloch,  the  Petrel,  and  the  two  improvised  transports  Zafiro  and 
Nanshan. 

This  fleet  was  familiarly  known  in  every  sea  port  of  the  republic.  It 
had  been  reproduced  in  illustrations  for  every  reader  of  newspapers,  to  the 
uttermost  hamlet  from  the  Canadian  frontier  to  the  Rio  Grande.  Every 
man  of  eminence  on  each  ship  had  been  photographed  and  pictured,  until 
they  were  as  well  known  as  family  friends — in  every  household  in  the 
union.  The  journey,  made  in  the  tension  and  hopes  of  conflict,  was  not 
precipitate — for  though  on  fighting  bent,  Dewey  was  full  of  the  wise  pre- 
caution of  the  strategist.  The  squadron  was  subdivided  into  scouts  and 


102 


THE  LAST  DAY  OF  APRIL. 


guards.  These  vessels  entered  and  scrutinized  the  sizes  nnd  purport  of 
the  harbors,  likely  to  be  tenanted  by  the  enein}-.  Subig  bay,  a  sheet  of 
water,  only  second  in  importance  to  Manila  itself — was  entered  with 
every  precaution  suggested  by  naval  craft.  It  was  half  hoped  that  Ad- 
miral Moutojo  would  be  found  there,  as  the  harbor  offered  many  ad- 
vantages for  a  battle.  But  Subig  was  empty  of  war  vessels.  Dewey 
indeed,  drew  augury  there  of  the  inconceivable  unpreparedness  of  the 
enemy,  for  it  was  not  known  to  the  few  ships  encountered,  that  war  was 
on.  Under  a  yellow  moon  that  seemed  to  the  watching  mariners  a 
fantastically  erratic  balloon,  the  fleet  quit  Subig  harbor  the  last  day  of 
April  and  skirted  down  the  Philippine  coast,  in  thrilling  expectation. 
Every  officer  in  control  of  each  ship,  knew  to  a  dot  on  the  chart,  just 
what  must  be  met;  the  only  conjectural  point  was,  the  number  and  place- 


GENEEAL  VIEW  OP  MANILA. 

ment  of  the  infernal  machinery,  prepared  for  the  ships  batteries.  Would 
they  begin  abreast  the  harbor  of  Manila — Spain's  most  affluent  spot  in  the 
splendid  colony  of  the  Orient  ?  The  harbor  in  peace,  is  reckoned  one  of 
the  most  inviting  in  that  strange  eastern  archipelago.  Shaped  like  a 
vast  balloon — swelling  to  twenty  or  thirty  miles  in  width  at  the  upper, 
or  northern  part,  the  navigable  waters  decrease  toward  the  neck  or 
entrance  where  the  island  of  Corregidor  blocks  the  mouth,  ideally  placed 
by  nature,  to  supplement  the  defensive  works  of  art.  The  land, 


OLD  MANILA. 


103 


coterminous  with  the  narrow  neck,  rises  on  each  side  into  gigantic  pali- 
sades, commanding  the  approaches  from  the  open  sea.  From  these 
sentry-like  acclivities,  the  ground  rises  inland  in  mountainous  ranges — 
far  into  the  interior — of  the  island  of  Luzon.  The  ancient  city  of 
Manila,  the  emporium  of  the  vast  Philippine  group,  is  built  upon  a  flat 
plain,  between  the  upland  ranges  and  the  curving  bays,  twenty-six  miles 
upward  and  northeastward,  from  the  narrow  passes  on  each  side  of  the 
island  of  Corregidor.  The  city  was  originally  built  upon  inlets  from  the 
bay,  the  largest  called  the  Pasig  river;  which  accommodates  good  sized 
craft.  In  effect — the  arms  of  the  bay  make  the  city  almost  as  detached 
in  quarters  as  Venice.  The  original  settlement  was  made  on  an  oblong 
island  south  of  the  Pasig  called  "  Old  Manila — or  Binondo."  This  mass 
of  tenement  is  a  perfect  reproduction  of  the  mediaeval  Spanish  walled 


CAPTURE  OF  CAVITE  ARSENAL. 

city.  It  is  compactly  circumvallated  from  its  neighboring  suburbs,  but 
modern  artillery  has  made  these  walls  mere  monuments  of  the  past,  as 
they  are  no  defences.  Ten  miles  south  by  west,  of  Manila,  the  real 
defences  of  the  place  are  located  at  a  military  and  naval  settlement — 
Cavite.  The  place  is  admirably  chosen  for  its  purpose.  An  arm  of  land 
6 


104 


MANILA'S  DEFENCES. 


stretches  outward  and  upward,  like  the  claw  of  a  lobster,  completely 
sheltering  a  small  sheet  of  water,  capacious  enough  for  twenty  fleets. 
Since  the  attempt  of  the  Germans  to  seize  the  Caroline  group,  Spain  has 
made  unstinted  efforts  to  erect  Cavite  into  an  inexhaustible  defence,  both 
in  provisions  and  appliances  for  any  emergency.  For  four  years,  no 
stranger  could  get  within  observing  distance  of  its  carefully  guarded  walls 
or  its  imposing  arsenal.  It  was  the  tale  throughout  all  the  eastern  seas, 
that  Manila  could  never  be  successfully  attacked,  so  ample  were  the  pre- 
cautions of  the  home  government.  And  had  the  Spanish  authorities 
supplemented  nature — Cavite  could  only  have  been  taken  as  Mobile  or 
New  Orleans  were,  by  patient  approach  and  deadly  grapple — if  even 


SPANISH   ARTILLERY    HEADQUARTERS,   MANILA. 

these  could  have  won  over  such  enginery  as  modern  science  puts  in  such 
profusion  at  the  disposal  of  the  defensive.  But  the  ominous  points  of 
contact  for  such  an  enterprise  as  Dewey's  were  the  islands,  Corregidor 
and  Rulacabilla — square  in  the  mouth  of  the  narrow  entrance  to  the 
harbor.  Corregidor  rises  from  the  water  six  hundred  and  fifty  feet  sky- 
ward— the  second  island  is  less  lofty  by  perhaps  a  hundred  or  more  feet. 
These  islands,  provided  as  any  of  our  coasts  were  armed,  could  have 
stopped  a  fleet  a  hundred  fold  more  powerful  than  Dewey's.  Indeed  the 


DEWEY'S  CAPTAINS.  105 

completeness  of  the  prodigious  armaments  on  these  heights  was  told  all 
over  the  Orient,  when  the  first  signs  of  war  arose. 

Add  to  this  the  interminable  chains  of  mines,  torpedoes  and  other  infer- 
nal agencies,  and  Dewey's  hardihood  can  be  comprehended.  That  mo- 
mentous Saturday  night,  as  the  squadron  steamed  toward  the  unknown, 
Dewey  called  the  illustrious  company  commanding  the  several  ships,  to 
counsel.  The  group  comprised,  Captain  Charles  V.  Gridley,  of  the  flag- 
ship ;  of  the  Raleigh,  Captain  Joseph  B.  Coghlan ;  Boston,  Commander 
G.  F.  F.  Wilde;  Baltimore,  Commander  Nehemiah  M.  Dyer;  Concord, 
Commander  Asa  Walker;  Petrel,  Captain  E.  P.  Wood;  McCulloch,  Captain 
D.  B.  Hodgson.  Dewey  made  known  his  plan  of  operations  succinctly 
and  confidentially.  He  proposed,  he  declared,  to  carry  out  the  President's 
order.  He  directed  the  captains  to  slip  into  the  bay  past  the  islands  under 
cover  of  the  night,  and  then  make  at  the  Spanish  squadron,  wherever 
found.  They  were  cautioned  to  extinguish  all  lights,  and  pay  no  heed  to 
shots  fired  at  them  in  passing.  It  was  after  midnight  when  the  captains 
were  rowed  back  to  their  vessels.  The  large  moon  suddenly  slumped  out 
of  sight,  and  the  sea  was  a  wilderness  of  misty  darkness.  The  audacious 
armada  was  soon  at  the  crucial  juncture  of  fort,  fleet  and  mines.  The 
commander  took  the  place  of  peril,  as  his  old  tutor  Farragut  used  to  do. 
The  Olympia  steamed  in  spectral  majesty  under  the  sweep  of  the  Cor- 
regidor  guns,  and  the  rest  of  the  line  followed.  The  lights  on  the  island 
were  plainly  visible,  when  the  men  were  called  up  to  wash  and  get  a  stay- 
ing draught  of  coffee.  The  silence  of*  the  hour — neither  night  nor  morn- 
ing— made  the  ship's  noises  so  distinct,  that  they  grew  into  volcanic  up- 
roars in  the  excited  minds  of  the  crews.  It  seemed  as  if  the  mighty 
throbbings  of  the  engines  must  be  audible  even  in  Manila,  thirty  miles 
away. 

For  hours,  which  seemed  ages,  the  ships  crept  along  until  they  came 
into  the  channel,  moving  in  single  file,  and  without  a  sound  on  board,  ex- 
cept quiet  orders  and  the  throb  of  the  engines  and  thwacks  of  the  screws. 
In  that  still  air,  it  seemed  impossible  to  escape  the  vigilance  of  the  forts,  yet 
the  Olympia,  Baltimore,  Raleigh,  Petrel,  Concord  and  Boston  passed  with- 
out even  the  challenge  of  a  hail.  The  batteries  of  Corregidor  and  Caballo 
were  mute,  although  the  flagship  passed  well  in  range,  with  the  Baltimore, 
following  still  closer  inshore.  It  was  incredible  to  Dewey  and  his  com- 
manders, that  the  garrisons  were  at  their  posts  and  awake,  for  it  seemed 
that  a  fleet  stealing  into  an  enemy's  bay  never  made  so  much  noise.  The 
flotilla  would  all  have  been  inside— squadron,  supply  ships,  and  convoy — 
without  the  Spanish  guards  receiving  the  faintest  intimation  of  its  ap- 


106  PASSIXG  CORREGIDOR. 

proach,  if  it  had  not  been  for  a  fireman  on  board  the  McCulloch.  Possi- 
bly her  commander  had  some  idea  that  he  was  running  behind  and  told 
the  engineer  to  put  on  a  little  more  steam.  It  was  supposed  that  the  men 
at  the  boilers  got  the  idea  that  this  was  needed,  and,  throwing  open  the 
furnace  doors,  a  few  shovelfuls  of  soft  coal  were  dumped  in.  Up  from 
the  smokestack  of  the  cutter  went  a  great  shower  of  sparks.  "  If  some 
one  doesn't  see  that,  the  whole  island  must  be  asleep,"  an  officer  on  the 
Olympia  exclaimed.  Some  one  evidently  did  see  it,  but  even  then  the 
answer  did  not  come  instantly,  for  some  minutes  elapsed  before,out  from 
the  west  there  came  a  bugle  call,  then  a  flash,  and  then  the  rolling  boom 
of  a  great  gun.  Between  the  flash  and  the  report  there  should  have  been 
the  drop  somewhere  of  the  shot  that  went  with  them,  but  nobody  in  the 
fleet  ever  saw  or  heard  anything  to  prove  that  Spain's  first  gun  in  the 
battle  of  Manila  Bay,  fired  anything  more  than  a  blank  cartridge.  Twice 
more  the  battery  fired,  and  somewhere  astern  of  the  McCulloch,  there  was 
a  great  splashing  of  water,  but  there  was  no  ball  felt  anywhere  near  the 
line.  Up  to  the  third  shot  with  its  answering  splash,  no  reply  was  made 
by  the  invading  fleet,  but  with  the  third  shot,  and  sounding  almost  like 
its  echo,  there  was  a  roar  from  the  Concord.  In  what  particular  part  of 
the  fort  that  shot  hit,  no  one  knew.  Then  further  back,  the  Boston  took 
up  the  signal  and  sent  in  an  eight-inch  shell.  Still  further  to  the  rear,  the 
McCulloch  having  started  the  melee,  continued  as  if  for  diversion.  The 
batteries  kept  on  flashing  and  booming  a  few  minutes  longer,  and  then 
became  silent.  There  remained  the  torpedoes  and  mines  with  which  the 
entrance  was  strewn,  and  Admiral  Montojo's  fleet  rushing  out  to  ram  the 
groping  vessels.  But  it  is  recorded  by  a  participant,  that  the  unanimous 
feeling  was,  that  if  mines  were  there,  they  were  there,  and  that  was  all 
there  was  about  it.  Still  in  the  deep  darkness  just  before  the  dawn,  the 
adventurous  ships  sailed  implacably  onward.  Commodore  Dewey  was 
talking  in  an  undertone  to  the  rebel  Philippine,  who  was  acting  as  pilot. 
The  figures  of  the  men  could  be  seen  standing  silently  at  their  posts,  up 
and  down  the  ship.  An  officer  analyzing  the  sensations  of  that  crisis  of 
the  advance,  declared  "This  invisible  fleet  ahead  was  a  test  out  of  which 
no  man  came  without  a  sigh  of  relief.  It  is  a  hard  thing  to  whisper  an 
order,  I  know,  so  perhaps  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  there  should 
have  been  a  break,  or  vibration  in  the  men's  voices,  as  they  passed  the  * 
necessary  word  from  mouth  to  mouth.  We  were  all  keyed  up,  but  it  was 
not  long  before  the  fighting  string  in  every  man's  heart  was  twanging  and 
singing  like  that  of  a  taut  bow." 

Never  in  the  history  of  desperate  enterprises,  was  the  flower  safety 


THE  SPANISH   FLEET.  107 

more  daringly  plucked  from  the  nettle  danger.  It  was  known  that  the 
Spanish  fleet,  in  numbers,  largely  outnumbered  the  craft  at  Dewey's  com- 
mand. A  victorious  captain-general  had  just  subdued  a  prolonged  out- 
break on  the  main  islands,  and  it  was  generally  supposed  that  the  arsenals 
of  the  harbors  were  amply  guarded,  and  the  stores  abundant.  It  had 
gone  forth  too,  that  a  deadly  system  of  mining  had  made  the  harbor  of 
Manila  impossible  to  navigate,  even  were  there  no  fleet  to  impede  the 
entrance.  It  was  true,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  Admiral  Montojo's  vessels 
were  more  in  number  than  the  squadron  of  attack,  but  there  the  com- 
parison ends,  for  one  of  our  battle  ships  far  surpassed  any  two  of  the 
Spanish.  In  guns,  in  all  the  appliances  that  make  fighting  machines  ef- 
fective, our  less  numerous  squadron  was  immeasurably  superior.  In  an- 
other respect  the  disparity  was  more  vitally  apparent.  The  conduct  of 
the  Yankee  crews,  the  inventive  fertility  of  the  rank  and  file,  the  quality, 
which  is  often  spoken  of  as  "  moral  stamina,"  made  our  fleet  incompa- 
rably more  than  a  match  for  an  equal  number-,  even  on  superior  fighting 
machines.  This,  however,  could  only  be  a  hope,  not  a  reliance  in  Dewey's 
calculations  when  he  set  sail  from  Hong  Kong. 

The  last  great  colonial  empire  of  the  world  possessions  of  Spain,  were 
within  three  days'  steaming  of  the  cosmopolitan  haven  of  Hong  Kong, 
long  held  by  the  British.  Pendulating  between  revolution  and  anarchy, 
the  tribes  of  this  vast  insular  empire  had  been  draining  the  life-blood  of 
the  monarchy  for  years.  Pro-consuls  had  been  sent  out,  as  to  Cuba,  had 
waged  ruthless  war  for  a  season,  and  returned  to  the  metropolitan,  pro- 
claiming peace.  But  barely  had  the  word  reached  Madrid,  when  revolt 
was  reported ;  new  bands  were  in  motion  and  the  Spanish  masters  in  a 
panic.  The  distance  from  the  seat  of  government,  the  immensity  of  the 
area  of  the  islands,  made  it  difficult  to  frame  effective  action  from  Mad- 
rid. Had  the  affairs  of  the  colony  been  in  the  hands  of  strong  govern- 
ments, capable  administrators,  the  problem  was  great  enough  to  tax  the 
sagacity  of  the  most  enlightened  and  accomplished  statesmen. 

But,  as  in  Spain  where  a  succession  of  adventurers  succeeded  in  cabinet 
after  cabinet,  so  in  the  Philippines,  adventurer  after  adventurer  took  up 
the  heavy  burden  of  administration,  and  failed.  The  causes  of  these  fail- 
ures are  precisely  those  that  brought  ruin  upon  Spain  herself.  Indolence, 
ignorance,  rapacity,  the  cynical  venality  deplored  by  every  thoughtful 
Spaniard.  Captain-general  after  captain -general  followed  each  other 
at  stated  intervals,  each  returning  to  Spain  enriched  by  his  pro-consulate! 
But  even  the  fatuous  misrule  of  the  Spaniards  would  not  have  brought 
about  rebellion,  if  outside  nationalities  had  not  set  the  discontented  into 


108  BATTLE  DISCOVERS  FACULTIES. 

active  revolt.  There  are  no  natives  capable  of  aspiring  to  independence, 
none  that  have  the  remotest  conception  of  self-rule,  or  rule  of  any  kind, 
save  the  bludgeon  or  the  bow  string.  But  the  Japanese,  the  Chinese  and 
even  some  of  the  more  restless  of  the  Western  states  of  Christendom, 
kept  the  natives  in  activity,  with  the  purpose  of  wearing  Spain  out  and 
seizing  the  coveted  territories. 

Bismarck  began  the  policy  some  years  ago,  by  a  claim  on  that  group  of 
the  Philippines  known  as  the  Caroline  islands.  He  naively  professed 
that  he  had  no  idea  they  formed  part  of  the  possessions  of  Spain  ;  that 
they  were  lying  unclaimed  by  any  competent  authority,  and  that  Germany 
needed  them !  Spain  flew  into  a  passion.  Europe  became  interested. 
Britain  saw  that  her  predominance  in  the  Orient  would  be  put  in  jeopard. 
Spain  was  therefore  encouraged  to  arm,  to  resist,  and  Britain  would  stand 
by.  Bismarck  had  no  motion  of  going  as  far  as  a  general  war.  He  saw 
that  if  he  persisted  in  seizing  the  islands,  that  he  would  have  to  fight  the 
British.  He  was  given  a  chance  to  withdraw  without  letting  it  be  seen 
that  he  was  driven  out ;  the  matter  was  submitted  to  the  arbitration  of 
the  Pope,  and  as  prearranged,  the  pontiff  reaffirmed  Spain's  title. 

Dewey  knew  that  his  ships  were  perfect,  in  so  far  as  they  represented 
what  has  come  to  be  known  as  a  "  class  "  of  fighting  machines.  They 
had  never  been  tried  in  action ;  it  was  problematical  whether  the  most 
accomplished  of  the  trained  craftsmen  could  really  guide  and  manipulate 
the  million  niceties  of  invention  that  make  the  handling  of  a  battle  ship, 
the  work  of  a  scientific  adept. 

As  war  reveals  a  people  to  itself,  battle  discovers  to  men,  faculties  they 
are  hardly  conscious  of.  To  manoeuver  a  stately  battle  ship,  under  the 
rubric  of  the  rules  laid  down  in  the  school  of  the  mariner,  is  far  from  do- 
ing the  same  work  in  the  stress  of  conflict.  For  not  the  least  of  the  de- 
mand upon  the  sailor  or  soldier,  is  the  denial  of  curiosity  !  He  may  not 
stop  to  watch  the  thrilling  phantasmagoria  of  strife ;  he  may  not  even 
follow  the  meteoric  parabola  of  the  ball  he  speeds  to  do  deathly  work. 
The  shouts  and  cries  of  command  or  pain,  the  hoarse  cheers  in  the  pan- 
demonium about  him,  the  echoing  voice  of  stertorous  defiance  in  the 
murky  deeps  beyond — these  he  may  not  linger  to  take  count  of.  He 
must  push  hand,  limb,  body,  sight,  every  faculty  that  differentiates  the 
man  from  the  machine,  how  much  soever  of  a  prodigy  it  may  be  in  com- 
plicated workmanship.  He  is  lost  in  the  savage  exultation  of  death  ;  but 
he  has  none  of  the  gluttonous  delight  of  his  ancestor,  the  redman,  whose 
blow  preceded  the  triumph  of  the  scalp — the  ecstasy  of  his  enemy's  dy- 
ing groan  or  servile  surrender. 


DEWEY'S   COOLNESS. 


109 


Dewey's  fleet  had  just  enough  ammunition  to  fight  one  battle,  if  the 
resistance  were  not  prolonged.  This  however,  was  not  known  to  the  sail- 
ors, though  the  veterans  must  have  divined  it.  Hence  the  daring  of  the 
attack  reaches  the  stage  of  heroism — known  as  the  forlorn  hope — for  had 
the  Spanish  fleet,  resisted  long  enough,  had  Admiral  Montojo  been  able 


WORKING    A   FIVE-INCH   RAPID   FIRE  GUN. 

to  shelter  his  vessels  as  he  could  have  done,  or  as  Dewey  would  have 
done,  had  the  emergency  required  it;  our  fleet  would  have  found  itself  in 
the  enemy's  harbor,  four  thousand  miles  from  coal  and  ammunition  1 

Dewey  had  taken  all  the  precautions  his  daring  implied.  He  had  in- 
formed himself  of  the  enemy's  resources  ;  he  knew  to  a  gun  the  armament 
that  would  resist  him.  He  had  such  charts  and  outlines  as  it  was  possi- 
ble for  agents  of  our  government  to  procure.  But  he  couldn't  foreknow 
the  absolute  poverty  of  the  arsenal;  the  treasonable  lack  of  precautions  in 
the  vital  defences  of  the  harbor  of  Manila.  It  is  a  testimony  to  his 
heroism  that  he  went  to  his  work  anticipating  all  the  dangers  that  skill, 
prudence,  scientific  knowledge  and  ample  warning  foreboded.  He  ex- 
pected to  pass  as  did  Farragut,  his  ancient  commander  at  Mobile,  miles  of 


110  THE  OPENING  GUN. 

water  strewn  with  torpedoes,  nets  to  impede  his  vessels,  guns  banked  on 
the  island  of  Corregidor,  commanding  the  entrance  to  the  bay,  us  ef- 
fectually as  Staten  Island  guards  the  approaches  of  New  York.  For 
Manila,  as  the  chief  city  and  naval  entrepot  of  Spain's  Oriental  Empire, 
was  naturally  supposed  to  be  ready  at  all  times  for  just  such  an  onset  as 
Dewey  meditated. 

The  recent  war  between  China  and  Japan  had  illustrated  the  defects 
of  great  ships  alone,  as  protections  to  harbors.  Admonished  by  China's 
collapse,  it  was  only  natural  to  suppose  that  Manila  would  present  an  ag- 
gressive defence  redoubtable  to  the  strongest  squadron  that  Britain  her- 
self could  bring  to  bear.  All  this  Dewey  counted  upon,  when  after  the 
fateful  sail  across  the  Yellow  Sea,  his  squadron  came  in  sight  of  the 
island  of  Corregidor.  He  had  timed  his  approach  to  the  crucial  point,  at 
an  hour  when  he  would  have  the  cover  of  darkness.  But  in  the  hands  of 
competent  men,  darkness  would  have  been  no  shield.  Invention  has 
placed  it  in  the  power  of  defenders  of  strong  places,  on  the  coast,  to  throw 
wide  beams  of  light  across  the  pathway  of  approaching  ships,  to  surprise 
the  most  cautious  night  advance.  Dewey 's  fleet  had  almost  wholly  passed 
the  island,  when  a  bed  of  soft  coal  in  one  of  the  furnaces  of  the  fleet  sent 
up  a  lurid  flame.  A  shot  from  one  of  the  forts  followed,  but  as  the  ships 
had  been  moving  as  they  neared  land,  with  all  lights  out  and  every  pre- 
caution against  the  faintest  twinkle  of  a  lantern,  the  startled  enemy  had 
nothing  in  sight  to  fire  at. 

With  characteristic  confidence,  which  under  other  circumstances  might 
have  seemed  reckless  bravado,  the  fleet  returned  a  salvo.  Now  this 
passage  at  arms  accentuates  the  incredible  lack  of  preparation  that  the 
whole  combat  discovered.  This  opening  gun  was  fired  seventeen  miles 
from  Manila,  but  there  was  no  telegraphic  line  communicating  with  the 
admiral  in  command  !  The  destinies  of  the  campaign  might  have  been  de- 
cided by  a  timely  telegram  to  the  commander.  At  the  rate  the  fleet 
sailed  four  miles  an  hour  to  reach  Manila,  after  this  first  warning  shot, 
the  Spanish  fleet  could  have  been  made  ready.  But  no  word  was  carried 
to  the  unconscious  Admiral  Montojo.  Scores  of  Krnpp  guns  of  the 
heaviest  calibre  lined  the  embattled  cliffs  on  each  side  of  Corregidor ;  in 
the  hands  of  determined  men,  these  guns  could  have  riddled  the  stoutest 
armor  and  made  the  fleet  an  easy  conquest;  for  even  the  inferior  ships  of 
the  Spaniards,  with  mines  properly  placed  along  the  channel,  would  have 
made  the  entrance  to  the  bay,  a  holocaust.  Believing  that  these  were 
in  his  path,  believing  that  the  Krupp  guns  would  do  their  office,  Dewey, 
without  an  instant's  hesitation,  pushed  on  to  their  encounter  I 


THE  MIDNIGHT  ORDEAL.  Ill 

This  ordeal  began  at  midnight.  As  the  dawn  broke  with  a  flash,  in  the 
way  day  breaks  in  these  tropic  lands,  the  fleet  was  revealed  in  the 
lovely  harbor  of  Manila,  each  vessel  stripped  for  action,  and  the  long  files 
of  stalwart  men  asleep  beside  their  guns,  expecting  an  onset  every 
minute,  from  midnight  on,  neither  officers  nor  men  ventured  to  quit  the 
decks.  The  sunlight  revealed  an  entrancing  spectacle  to  the  eager  mar- 
iners. In  curving  circles  of  dewy  green,  the  vernal  parterres  of  the  main- 
land arose  like  blooming  amphitheatres ;  in  the  dazzling  foliage  nestled 
the  gay  pavilions  of  Manila's  suburbs;  in  the  centre  of  the  city  itself, 
uprose  in  tranquil  majesty,  spires  and  domes — a  vision  of  repose.  In  the 
clear  air,  the  soft  jangle  of  the  early  church  bells  came  soothingly  across 
the  radiant  waters.  But  beyond  the  curving  line  of  peace,  the  grim  por~ 
tents  of  war  engrossed  the  eager  gaze  of  the  men.  Far  other  than  the 
music  of  the  bells  came  from  that  quarter.  The  Spanish  ships,  some 
visible,  others  concealed  behind  the  tortuosities  of  Cavite,  were  making 
ready  to  challenge  the  Yankee  right  of  way. 

In  keeping  with  the  shiftless  state  of  the  enemy's  fleets,  defences  and 
what  not,  our  sailors  could  see  the  hurry  and  confusion  that  paralyzed  the 
Spanish  crews.  Manila  had  been  apprized  that  war  was  declared  :  the  com- 
mander of  the  fleet  was  in  cable  communication  with  Hong  Kong,  and 
must  have  known  the  exact  status  of  his  adversary.  He  had  Spanish 
compatriots  in  Hong  Kong  who  could  have  served  him  as  our  consul  in 
Manila  had  served  Dewey.  But  these  elementary  preparations  and  pre- 
cautions never  seem  to  have  entered  into  Captain-general  Augusti's  or 
Admiral  Montojo's  plan  of  campaign.  The  approach  of  the  Yankees  was 
a  bewildering  surprise.  The  wrecked  admiral  in  accounting  for  his  an- 
nihilation, naively  confessed  that  he  did  not  look  for  the  hostile  fleet 
under  a  week  at  the  earliest,  yet  it  was  not  by  swift  sailing  our  fleet  was 
so  promptly  on  the  scene;  for  the  Federal  commander  systematically 
held  the  squadron  at  half  speed.  From  the  moment  the  island  of  Cor- 
regidor  was  sighted,  the  rate  was  diminished  to  four  miles  an  hour,  to 
guard  against  torpedo  and  mining  enterprises.  Significantly  too,  the 
sailors  were  impressed  superstitiously,  by  the  fate  of  the  Maine,  for  the 
name  of  that  vessel  was  heard  in  every  corner  where  tars  were  gathered 
in  the  solemn  conclaves  that  precede  battle.  None  feared  open  fight — 
shot  or  shell — but  to  be  ignobly  smothered  like  rats  in  a  tub  has  the  hor- 
ror for  sailors,  that  the  prison  bars  of  Andersonville  came  to  have  for  the 
soldiers  during  the  Civil  War.  But  when  the  glorious  tropic  dawn  irradi- 
ated the  surface  of  the  sea,  and  the  tars  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  Spanish 
squadron,  their  trained  eyes  detected  that  while  the  men  aboard  might  be 


112  STRIPPED  FOR  ACTION. 

models  of  valor,  the  care  of  the  ships  was  derisive.  For  it  was  noted  that 
there  was  no  steam  issuing  from  the  pipes,  no  smoke  to  indicate  fires. 
The  fleet  indeed  lay  supine  in  the  grasp  of  the  determined  captain,  who 
braving  all,  was  to  win  all.  Not  so  on  the  Yankee  ships.  The  tropic 
heat  had  warned  the  tars  that  garments  would  be  a  peril.  When  the 
guns  were  ready,  the  men  stood  at  them  stripped  to  the  belt,  and  remained 
in  this  unconventional  costume  until  the  ships  were  "  tidied  "  up  for  in- 


SPANISH   VESSELS   BLOCKADED   AT   MANILA. 

epection  after  the  combat  was  ended.  It  is  eminently  worth  recording, 
that  the  time  of  a  number  of  the  plain  sailors  had  expired  just  as  Dewey 
received  the  word  from  Washington  to  seek,  engage,  and  destroy  the 
Spanish  fleet.  In  every  instance,  the  men  asked  to  join  in  the  battle  and 
though  no  longer  amenable  to  the  rules  of  war,  fought  the  fight  and  did 
duty  like  their  brethren. 

Such  exhibitions  are  worth  volumes  as  indicating  the  spirit  of  the  rank 
and  file,  the  affectionate  consideration  in  which  the  trained  hierarchies  of 
the  fleet  are  held.  For  there  was  never  a  time  when  a  British  seaman 
was  known  to  remain  an  hour  in  service,  after  the  terra  of  his  legal  release 
struck.  The  picture  is  fitly  finished  by  the  appearance  of  one  of  these 
modest  heroes  at  the  White  House,  on  the  return  from  the  field  of  his 
glory,  to  narrate  to  the  chief  magistrate  the  incidents  of  the  battle  as  a 
gunner's  eye  saw  it.  It  would  not  be  a  complete  history  of  the  epoch, 


THE  SPANISH   LINE.  113 

that  omitted  this  characteristic  detail.  Scores  of  incidents  like  these  en- 
dear Lincoln  to  the  plain  people  he  counted  on  so  confidently  to  carry 
the  country  through  the  ordeal  of  war. 

From  the  compact  mass  of  the  Spanish  line,  came  the  opening  volley, 
our  fleet  moving  in  prescribed  regularity,  as  if  in  evolution.  Dewey  in  his 
place  of  peril,  on  the  bridge  of  the  flagship  Olympia,  stood  gravely  calcu- 
lating the  gunmanship  of  his  enemy.  To  the  strained  attention  of  the 
men,  immobile  at  the  guns,  it  seemed  as  if  the  commander  had  forgotten 
the  mission  of  his  fleet.  Nearer  the  vessels  ranged  in  due  order  to  the 
enemy's  foreline,  now  sending  missiles  over  the  Yankee  decks,  hurtling 
through  every  projection  of  the  ships.  The  Spanish  flagship,  the  Reina 
Christina  (Queen  Christina)  was  4,000  yards  away,  when  she  sent  her 
first  salute  to  the  impassible  commander.  In  an  instant  the  flagship  be- 
came the  target  of  the  Spanish  line  ;  the  air  was  a  pandemonium  of  crack- 
ing shells  and  whizzing  shot.  Still  Dewey  stood  silent;  finally,  having 
gauged  the  accuracy  of  the  enemy's  fire,  he  turned  to  the  waiting  subor- 
dinate with  the  word': 

"  When  you  are  ready  you  may  fire,  Gridley  ! " 

The  massive  bulk  of  the  Olympia  turned  her  side  to  the  line  of  fire  and 
the  roar  from  her  enormous  guns  sounded  almost  simultaneously  with  the 
commodore's  tranquilly  uttered  signal.  Each  ship  in  its  turn  took  up  the 
refrain.  Then  was  seen  the  incommunicable  something  meant  by  dis- 
cipline, the  effects  of  enlightened  training,  the  spirit  of  confidence  that 
enables  a  guiding  mind  to  achieve  the  utmost  results  hoped  for,  planned 
for,  in  the  fallow  years  of  peace.  The  men  in  every  division  of  the  innu- 
merable parts  seamen  play,  laid  hold  of  their  work  as  though  its  execution 
under  shot  and  shell  were  the  oldest  of  old  stories.  The  Spanish  mis- 
siles came  in  hurtling  clouds  about  each  ship ;  and  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  not  the  least  of  the  benumbing  terrors  of  battle  on  sea  or  land, 
is  the  indescribable  clamor  of  the  bursting  bombs ;  the  whizzing  shot, 
whether  its  speed  be  checked  by  a  human  body  or  the  inert  mass  of  the 
ship's  metal.  Mingled  with  the  tornado  of  shot  and  shell  directed  from 
the  Spanish  ships,  four  well  mounted  earthworks  added  a  continuous 
deluge  upon  Dewey 's  squadron. 

Though  the  din  and  carnage  seemed  the  blind  fury  of  uncontrollable 
forces,  that  is,  events  following  each  other  by  chance  or  coincidence, 
studied  design  marked  every  volley,  every  movement  of  each  ship  had  a 
double  consigne — to  act  with  such  relation  to  natural  obstacles  as  to  gain  the 
greatest  efficiency  for  her  broadside  and  least  expose  vulnerable  parts:  to 
keep  in  movement  and  in  such  guise  as  to  give  the  enemy  the  least  chance 


114  COOL  HEAD  AXD  STRONG  ARM. 

to  get  sight  on  vulnerable  parts.  To  gradually  diminish  the  distance  as 
the  work  of  destruction  visibly  shattered  the  effective  force  of  the  enemy. 
This  plan  of  operations  kept  our  fleet  in  constant  movement,  easing  the 
strain  on  each  battery  in  turn,  and  enabling  every  part  of  the  ship's  of- 
fensive equipment  to  come  into  play  by  graduated  instalments,  so  to 
speak.  Above  all,  it  gave  the  masses  of  men,  who  could  not  see  what  was 
going  on,  the  unspeakable  solace  of  feeling  that  all  was  going  well,  for 
they  were  carrying  out  precisely  the  orders  received  in  squadron  drill ; 
that  was  reassurance  that  no  destructive  missiles  had  crippled  the  vessel ; 
nothing  out  of  the  normal  had  come  to  pass.  And  as  after  all  the  effect- 
iveness of  the  vessel  depends  utterly  upon  the  cool  head  and  the  strong 
arm  imprisoned  among  the  mechanical  appliances,  this  of  itself  reveals 
the  scope  of  Dewey's  masterful  system.  Simple  as  the  manceuvering 
seems,  in  fact  inevitable,  it  was  clearly  not  counted  on  by  the  Spanish 
Admiral — Montojo,  an  accomplished  mariner,  as  the  tribute  of  Dewey  at- 
tests. Montojo  had  so  aligned  his  ships,  as  to  compel  a  standing  fight, 
ship  to  ship,  and  under  such  conditions  he  would  have  added  immeasura- 
bly to  his  chances  for  the  guns  of  Cavite  would  have  been  as  deadly  as 
the  volleys  from  his  broadsides.  To  have  planted  his  line  abreast  the 
Spanish  line,  would  have  lessened  the  offensive  force  of  Dewey's  squadron 
by  nearly  half,  for  it  would  have  taken  time  to  turn  each  ship  to  bring 
each  broadside  into  play.  A  realistic  observer,  whose  official  functions 
held  him  near  the  commodore  during  the  evolutions,  contributes  the 
charming  detail,  that  as  the  fleet  having  safely  anchored  the  supply  ships 
out  of  range,  circled  majestically  back — eastward  toward  the  wharves  of 
Manila,  Dewey,  weighted  with  a  responsibility  that  we  who  read  and 
wonder,  lose  sight  of  in  the  result,  commented  on  the  lovely  lines  of 
landscape,  likening  the  peaceful  picture  of  earth,  sea  and  sky  with  one  of 
his  own  Vermont  home  scenes.  It  was  remarked  of  another  commander, 
Wilde  of  the  Boston,  that  in  the  deadliest  grapple  of  the  combat,  when 
iron  fell  like  hail,  and  no  one  knew  the  instant  the  torpedoes  would  sound 
the  ships'  doom,  he  held  a  broad  palm  leaf  fan  and  worked  it  with  vigor. 
Naturally — the  commander  of  fleet  or  vessel,  were  objects  of  interest  to 
their  juniors  and  the  testimony  on  each  ship  shows  that  the  country  can 
count  on  as  many  Deweys  as  it  has  educated  sailors.  Once,  for  a  mo- 
ment, the  breath  of  all  who  had  time  to  glance  overboard  ceased,  the 
flesh  crawled  as  the  Baltimore  rushed  thunderingly  toward  the  jaws  of 
flame,  the  water  uprose  in  a  pyramid  of  glittering  jets — the  surface  of 
the  water  seemed  to  start  upward — a  sensation  as  of  the  first  disturbance 
of  an  earthquake  was  imagined,  not  felt.  Every  man  on  ship  seeing  this 


THE  DIN  OF  BROADSIDES.  115 

recognized  that  the  unknown  had  come.  The  torpedoes  were  taking  a 
hand.  But  there  was  no  outward  sign  of  the  inward  horror.  They  were 
there  to  die,  but  before  dying  they  were  there  to  destroy  the  destroyers. 
The  ships  sailed  on — implacably  as  the  fate  that  had  summoned  them. 
That,  however,  was  the  last  evidence  of  the  mining  that  was  to  undo  the 
invader,  supposing  him  to  pass  the  outer  barricades. 

Unlike  most  battles  at  sea  there  were  witnesses  at  hand  to  mark  every 
stage,  every  gun  shot,  so-to-speak,  that  each  side  fired.  Dewey  himself 
seemed  intent  on  solving  the  scientific  results;  the  aggressive  and  passive 
potentialities  of  his  own  and  the  enemy's  armaments.  There  was  none  of 
the  clamorous  frenzy  of  shouting  men  and  maniac  officers,  we  read  of  in 
the  old  days  of  wooden  ships,  where  officers  with  cutlasses  stood  over  the 
gunners  shrieking  forth  alternate  commands  and  objurgations.  Indeed 
the  fighting  man  moved  with  the  same  orderly  determination,  exacted  at 
drill.  To  get  the  full  effect  of  the  guns  and  the  best  results  from  the 
men,  each  ship  turned  an  alternate  side  in  firing.  Thus  the  groups  at  the 
guns  had  an  interval  of  ten  minutes  or  more  to  rest,  while  their  mates  on 
the  other  side  were  firing.  In  spite  of  the  "  smokeless  "  powder,  dense 
clouds  of  black  smoke  rose  rapidly,  cutting  off  the  clear  outlines  of  the 
embattled  enemy. 

The  din  of  broadsides  had  gone  on  perhaps  fifteen  minutes,  when  a 
movement  of  significance  was  discerned  among  the  Spanish  ships.  Into 
the  shot  torn  sea,  directly  in  the  line  of  the  Olympia,  came  the  Spanish 
flagship,  the  majestic  leader  of  the  enemy's  fleet.  Admiral  Montojo, 
recognizing  the  Olympia  as  the  rival  flag  bearer,  made  intrepidly  toward 
her.  Dewey  saw  the  manoeuvre  and  leaning  over  the  rail  of  the  bridge, 
directed  an  officer  to  bid  the  gunners  turn  every  muzzle  upon  the  oncom- 
ing assailant.  The  Spanish  admiral  could  be  seen  on  the  bridge,  direct- 
ing the  battle,  with  his  two  sons  as  aids  beside  him.  At  each  turn  in  the 
circuit  made  by  the  fleet,  the  Reina  Christina  made  head  toward  the 
Olympia  ;  every  man  in  the  fleet  became  conscious  of  the  duel  of  the  flag- 
ships;  every  gun  was  pointed  with  more  deliberate  aim  toward  the 
Spanish  leader,  which  advanced  and  retired  with  the  coming  and  going 
of  the  flag  ship.  Dewey  had  noted  the  tactics  and  when  the  Christina 
turned  to  take  temporary  breathing  space  behind  the  Cavite  spur,  an 
eight  inch  shell  was  sent  square  into  the  retreating  ship's  stern. 

The  immense  missile  struck  squarely  under  the  protecting  deck  plates, 
tore  through  the  length  of  the  vessel,  and  when  nearly  at  the  other  end 
of  the  hulk,  exploded  the  powder  magazine.  The  havoc  was  beyond 
words,  destructive.  One  hundred  and  thirty  men  were  killed  or  wounded ; 


116 


THE   DUEL  OF  THE   FLAGSHIPS. 


the  noble  ship  was  almost  annihilated  as  a  fighting  machine.  The  cap- 
tain was  instantly  killed  and  seventy-five  per  cent,  of  the  crew  disabled, 
by  this  single  shot ! 

Of  this  episode  an  eye  witness  gives  this  remarkable  picture:     "The 
commodore  passed  the  word  to  concentrate  all  possible  fire  on  the  Reina 


ADMIRAL   PATRICK)   MONTOJO   Y   PARASON. 

Christina,  and  she  actually  shivered  under  the  battering  of  our  storm  of 
shot  and  shell.  Rents  appeared  near  her  water  line  where  the  eight-inch 
shells  had  torn  their  way.  One  shot  struck  the  port  bridge  on  which 
Admiral  Montojo  stood,  upon  which  like  the  brave  man  he  was,  the  ad- 


TONS  OF  STEEL.  1  1 7 

miral  coolly  stepped  to  the  other  end.  But  no  bravery  could  stand  the 
driving,  crushing,  rending  of  the  tons  of  steel  which  we  poured  into  the 
Christina,  and  there  was  quite  a  little  cheer  from  our  forward  men  as  the 
Spanish  flagship  turned  and  made  for  the  shore.  But  appreciation  of 
courage  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  did  not  prevent  our  gunners  from  also 
appreciating  the  excellent  opportunity  which  the  retreating  flagship  gave 
us  for  a  raking  shot.  As  she  got  into  her  swing  with  the  stern  dead  to- 
ward us,  one  of  Captain  Gridley's  guns  thundered,  and  an  eight-inch 
shell  struck  the  enemy  as  squarely  in  the  centre  as  though  she  had  been 
painted  off  in  target  squares.  It  was  a  bull's  eye  so  marvelous  in  its  ex- 
actness and  so  terrible  in  its  effects  that  I  cannot  help  speaking  of  it  a 
little  more  at  length.  We  saw  from  where  we  stood  that  it  shattered  the 
Christina's  steering  gear,  and,  unless  our  eyes  very  much  deceived  us,  we 
saw,  too,  that  the  Spaniard  was  actually  driven  forward  with  a  shivering 
motion  like  one  prize  fighter  sent  in  catapult  fashion  staggering  into  the 
ropes  from  the  fist  blow  of  another  prize  fighter.  From  what  we  learned 
then,  and  from  what  we  learned  afterward,  I  am  convinced  that  no  man 
in  the  squadron  had  up  to  that  time  an  idea  of  the  awfully  destructive 
possibilities  of  the  eight  incher.  The  projectile  weighed  two  hundred 
and  fifty  pounds,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  of  powder  were  used 
to  expel  it.  The  gun  itself  was  about  twenty-eight  feet  long.  When  it 
left  Gridley's  gun  the  shell  traveled  at  the  rate  of  two  thousand  feet  a. 
second.  The  distance  between  the  Olympia  and  the  Reina  Christina  was 
about  two  thousand  five  hundred  yards,  and  the  time  between  the  shot's 
leaving  the  muzzle  of  our  gun,  and  its  impact  on  the  stern  of  the  Spanish 
ship  was  the  scarcely  appreciable  one  of  five  seconds.  When  it  left  our 
gun  it  had  what  is  technically  known  as  an  energy  of  eight  thousand  and 
eleven  hundred  foot-tons ;  that  is,  it  would  have  gone  through  twenty-one 
and  a  half  inches  of  Harveyized  steel.  But  the  Reina  Christina  was  an 
unarmored  vessel  and  all  that  enormous  penetrative  energy  was  expended 
on  the  Spanish  cruiser's  protected  sides,  and  such  internal  resistance  as 
partitions,  bulkheads,  engines,  etc.  It  was  through  all  these  obstructions- 
that  the  great  shell  tore  its  way  until  it  reached  the  aft  boiler.  There  it 
exploded,  and  as  it  did  so,  ripped  up  the  deck  of  the  cruiser  and  scattered 
its  hail  of  steel  in  all  directions.  We  could  see  the  smoke  pouring  out 
of  the  vessel,  the  gush  of  escaping  steam  and  the  shower  of  splinters  and 
mangled  bodies."  Dewey,  of  course,  did  not  know  the  completeness 
of  the  work  done  by  this  one  fateful  ball.  Admiral  Montojo  contributes 
the  sequel :  "  Although  we  recognized  the  hopelessness  of  fighting  the 
American  ships,  we  were  busy  returning  their  fire.  The  Reina  Christina 


118 


EIGHT-INCH   GUXS. 


\ 


WORKING  THE   "OLYMPIAD"   EIGHT-INCH   GUNS. 

raa  hit  repeatedly.     Shortly  after  6:30  o'clock  I  observed  fire  forward. 


EFFECT  OF  ONE  SHOT. 


119 


Our  steering  gear  was  damaged,  rendering  the  vessel  unmanageable,  and 
we  were  being  subjected  to  a  terrible  hail  of  shell  and  shot.  The  engines 
were  struck ;  we  estimated  that  we  had  seventy  hits  about  our  hull  and 
superstructure.  The  boilers  were  not  hit,  but  the  pipe  to  the  condenser 


ADMIRAL  MONTOJO   LEAVING   HIS   FLAGSHIP. 

was  destroyed.  A  few  moments  later  I  observed  the  after  part  on  fire. 
A  shell  from  the  Americans  had  penetrated  and  burst  with  deadly  effect, 
killing  many  of  our  men.  The  flag  lieutenant  said  to  me:  4The  ship  is 
in  flames.  It  is  impossible  to  stay  on  the  Christina  any  longer.'  He  signalled 
to  the  gunboat  Isle  de  Cuba,  and  I  and  my  staff  were  transferred,  and  my 
7 


120  BREAKFAST  TIME. 

flag  hoisted  on  her.  Before  leaving  the  Christina,  my  flag  was  hauled 
down.  My  flagship  was  now  one  mass  of  flames.  I  ordered  away  all  the 
boats  I  could  to  save  the  crew." 

Dewey  at  this  point,  not  aware  of  the  extremity  of  the  enemy,  made 
signal  to  cease  firing.  A  blinding,  impenetrable  smoke  hid  everything 
above  and  about  the  vessels.  It  was  impossible  to  distinguish  visual 
signals.  The  group  near  Dewey 's  eyrie  heard  this  dialogue. 

"  What  time  is  it,  Reese?"  in  the  commodore's  ordinary  Yankee  drawl. 
"  Seven  forty-five,  sir,"  Reese  spoke  imperturbably  as  if  the  ships  were  in 
Boston  harbor. 

"  Breakfast  time,"  the  commodore  rejoined,  smiling — "  run  up  the  sig- 
nal to  cease  firing,  and  follow  me."  It  impresses  the  irony  of  events, 
that  the  Spaniards  at  sight  of  the  withdrawing  fleets,  sent  up  delirious 
cheers.  It  was  at  this  juncture  that  the  unfortunate  Montojo's  superior, 
like  the  Austrian  at  Marengo,  sent  the  dispatch  which  intoxicated  Madrid, 
that  the  Yankee  fleet  had  drawn  off  disabled.  To  accentuate  their  joy, 
which  they  believed  a  triumph,  the  lands  forts  deluged  the  retiring  squad- 
ron with  Krupp  missiles.  "  No  reply,  I  suppose,  sir,"  asked  the  Olympiad 
executive  officer.  "Oh,  no,"  Dewey  answered.  "Let  them  amuse  them- 
selves. We  shall  have  plenty  of  chance  to  burn  powder  after  breakfast. 
We  haven't  really  begun  fighting  yet." 

The  combat  had  been  waged  since  a  few  minutes  after  five.  But  the  men 
had  been  in  a  tension  equal  to  a  battle  of  twenty  hours.  Indeed  the 
tension  had  begun  so  soon  as  the  dim  surfaces  of  the  Philippines  could 
be  distinguished,  the  night  before.  To  stop  in  the  heat  and  fury  of  a 
combat  to  eat,  was  a  new  thing  in  sea  warfare,  and  the  fancy  of  the  ma- 
rines all  over  the  world  was  immensely  amused  at  the  evidence  of  Yankee 
imperturbability.  Dewey,  however,  had  more  weighty  reasons  than  feed- 
ing his  outworn  crews,  vital  as  that  need  was.  It  behooved  him  to  hus- 
band his  ammunition.  He  had  tested  the  enemy's  capacit}r  for  aggression 
and  if  the  conflict  were  to  be  prolonged,  he  must  take  note  of  the  resour- 
ces at  Montojo's  command.  While  the  men  were  breakfasting,  the  Span- 
iards had  an  opportunity  to  take  an  initiative.  If  they  were  capable  of 
an  onset,  the  Yankee  fleet  was  ready,  but  the  silence  in  the  deeps  behind 
Cavite  and  the  conduct  of  the  flagship,  convinced  Dewey  that  he  had  so 
crippled  the  armada  and  forts  that  it  would  be  running  no  risk  to  freely 
use  his  ammunition  in  destroying  the  fleet,  or  forcing  a  surrender. 

When  the  action  ceased  and  the  various  fleet  captains  were  signalled 
to  report  their  losses  and  damage,  on  Dewey's  flagship,  the  body  that 
surrounded  the  commander  regarded  each  other  with  stupefaction? 


THE  LAST  SIGNAL.  121 

They  had  been  firing  and  receiving  fire  for  nearly  three  hours,  and  had 
the  miraculous  tale  to  tell,  that  not  a  man  had  been  injured,  not  a  splinter 
had  been  knocked  from  an  iron  frame  I  Dewey  could  scarcely  believe 
his  ears.  When  the  officers  at  the  end  of  thirty  minutes  returned  with 
the  astounding  story  to  the  ships,  there  was  an  outburst  of  cheers  that 
puzzled  the  Spaniards,  for  they  were  in  the  despair  of  men  who  recognize 
that  no  valor  can  bring  victory. 

Admiral  Montojo  gives  the  picture  in  eloquent  brevity :  "  Only  a  few 
men  were  drowned,  the  majority  being  picked  up  by  the  boats.  Before 
jumping  overboard,  Captain  Cadarso's  son,  a  lieutenant  on  board  the 
Christina,  saw  his  father  alive  on  deck,  but  others  state  that  as  the  cap- 
tain was  about  to  leave,  a  shell  burst  overhead  and  killed  him.  We  esti- 
mated that  fifty-two  men  were  killed  on  board  the  Christina,  and  about 
150  wounded.  In  the  Castilla  about  fifteen  men  were  killed,  but  there 
were  many  wounded  both  on  the  Castilla  and  the  Don  Juan,  on  which 
thirteen  men  were  killed.  Altogether  400  men  were  killed  and  wounded 
in  our  ships.  As  soon  as  I  translated  myself  from  the  Reina  Christina  to 
the  Isle  de  Cuba,  all  the  shots  were  directed  upon  the  Cuba,  following  my 
flag.  We  sought  shelter  behind  the  pier  at  Cavite,  and  recognizing  the 
futility  of  fighting  more,  I  prepared  to  disembark,  and  gave  orders  for 
the  evacuation  of  the  remainder  of  our  ships.  The  Castilla  had  been  on 
fire  from  end  to  end  for  some  time,  and  was  of  course  already  abandoned- 
The  Ulloa  was  also  burning. 

"  My  last  signal  to  the  captains  of  all  vessels  was :  *  Scuttle  and  aban 
don  your  .ships.'  This  was  about  7:30.  The  Reina  Christina,  Castilla 
Don  Juan  d'  Austria,  Velasco  and  Ulloa,  were  all  destroyed  in  this  en 
gagement.  To  prevent  the  guns  being  of  use  to  the  Americans,  the  cap 
tains  on  abandoning  them  brought  away  portions  of  their  mechanism 
and  also  succeeding  in  saving  all  the  ships'  papers  and  treasure." 

Unconscious  of  the  havoc  his  ships  had  wrought,  that  is,  the  finality  ot 
the  work  done,  Dewey  ordered  the  renewal  of  the  action  at  10:45.  The 
fleet  as  fresh  and  staunch  as  when  the  opening  gun  boomed  over  tha 
waters,  headed  serenely  for  the  slaughter  pen.  As  the  concourse  steamed 
over  the  waters,  the  music  of  the  church  bells  could  be  heard  distinctly 
from  Manila,  as  though  war  were  unknown  in  the  port!  The  forts, 
almost  alone  maintained  the  second  combat.  They  were  well  armed,  and 
had  the  guns  been  well  served,  we  should  have  paid  a  costly  price  for  the 
final  conquest.  But  the  same  miraculous  fortune  attended  to  the  end. 
With  his  ships  riddled  into  useless  hulks,  their  crews  decimated,  the  forts 
silenced,  Admiral  Montojo  was  forced  at  the  end  of  two  hours  to  end  <i 


122  EVERYTHING  READY? 

resistance  whose  heroism  redeemed  the  end.  For  it  adds  to  the  splendor 
of  Dewey's  triumph,  that  he  overcame  a  resistance  as  desperate  as  sea 
annals  record.  Had  Spain  done  by  her  sailors  one-half  that  her  sailors 
did  for  her,  the  contest  at  Manila  would  have  left  a  different  tale  to  tell. 
History  narrates  down  to  the  least  syllable,  the  words  of  great  seamen 
in  combats  that  bear  feeble  comparision  with  Dewey's  work  at  Man- 
ila. But  there  is  no  where  in  naval  annals  points  more  piquant,  than 
one  observant  officer's  report  from  Dewey's  flagship.  The  resumption 
of  the  fight  after  the  leisurely  breakfast  would  have  been  called  epic,  had 
it  been  recorded  of  Nelson.  "Everything  ready,  Lieutenant?"  Dewey 
asked  in  his  measured  way.  "  I  believe  so,  sir,"  Lamberton  made  answer. 
"  Very  well,  call  to  quarters  and  get  under  way."  To  his  old  friend 
and  comrade,  Captain  Dyer  of  the  Baltimore,  Dewey  conceded  the  dan- 
gers and  glories  of  leading  in  the  second  assault.  The  programme  had 
been  settled  minutely.  The  Spanish  fleet  was  to  be  finished,  and  then 
the  forts  silenced.  Plainly,  Dewey  now  knew  what  he  could  do  with  his 
ships,  and  knew  the  men  he  could  count  on,  as  well  as  what  he  might 
look  for  from  the  Spaniards.  The  triumph  of  Montojo's  seamen  had  been 
shortlived.  Even  with  the  Yankees  gone  as  they  supposed  to  bind  up 
their  wounds,  the  Spanish  fleet  was  unable  to  right  a  gun  or  adjust  a 
splinter.  The  Baltimore's  captain,  emulous  of  the  conduct  of  the  flag- 
ship, went  to  his  task  intrepidly,  and  yet  with  a  certain  circumspection. 
As  the  ship  ran  within  range  she  caught  all  the  enemy's  fire  that  was 
left.  It  seemed  that  in  their  desperation  the  Spaniards  fired  better  at 
this  time  than  they  had  in  the  earlier  combat,  for  one  of  their  shells  ex- 
ploded on  the  Baltimore's  deck,  wounding  five  men  by  scattering  splin- 
ters. No  reply  went  from  the  Baltimore.  A  few  minutes  passed  and 
another  shell  burst  on  the  ship's  deck ;  three  more  men  were  hit.  Still 
the  Yankee  did  not  reply.  Shells  plunged  about  the  ship  until  she  seemed 
plowing  through  a  bed  of  dynamite.  When  she  reached  about  three-thou- 
sand-yard range,  she  swung  about  and  poured  a  broadside  into  the  Keina 
Christina.  Every  shot  must  have  told,  for  the  former  flagship  seemed 
literally  to  crumble  at  the  discharge.  The  smoke  clouds  hid  everything 
for  a  minute  or  two,  but  when  they  lifted,  the  Christina  could  be  seen 
bursting  into  fragments,  the  waters  about  her  in  a  tempest  of  splinters. 
Under  that  ferocious  discharge  of  the  Baltimore's  guns,  Captain  Cadarso 
and  many  of  his  men  were  killed.  When  the  rain  of  her  fragments  had 
ceased,  the  Christina  settled  and  sank,  the  remainder  of  her  crew  jumping 
overboard  and  swimming  for  the  nearest  consort.  The  Baltimore  then 
turned  her  attention  to  the  San  Juan  d'  Austria,  the  Olympia  and 


WRECK  OF  THE  AUSTRIA.  123 

Raleigh  steaming  up  to  aid  in  the  destruction.  The  three  cruisers  poured 
a  continuous  stream  into  the  Spaniard,  which  rocked  under  the  concus- 
sion. A  shell  from  the  Raleigh  struck  the  Spaniard's  magazine  and  ex- 
ploded it.  The  doomed  ship's  decks  went  up  like  the  crust  of  a  volcano ; 
so  violent  was  the  shock  that  the  vessel  next  her,  El  Correo,  careened  in 
almost  complete  wreck.  The  Austria  was  a  wreck,  and  the  El  Correo 
was  so  damaged,  that  the  Petrel  ran  up  close  to  the  Spanish  gun  boat  and 
finished  her  by  a  few  volleys.  The  cruisers  Velasco  and  Castilla  still  re- 
mained apparently  able  to  fight.  The  Boston  devoted  herself  to  ending 
the  Velasco's  activities.  A  broadside  was  landed  from  the  cruiser  with 
such  startling  precision  that  the  Spanish  ship  actually  swung  over  side- 
wise,  revealing  jagged  rents  in  her  starboard  side  that  told  the  story. 
She  went  down  smoking,  with  barely  time  enough  for  her  crew  to  throw 
over  their  boats  and  make  for  the  shore.  The  Castilla  had  been  set  on 
fire  in  the  first  onslaught,  and  when  the  Concord  and  Baltimore  poured 
the  tremendous  weight  of  shells  into  her,  she  was  scuttled  in  order  to 
prevent  the  magazine  from  exploding.  "Every  ship  in  the  Spanish  fleet," 
says  an  eye  witness,  "  with  one  exception  fought  valiantly,  but  to  the  Don 
Antonio  d'  Ulloa  and  her  commander  Robion,  should  be  given  the  palm 
for  that  form  of  desperate  courage  and  spirit  which  leads  a  man  to  die 
fighting.  The  flagship  and  the  Boston  were  the  executioners.  Under  their 
shells  the  Ulloa  was  soon  burning  in  half  a  dozen  places ;  but  her  fighting 
crew  gave  no  signs  of  surrender.  Shot  after  shot  struck  the  Spaniard's 
hull  until  it  was  riddled  like  a  sieve.  Shell  after  shell  struck  her  upper 
decks,  until  under  the  awful  fire  all  of  her  upper  guns  were  useless ;  but 
there  were  no  signs  of  surrender.  The  main  deck  crew  escaped,  but  the 
captain  and  his  officers  clung  to  the  wreck.  On  the  lower  deck  her  gun 
crews  stuck  to  their  posts  like  the  heroes  they  were.  As  shot  after  shot 
struck  the  shivering  hulk,  still  her  lower  guns  answered  back  as  best 
they  might;  it  seemed  as  though  it  was  impossible  to  kill  her.  At  last 
we  noticed  her  in  the  throes,  that  sickening  unmistakable  lurch  of  a  sink- 
ing ship.  Her  commander  noticed  it  too,  still  there  was  no  surrender. 
Instead,  he  nailed  the  Spanish  ensign  to  what  was  left  of  the  mast  and 
the  Don  Antonio  d'  Ulloa  went  down,  not  only  with  her  colors  flying, 
but  also  with  her  lower  guns  still  roaring  defiance.  Just  as  the  picture 
of  the  Ulloa's  end  is  luridly  bright,  so  that  of  another  ship  is  gloomily  dark. 
For  the  sake  of  her  gallant  mates,  this  ship  shall  be  nameless.  She  had 
hauled  down  her  colors  about  the  same  time  that  the  Ulloa  had  refused 
to  do  so,  and  had  gone  down  with  them  all  aflutter.  A  boat's  crew  from 
the  McCulloch  was  signaled  to  go  and  take  possession  of  this  ship,  when 


124  WE    SURRENDER. 

to  our  amazement  she  opened  fire  on  the  approaching  gig.  The  ensign 
stood  up  in  the  stern  in  open-mouthed  wonder  at  such  a  piece  of  treachery, 
but  kept  his  boat  along  her  course.  The  incident  had  not  passed  unob- 
served by  the  squadron,  however,  and  the  Spaniard's  fate  was  a  swift  one. 
There  was  no  need  for  the  commodore  to  fly  a  signal,  for  it  was  as  with 
a  common  impulse  that  every  one  of  our  vessels  stopped  firing  at  the 
enemy  in  general,  and  directed  every  available  shot  at  that  Spaniard  in 
particular.  The  bay  leaped  up  and  foamed  around  the  traitorous  vessel 
as  though  it  had  been  struck  by  the  whip  end  of  a  Texas  tornado,  and 
•when  the  waters  were  at  rest  again  the  Spaniard  had  vanished  as  com- 
pletely as  though  that  tornado  had  carried  her  bodily  into  a  neighboring 
state."  At  12:30,  from  the  highest  fortified  point  of  Cavite,  the  Olym- 
pia's  flag  officer  read  the  message,  "  We  surrender." 

Then  the  work  of  destruction  was  turned  to  the  rescue  and  re- 
cuperation of  the  vanquished.  On  Dewey's  fleet  the  sailors  moved  as  if 
in  a  dream  !  It  was  at  first  difficult  to  make  the  grimy  gunners  believe 
that  the  battle  was  ended ;  that  five  hours'  fighting  had  conquered  the 
last  imperial  possession  of  the  Spanish  monarchy.  But  the  commanders 
had  no  leisure  to  reflect  on  the  magnitude  of  the  work  wrought  in  so 
brief  a  space.  Problems  of  poignant  embarrassment,  came  with  the  re- 
sponsibilities of  victory.  Though  the  right  arm  of  Spanish  power  had 
been  crushed,  a  vigorous  left  arm  remained  to  parry  the  final  thrust. 
The  army  of  Spain  remained  intact  in  the  fortifications  of  Manila,  a  few 
miles  away!  Naturally  the  possession  of  Manila  was  desirable;  until 
the  flag  of  the  republic  floated  over  its  citadel,  the  conquest  could  not  be 
called  complete ;  yet  without  an  army  to  occupy  the  strong  places,  there 
was  peril  in  taking  possession.  Dewey  couldn't  man  his  ships  and  garri- 
son the  town.  The  Spanish  military  commander  couldn't  resist  a  bom- 
bardment, but  he  could  and  did  refuse  to  withdraw,  unless  driven  out  by 
the  guns  of  the  fleet.  It  was  not  however  the  mission  of  Dewey  to 
slaughter  the  innocent,  to  wantonly  destroy  private  property.  Beside 
this,  Manila  is  inhabited  by  colonies  of  many  nationalities.  These  had  to 
be  considered  in  the  emergency  of  an  attack.  Dewey  wisely  deferred  a 
decision  until  he  could  hear  from  Washington. 

Absorbing  as  the  narrative  of  the  battle  to  the  reader,  the  telling  of  it 
to  each  other  on  board  ship,  gives  the  officers  and  men  a  renewal  of  its 
glories  for  many  a  day,  and  indeed  will  continue  to  thrill  every  one  under 
the  flag,  so  long  as  war  stories  are  related  by  men.  It  is  the  evidence  of 
the  officers,  that  among  the  men  the  general  impression  had  prevailed 
that  they  were  going  to  have  a  battle  in  the  dark,  with  all  its  dangers  of 


JOY  OF   THE   CRKWS.  125 

firing  at  friend  or  foe.  When  the  real  spectacular  programme  broke  on 
them,  the  relief  of  the  men  was  eloquent  of  what  followed.  Few  of  the 
crews  had  ever  been  under  fire,  but  when  once  the  battle  did  begin,  they, 
despite  the  fever  of  fight  acted  with  the  precision  of  veterans.  Once  in 
it,  they  did  not  want  to  stop.  When  the  breakfast  order  was  known 
below  the  decks  or  in  untoward  places,  voices  could  be  heard  remonstrat- 
ingly.  "  Oh,  let's  finish  it  up,"  but  when  the  news  spread  that  the  com- 
modore was  only  taking  wind  between  the  rounds,  it  was  no  longer  pos- 
sible to  restrain  them,  nor  for  a  moment  or  two  was  there  any  attempt  to 
exact  the  strict  enforcement  of  discipline.  All  over  the  decks  the  tars 
could  be  seen  slapping  each  other  on  the  back,  shaking  hands,  and  doing 
a  few  steps  of  horn  pipe,  and  this,  not  because  there  was  not  a  man  missing 
from  any  mess,  but  because  they  were  going  to  fight  again.  There  was 
need,  however,  for  the  interlude.  The  smoke  of  battle  had  grown  so 
thick  that  signals  could  not  be  seen.  Dewey  had  started  out  to  destroy 
the  Spanish  fleet  and  he  had  his  own  way  of  doing  it.  It  was  turning 
out  to  be  an  easier  task  than  he  had  anticipated.  He  concluded  that 
there  was  no  occasion  to  hurry,  that  as  the  men  had  been  fighting  on  a 
single  cup  of  coffee  all  round,  and  a  hot  morning,  it  was  just  as  well  to 
haul  off  for  a  little  while  for  second  breath. 

Says  a  participant :  "  It  had  been  bad  enough  for  us  ;  breathing  the 
powder  smoke;  clinging  to  the  railings  as  the  ship  shivered  and  shook 
after  each  discharge ;  exposed,  of  course,  to  the  enemy's  fire  and  scamp- 
ering back  and  forward  as  the  occasion  required,  but  we  were  in  the  open 
and  could  in  a  degree  see  what  was  going  on.  So,  too,  could  the  men 
behind  the  shield  guns,  because,  notwithstanding  precautionary  orders, 
as  the  fight  proceeded,  the  jackies  persisted  in  running  out  to  watch  the 
effect  of  their  shots  and  to  see  generally  how  things  were  getting  along. 
But  what  must  it  have  been  for  the  men  in  the  turrets !  Take  for  in- 
stance the  forward  turret  of  the  Olympia  on  that  broiling  hot  Sunday 
morning  in  the  tropics.  In  the  turret  were  the  two  eight  inch  guns  and 
twelve  Yankee  gunners,  guns  and  men  occupying  about  every  available 
inch  of  space.  Above  them  and  between  the  guns  rose  the  platform  of 
the  conning  tower  where  Captain  Gridley  and  his  assistant  perched.  The 
roar  of  the  guns  with  their  ear  splitting  concussions,  and  the  occasional 
crash  of  a  Spanish  shell  on  the  turret,  the  hard,  desperate  work  of  man- 
ning the  guns  in  that  confined  and  vibrating  air,  makes  up  a  combination 
of  trials  of  which  the  man  who  has  not  experienced  it  can  form  no  pos- 
sible idea.  Would  you  like  to  know  what  it  is  a  man  behind  a  turret 
gun  has  to  do?  The  turret  crew  is  mustered,  six  for  each  gun,  captain, 


126  IN  THE  TURRETS. 

plugger,  loader,  sponger,  liftman  and  shellman.  Each  man  knows 
exactly  what  his  duties  are,  and  has  been  drilled  and  drilled  into  them 
until  he  has  become  an  automaton — animated  by  a  soul.  The  crew  is 
kept  on  deck  up  to  the  very  last  instant,  before  entering  the  turret  and 
when  once  there,  not  a  word  except  that  of  the  division  officer  is  heard. 
The  twelve  half-naked  men  stand  like  statues  beside  the  relentless  ma- 
chines of  death.  The  order,  "  Cast  loose  and  provide,"  is  heard,  and  the 
twelve  machines  flash  into  action.  The  breach  is  opened,  elevating  gear 
inspected,  lashings  cast  off,  loading  trays  inspected,  firing  locks  prepared, 
slides  placed,  priming  wires  disposed,  and  all  of  the  delicate  parapher- 
nalia that  makes  up  a  modern  gun,  inspected.  Again  the  men  become 
machines,  and  the  order  "  load "  is  given.  Up  from  the  magazine  is 
hauled  the  projectile  and  placed  on  the  loading  tray.  The  immense  shell 
is  pushed  home  and  by  the  time  this  is  done  the  powder  load  has  been 
placed  behind  it.  Gas  checks  and  screw  locks  are  adjusted,  the  breech  is 
locked  home,  the  primer  inserted,  the  lanyard  hooked  and  the  lock 
cocked.  Then  comes  the  sighting,  the  man  for  this  duty  being  one  of 
selection.  Sometimes  there  is  a  man  on  ship  who  can  point  one  of  these 
monster  guns  with  the  accuracy  of  a  Texas  ranger,  and  can  do  nothing 
else  well.  Sometimes  it  is  an  officer  who  has  a  good  eye,  but  in  every 
case  the  man  at  the  sight  judges  for  himself,  and  is  the  pivot  man  of  the 
engagement.  The  order  to  "  fire  "  rings  out,  the  lanyard  is  pulled  and 
the  thunderbolt  is  on  its  way.  Six  shots  a  minute  blazed  out  of  the 
Olympia's  turret;  the  powder  smoke  poured  through  the  portholes  in  a 
choking  smeach ;  with  each  discharge  the  turret  shook  and  rocked  as 
though  in  an  earthquake;  the  air  was  shaken  with  a  continuous  crash 
and  thunder,  but  through  it  all  the  orders  "sponge,"  "load,"  "point," 
"fire,"  went  on,  and  the  twelve  reeking,  choking,  quivering  men  went  on, 
with  their  labors,  which  chipped  off  a  year  of  each  man's  life  every  in- 
stant. No  wonder  that  when  the  first  round  was  over  the  turret-men 
crept  out  into  the  open  like  so  many  victims  of  a  colliery  explosion — 
blackened,  gasping,  air-beating  things.  All  honor,  then,  to  "the  men  be- 
hind the  guns." 

In  his  approach  to  the  battle,  the  commander  of  the  United  States 
fleet  had  taken  the  precaution  to  cut  the  cable  connecting  the  whole 
system  of  islands  with  the  western  world.  This  was  a  prudential  measure 
dictated  by  his  own  isolation  and  the  necessity  of  cutting  off  every  facility 
the  Spaniards  possessed  to  summon  aid,  or  enlighten  the  home  authorities. 
As  the  event  turned  out,  the  precaution  was  to  our  own  disadvantage,  for 
it  lengthened  the  delay  in  communicating  between  Washington  and 


WHAT  THE  "PETREL"  DID.  131 

Manila.  It  was  therefore  ten  days  before  the  nation  knew  certainly  what 
had  befallen  Dewey's  fleet.  The  garbled  report  that  reached  Madrid 
from  Manila,  revealed  by  suppression,  that  Dewey's  work  had  been 
thorough,  but  there  was  tormenting  anguish  in  many  a  home,  dread  in 
the  minds  of  millions,  that  the  cost  of  our  victory  might  be  equal  to  its 
magnitude.  In  Europe  the  tale  was  received  with  stupefied  incredulity. 
It  could  not  be  credited  that  the  undisciplined  "Mongrel"  tars  of  the 
Yankee  fleets  had  fought  a  battle  with  the  precision  and  method  of  the 
most  martinet  navy  in  the  world.  But  the  story  took  on  the  proportions 
of  the  grotesque  humor  our  countrymen  are  noted  for  abroad,  when  it 
was  made  known  that  Dewey  had  not  lost  a  life,  nor  suffered  a  fracture 
in  his  ships !  The  German  emperor,  who  had  expressed  himself  with 
considerable  freedom  on  the  incapacity  of  such  an  unruly  race  as  the 
Americans  of  this  republic  to  make  effective  soldiery  or  seamen,  was  the 
first  to  express  his  amazement,  the  first  indeed  to  comprehend  the  mean- 
ing of  the  work  of  Dewey  and  his  crews. 

Only  a  few  years  ago  the  world  was  called  on  to  acknowledge  the  appa- 
rition of  a  new  fighting  race,  the  Japanese.  But  brilliant  as  their  con- 
quest of  the  Chinese  fleets,  they  had  achieved  nothing  so  decisive  as 
Dewey's  five  hours  conquest  at  Manila.  Among  the  piquancies  which 
afforded  interest  of  a  lighter  vein  to  the  tars  of  the  squadron,  was  the 
ceaseless  activity  of  a  little  vessel,  the  Petrel,  commanded  by  an  officer 
universally  known  to  the  men  schooled  at  the  naval  academy  as  "Tough- 
foot"  Wood.  This  equivocal  cognomen  came  from  an  odd  walk.  His 
conduct  of  the  Petrel  kept  up  the  fume  of  this  eccentric  designation. 
The  craft  was  not  expected  to  undertake  enterprises  of  a  serious  sort; 
her  functions  were  mainly  to  scout  and  do  messenger  duty.  But  in  the 
hands  of  the  resolute  Wood,  she  rivalled  the  more  serious  activities  of 
her  majestic  consorts.  When  the  second  part  of  the  battle  began,  the 
Petrel  was  half  in  joke  given  the  mission  to  silence  one  of  the  forts, 
somewhat  out  of  range  of  the  action,  but  troublesome  in  case  of  certain 
eventualities.  Her  light  draught  and  vigorous  engines  enabled  her  to 
penetrate  close  to  the  shore  where  the  shallowness  of  the  water  had  been 
counted  one  of  the  main  defences  by  the  Spaniards.  Even  then,  it  was  a 
most  daring  venture  for  a  craft  entirely  unprotected  by  armor,  or  in  any 
serious  sense,  calculated  to  confront  heavy  guns.  But  had  she  been  of 
the  impervious  mould  of  the  original  Monitor,  she  could  not  have  dared 
more  or  done  more.  Though  a  target  for  innumerable  guns  and  at  close 
quarters,  her  battery  was  worked  with  such  rapidity  and  precision  that  the 
fort  was  silenced.  A  squadron  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  too  small  to  take 


132 


THE  MISSION  OF  MERCY. 


part  in  the  open,  was  concealed  in  the  inlets  behind  and  abounding 
about  Cavite.  The  Petrel  boldly  pushed  in  among  these  and  to  the 
speechless  amazement  of  the  ships'  crews,  emerged  with  a  tail  of  captives 
behind  her,  a  mile  or  more  in  length.  She  encountered  the  fleet  of  tor- 
pedo boats,  calculated  to  give  the  finishing  stroke  to  Dewey's  ships,  when 
the  action  began,  and  either  captured  them,  or  rendered  them  useless. 

When  the  work  of  death  was  done,  Dewey  began  the  mission  of  mercy. 
His  whole  fleet  was  put  at  the  service  of  the  hospital  corps  on  land, 
where  the  wounded  were  lying  uncared  for.  'Without  soldiers  to  hold 
the  forts,  he  was  of  course  compelled  to  guard  against  future  eventuali- 
ties by  destroying  everything  that  could  be  made  use  of  by  a  land  enemy, 
against  the  fleet. 


IN  THE  OLYMPIA'S  MILITARY  MAST. 


PART  II. 

THE  war,  from  the  moment  of  its  opening  until  its  close,  had  this  of 
the  novel  in  it.  Both  peoples  stood  as  if  before  a  mirror,  and  each 
could  look  at  all  times  at  the  other,  seem  to  hear  the  accents  of  the  utter- 
ance of  each,  as  by  some  wizard  agency  like  the  telephone.  Madrid  heard, 
or  saw  the  effect  of  all  that  was  said  in  Washington  ;  every  hamlet  within 
reach  of  the  telegram  from  end  to  end  of  the  republic  to  the  other,  knew 
all  that  Spain  did  and  said,  so  soon  as  uttered.  Strangely  enough,  this 
added  a  new  and  poignant  malignity  to  the  war;  for  hitherto  moving  in 
mystery,  waiting  in  painful  anguish  reports  of  battles  and  indications  of 
policy,  the  bold  and  brutal  inconsequence  of  the  sword  had  not  stood  so 
nakedly  revealed  in  all  its  inutile  hideousness.  It  certainly  did  not  nerve 
the  army  of  the  heroic  men  who  wasted  the  treasures  of  Spain,  when 
Cervera's  fleet  was  sunk  at  Santiago,  to  see  the  tale  recorded  day  by  day, 
that  the  admirable  woman  distractedly  guiding  the  destinies  of  her  alien 
country,  passed  half  of  her  time  in  tears,  that  the  little  lad  born  to  the 
woeful  destinies  of  king,  could  not  comprehend  why  his  mother  veiled 
her  eyes  and  denied  him  the  usual  childish  pleasures. 

Indeed,  to  the  magnanimous,  it  robbed  us  of  half  the  glory  of  our 
facile  conquests,  when  day  by  day  the  infantile  confidence,  or  supine  in- 
difference of  the  Madrilene  mob,  came  through  the  press  despatches,  re- 
vealing a  people  piteously  incapable  of  comprehending  the  remorseless 
destruction  of  everything  that  they  had  prized  in  their  days  of  glory. 
Such  evidences  as  came,  indicated  only  the  complottingof  sinister  groups 
to  bring  about  a  change  of  kings,  to  put  upon  the  perishing  throne  that 
hateful  relic  of  a  hateful  line,  the  indescribably  dissolute  Don  Carlos. 
And  hand  in  hand  with  this  numbness,  so-to-speak,  of  the  national  heart, 
went  the  inexplicable  ineptitude  of  a  ministry,  which  seemed  incapable 
of  realizing  that  the  nation  was  at  war.  Even  that  hearty  hostility  to- 
ward an  enemy,  which  ultimately  makes  a  war  a  sort  of  second  nature, 
was  lacking  in  the  methods  of  the  ministry.  In  spite  of  occasional  testi- 
monies to  the  contrary,  there  was  no  hatred  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  The  attempts  of  the  satirist  press  and  the  thick  and  thin  organs 
of  Spanish  jingoism,  failed  ludicrously  in  sustaining  the  campaign  of 
abuse  that  preceded  the  action  of  Congress. 

Nor  were  our  compatriots  dela}red  on  the  Peninsula  after  the  outbreak 

(133) 


134  SPANISH   SELF-RESTRAINT. 

of  hostilities,  subject  in  any  case  to  such  severities  as  other  nations  at 
war  visit  upon  the  helpless  non-combatant  caught  in  the  country.  There 
was  no  end  of  testimony  to  show  that  the  citizens  of  this  republic,  moved 
about  in  their  wonted  ways  in  Madrid,  on  business  or  whatever  kept  them 
there,  and  their  Spanish  neighbors  proffered  no  sign  of  hostility  or  in  the 
slightest  degree  molested  their  freedom  of  action.  This  extraordinary 
self-restraint  went  so  far  that  the  enterprising  journalists  in  search  of 
sensational  despatches,  were  permitted  to  send  volumes  by  cable,  and  if 
confined  to  mere  personal  appreciations  or  conjectures  they  were  never 
estopped.  More  extraordinary  still,  the  Spanish  statesmen  became  for  a 
moment  as  garrulous  and  confidential  as  our  own  politicians  in  the  stress 
of  a  disastrous  campaign.  The  highest  personage  in  the  state — the 
Regent  herself,  was  almost  daily  quoted  in  interviews  in  which  the  cause 
of  Spain  was  sadly  admitted  to  be  without  hope;  that  attacked  by  a 
major  force  on  a  violently  fraudulent  pretext,  Spain  could  only  combat 
with  such  arms  as  her  half  century  of  reverses  had  left  her,  the  giant 
power  which  was  using  that  power  wholly  as  a  giant,  and  not  as  a  mag- 
nanimous people. 

Almost  daily  the  mountebank  prime  minister,  Sagasta,  was  forced  to 
deny  on  the  authority  of  the  cabinet,  wide-reaching  comments  purporting 
to  come  from  members  of  the  government.  The  concurring  testimony  of 
events  and  utterances  leave  no  doubt,  that  even  after  the  sailing  of  the 
vaunted  Cape  de  Verde  fleet,  the  Regent  and  Cabinet  could  not  credit 
the  doleful  fact  that  the  helpless  monarchy  was  really  embarked  in  war; 
and  the  evidences,  although  not  official,  were  of  the  sort  that  is  called  in- 
controvertible, that  almost  from  the  moment  Minister  Woodward  left 
Madrid,  the  Cabinet  and  Queen  Regent  were  seeking  means  to  stay  car- 
nage, and  resume  peace  on  any  terms  dictated  by  the  Washington  author- 
ities. What  would  be  thought  of  such  an  utterance  as  this  of  our  cabi- 
net ministers  pending  a  decisive  campaign  ;  yet  Senor  Moret  a  Cabinet 
minister  made  no  contradiction  when  he  was  quoted  as  saying: 

"  We  did  not  want  the  war.  There  was  no  reason  for  the  war,  even 
from  the  point  of  view  professedly  taken  by  the  Americans.  We  had 
no  desire  to  retain  Cuba,  if  the  majority  of  her  people  had  willed  other- 
wise. Autonomy  might  have  been  followed  after  a  time  by  complete  in- 
dependence, if  the  Cuban  people  had  so  desired,  by  the  employment  of 
peaceful  and  legal  methods.  We  made  all  this  very  plain — too  plain,  ns 
it  turned  out,  since  our  concessions  were  mistakenly  construed  into  proof* 
of  conscious  weakness.  Hut  the  impatience  of  the  United  States  to  enter 
on  their  new  policy  of  conquest  and  territorial  aggrandizement,  would  not 


WAR  HAS  MANY  SURPRISES.  135 

allow  of  the  peaceful  evolution  of  the  destinies  of  Cuba.  The  ground 
for  a  pretext  for  armed  intervention  was  fast  slipping  from  their  grasp 
with  the  daily  declining  strength  of  the  insurrection  under  the  new 
regime,  and  events  had  to  be  forced  to  precipitate  a  conflict.  Events 
were  forced.  War  was  upon  us,  while  we  were  still  believing  in  peace, 
and  all  we  have  to  do  now  is  to  confront  the  situation  and  act  the  part 
assigned  us  with  the  serenity  and  the  firmness  that  becomes  brave  and 
honest  men  fighting  against  injustice." 

Asked  further  what  Spain  would  be  willing  to  do  to  end  the  war  there 
and  then — this  was  just  after  Manila — Senor  Moret  said  : 

"Events  must  determine.  War  has  many  surprises,  and  there  are  pos- 
sibilities in  the  future  that  may  overturn  calculations  seemingly  the  most 
solidly  founded.  One  thing  is  certain,  however,  the  United  States  will 
lose  more  by  the  war,  whatever  its  outcome,  than  we  can  lose.  She  will 
lose  her  prestige  as  a  champion  of  right  and  the  apostle  of  peace.  She 
has  now  entered  into  the  category  of  conquering  nations,  and  as  such 
she  will  be  obliged  to  change  completely  her  manner  of  being.  She  will 
have  to  keep  a  standing  army  to  protect  her  territory  at  home,  ;;nd  a 
powerful  navy  to  protect  her  outlying  possessions.  The  power  which 
she  has  won  by  her  conquests  in  the  realm  of  science,  she  will  have  to 
exchange  for  the  power  won  by  the  sword,  which  as  it  is  won  in  a  day, 
may  be  lost  in  a  day.  She  has  set  the  example  of  aggression  on  the 
rights  of  other  nations,  and  this  example  will  be  followed  by  those  na- 
tions which  feel  conscious  of  their  strength  to  follow  it.  The  laurels 
which  she  has  won  in  the  moral  realm  she  will  have  to  exchange  for  the 
laurels  of  war,  which  must  be  watered  with  blood  to  keep  them  fresh,  for 
they  wither  in  peace.  The  military  ideal  will  thus  replace  the  moral 
ideal  with  her  people,  and  her  respect  for  force  will  take  the  place  of  re- 
spect for  justice.  In  a  word,  she  has  turned  backward  on  the  path  of 
civilization,  and  placed  upon  herself  fettecs — fetters  forged  in  injustice 
and  wrong — which  the  older  nations  have  been  striving  to  cast  off." 

Another  member  of  the  cabinet  declared  that  Spain  had  been  waiting 
only  for  an  intimation  from  the  United  States,  that  her  petition  would  be 
favorably  received,  to  sue  for  peace  on  any  terms.  He  distrusted  the 
continuance  of  the  war,  lest  Spain  should  gain  a  victory,  which  while  in 
no  sense  bearing  on  the  ultimate  terms  of  peace,  would  so  embitter  the 
public  mind  in  the  United  States,  that  the  Washington  Cabinet  would  find 
itself  compelled  to  ask  more  than  it  had  intended.  The  Queen-Regent 
herself,  set  all  the  machinery  of  diplomacy  in  motion  from  the  instant  she 
realized  that  war  was  a  finality ;  and  the  Pope  made  known  at  various 


136  A  CLEAN-HANDED  STATESMAN. 

legations,  that  if  the  Washington  Cabinet  would  give  ear,  its  utmost  de- 
mands would  be  complied  with.  Sagasta  himself  blew  hot  and  cold. 
One  day  he  was  on  his  knees  to  every  diplomat  who  approached  him, 
praying  for  peace ;  the  next  he  had  the  blood  of  all  Spain  in  his  eyesr 
roaring  out  maledictions  on  the  wretched  Cervera  and  Montojo,  while 
holding  the  Yankees  up  before  high  heaven  as  ravening  monsters  gloat- 
ing in  bloodshed,  and  as  insatiate  as  their  British  kin,  for  their  neighbors' 
territory.  And  in  spite  of  the  concurrent  judgment  of  all  who  ventured 
to  speak,  that  he  was  the  most  incapable  of  ministers,  an  ignoramus  and 
traitor  to  his  party,  recreant  to  his  principles,  he  still  held  the  shivered 
helm.  The  force  of  faction  ran  so  high,  that  in  sheer  desperation  the 
miserable  monarch  was  obliged  to  maintain  him  in  power. 

No  man  of  distinction  would  take  the  trying  place,  though  for  a  mo- 
ment the  admired  Polavieja,  blind  but  virile,  the  only  spotless  administra- 
tor that  Spain  has  recently  found  in  a  place  of  trust,  gave  a  half  consent 
to  assume  the  dolorous  mission  of  signing  the  last  vestiges  of  Spain's  ter- 
ritorial grandeur  away.  He  had  but  a  year  or  two  ago  returned  from 
Manila,  where  he  had  left  a  record  of  clean-handed  administration ;  had 
so  far  as  was  humanely  possible,  reconciled  the  unspeakable  insurgents  to 
the  metropolitan  power.  It  was  only  his  blindness  that  in  the  end  seems 
to  have  compelled  him  to  relinquish  the  uncongenial  task.  While  the 
Queen  trusted  him,  the  Spanish  public,  as  far  as  a  Spanish  public  ever 
takes  part  in  forming  the  resolutions  of  a  cabinet  or  dynasty,  approved 
the  selection  of  the  General,  and  indeed  there  was  no  doubt  that  had  he 
so  chosen,  Polavieja  might  have  walked  from  his  private  apartment  to  the 
palace  of  the  Regent,  and  proclaimed  himself  dictator,  or  protector  of  the 
realm. 

He  was  the  only  Governor-General  that  ever  returned  from  a  billett 
poor  as  when  he  left.  He  was  further  endeared  to  the  Spaniards  by  his 
high-minded  refusal  to  continue  in  his  regal  post  in  the  Philippines,  be- 
cause the  ministry  falsified  a  promise  that  he  had  made  to  the  rebels.  It 
was  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  to  the  state  that  he  lost,  temporarily  at 
least,  the  sight  of  his  eyes.  Perhaps  his  strongest  claim  upon  the  saga- 
cious Christina,  was  that  he  was  conspicuously  unidentified  with  any  of 
the  factions  warring  for  the  destruction  of  the  country,  as  well  as  the  ex^ 
pulsion  of  the  young  Alfonso.  It  was  remarked  with  the  biting  humor 
that  the  Spaniards  above  all  people  throw  into  their  expressions,  that  the 
instant  Polavieja  came  within  the  Queen's  circle,  Weyler  and  Robledo, 
the  arms  and  eyes  of  the  Carlist  plotters,  quit  the  capital,  as  if  in  dread 
of  the  intuitive  perceptions  of  an  honest  man.  A  heart  of  stone  might 


A  MISERABLE  MOTHER.  137 

have  been  touched  when  Polavieja  was  borne  to  the  palace,  to  meet  a  woman 
who  spoke  to  him  between  sobs,  and  virtually  handed  over  all  her  preroga- 
tives with  the  single  admonition  to  save  the  people  from  blood  and  the 
miseries  of  civil  war. 

In  fact,  this  stranger  woman,  in  a  strange  land,  hated  by  the  great  and 
haughty,  mistrusted  by  the  lowly,  deserted  by  the  army  and  only  half- 
heartedly sustained  by  the  men  and  minions  who  owed  her  honors  and 
places,  seems  to  have  been  the  only  person  in  the  Spanish  capital  whose 
heart  was  touched  by  the  misery  of  the  nation.  For  Madrid  went  on  in 
the  usual  course  of  febrile  gayety.  Bull  fights,  dinners,  receptions,  the- 
atre parties,  bicycle  meets,  automobile  reviews,  the  open  air  frolics  and 
frivolities  that  signalize  the  French  boulevardiers,  when  the  idle  seek  dis- 
traction, marked  the  life  of  the  capital,  unchecked  by  the  astounding  re- 
verses on  sea  and  land.  Indeed  the  stranger  in  Madrid  would  never  have 
suspected,  were  it  not  for  the  sinister  whisperings  and  over-earnest  dem- 
onstrations of  the  habitues  of  cafe's,  and  public  places  that  the  monarchy 
was  gasping  in  the  agonies  of  death.  With  other  horrors  hanging  above 
her,  the  unfortunate  Austrian  feared  for  the  life  of  her  son ;  his  childish 
pleasures  were  restrained  from  day  to  day,  she  dared  not  trust  him  in  the 
streets,  nor  allow  him  any  of  the  usual  recreations  of  the  palace  garden, 
or  such  public  ceremonials  as  are  deemed  essential  to  keep  up  the  tradi- 
tions of  royalty. 

Still  gloomier  precautions  were  adopted.  The  miserable  mother  was 
obliged,  or  felt  herself  obliged  to  taste  all  the  food  prepared  for  her  boy, 
admonished  from  many  sources  that  the  malignants  at  work,  were  ready 
to  call  in  assassination  to  further  their  schemes.  Even  when  the  child 
was  sick,  her  heart  bursting  for  the  disasters  of  her  country,  she  was 
forced  to  appear  in  official  places,  with  a  tearful  smile  and  the  affectation 
of  as  much  unconcern,  as  was  compatible  with  the  head  of  a  crumbling 
state.  The  boy  was  ill,  ill  to  the  verge  of  death.  And  Spain  was  in- 
formed by  the  official  bulletins,  that  he  was  merely  suffering  from  a  child- 
ish disorder.  Madrid  grew  hot  with  the  stifling  heat,  known  only  to  that 
arid  plain,  upon  which  the  will  of  a  monarch  "  With  malice  aforethought  " 
as  a  cynical  historian  remarked,  had  set  the  capital,  in  order  to  be  geo- 
graphically in  the  centre  of  the  Peninsula. 

No  one  who  can  afford  to  take  a  train,  possessing  the  most  modest 
wherewithal,  ever  remains  in  Madrid  in  the  torrid  days  of  July  and 
August.  Indeed,  there  are  very  few  constitutions  equal  to  the  peculiarly 
trying  dry  heat  and  furnace  air  that  rushes  down  from  what  seem  the 
molten  masses  of  metal  called  the  Sierra  guadarrama.  Christina's  Aus- 


1&8  A  LEGACY  OF  HATRED. 

trian  physicians  warned  her  incessantly  that  neither  her  own  life  nor  her 
boy's  was  safe  for  an  instant  in  the  capital,  enduring  as  she  was  a  strain 
more  trying  than  severe  illness,  and  the  boy  scarcely  recovered  from  a 
typhoid  attack.  But  to  add  to  the  malignancy  of  the  climate,  the  palace 
in  Madrid  is  a  pest  house  of  bad  drainage  and  outworn  contrivances. 

The  stranger  Queen,  instructively  enough,  is  one  of  the  rare  sovereigns 
who  from  the  first  adopted  the  constitutional  dogma  propounded  by 
Thiers  and  practiced  by  the  British,  that  the  king  reigns  but  does  not 
govern.  And  so  loyally  lias  she  carried  this  out,  that  while  she  secretly 
hated  and  disapproved  of  the  absolutist  practices  of  her  greatest  minister, 
Canovas  del  Castillo,  she  gave  him  loyal  support  in  accordance  with  her 
oath  of  office  as  head  of  the  state.  Canovas  left  her  a  legacy  of  undying 
hatred,  for  his  partisans  were  almost  as  envenomed  against  the  "Aus- 
trian "  as  the  socialists  or  republicans.  Not  the  least  therefore  of  the 
Regent's  perils,  just  as  the  war  began,  was  an  astute  effort  on  the  part  of 
the  conservatives  to  set  her  authority  aside  by  law. 

The  propriety  of  this  was  just  plausible  enough  to  mislead  the  more 
generous  of  the  Queen's  partisans.  It  was  claimed  that  article  seventy- 
eight  of  the  Spanish  constitution  provides  that  in  the  event  of  the  mi- 
nority of  the  sovereign,  the  Regency  must  be  held  by  the  nearest  member  of 
the  reigning  family  of  Spanish  nationality.  If  this  were  really  the  intent 
of  the  constitution,  Christina  was  obviously  debarred  from  the  Regency. 
The  dispute,  therefore,  turned  on  the  meaning  of  the  term  "nationality" 
and  the  acceptance  of  the  universal  practice,  that  marriage  enfranchises 
the  stranger,  that  Christina  when  she  gave  her  hand  to  Alfonso  XII., 
thereby  became  a  Spanish  citizen.  It  was,  therefore,  seriously  debated 
whether  the  princess,  Isabella,  the  young  king's  aunt,  should  not  be  sub- 
stituted, and  in  favor  of  this  it  was  shown  that  half  of  Don  Carlos'  ad- 
herents would  fall  off,  for  their  strongest  claim  to  the  adhesion  of  the 
provinces  was  the  obtrusion  of  an  Austrian  arch-duchess  upon  the  throne 
of  Castile  and  Arragon.  Sagasta,  infinite  in  craft  and  a  monument  of 
guile,  brought  this  most  formidable  complot  to  an  end,  and  indeed  the 
old  renegade  has  shown  a  certain  consistence  in  his  devotion  to  the  lonely 
woman  struggling  to  preserve  a  throne  for  her  son  and  a  country  to  rule 
over.  The  boy  king  has  since  his  babyhood  looked  upon  the  venerable 
statesman  as  a  familiar,  almost  a  kinsman,  for  in  other  days  it  was  not  an 
unfrequent  sight  at  the  palace,  to  surprise  the  little  boy  clambering  up 
the  knees  of  the  patriarch,  and  fondling  him  as  if  he  were  in  reality  the 
"grandpapa"  which  the  boy  endearingly  termed  him. 

Christina's  detestation  of  Weyler  and  her  unconcealed  disgust  for  hia 


THE  COURT  OF  MADRID.  139 

operations  iu  Cuba,  made  her  administration  still  more  difficult  when 
dealing  with  the  army,  for  in  spite  of  his  antipathetic  character,  Weyler 
lias  preserved  from  the  first  a  stout  following  among  his  militant  country- 
men. 

The  graces  of  womanhood  and  the  virtues  of  the  sex,  would  hardly  be 
looked  for  in  an  Austrian  princess,  yet  it  is  one  of  the  griefs  against 
Christina  that  she  has  transformed  the  court  of  Madrid,  which  rivalled  in 
profligacy  the  most  tainted  in  Europe,  until  it  is  now  as  decorous  as  is 
Queen  Victoria's.  She  has  discouraged  dissoluteness  on  the  part  of  the 
grandees,  unobtrusively  inculcated  modest  demeanor  and  restraint  in  con- 
viviality, outraging  the  women  by  a  simplicity  in  dress  considered  by  the 
extravagant  almost  ignoble  in  the  royal  court.  From  all  that  the  world 
is  permitted  to  see  of  the  life  and  conduct  of  Christina,  she  embodies 
much  of  what  Macaulay  meant,  when  he  said  that  Madame  de  Maintenon 
surpassed  in  tact  all  the  men  of  her  time,  as  much  as  the  Grecians  sur- 
passed the  Asiatics  in  refinement  of  language  and  literature:  and  this  is 
an  extraordinary  tribute.  For  the  Austrian,  especially  the  house  of 
Hapsburg,  is  not  celebrated  for  the  amenities  of  manner  or  speech,  which 
win  the  adulation  of  courts  or  peoples.  Indeed  for  her  son's  sake  the 
Regent  has  led  a  life  cf  persistent  political  management.  Even  in  her 
dress  she  studies  in  order  to  placate  the  people  and  win  adherents  for  her 
boy.  When  in  June,  the  heavens  were  hung  in  black  for  the  disasters  on 
sea  and  land,  the  unfortunate  woman  undertook  a  ceremonial  of  great 
moment  to  the  Spaniards — the  administration  of  confirmation  to  the 
young  king.  She  arrayed  herself  for  the  function  in  dazzling  splendor, 
took  her  place  among  the  radiant  groups  of  courtiers,  sat  in  the  royal 
chapel  during  the  ceremonial,  in  every  breath  and  motion  the  ideal  of  a 
queenly  woman  in  royal  state. 

Canovas'  legacy  of  hatred  was  hardly  a  more  formidable  obstacle  than 
the  debasing  condition  into  which  he  had  corrupted  the  Cortes.  This 
congress  of  Spain  has  become  a  mere  echo  of  the  political  faction  which 
happens  for  the  moment  to  hold  the  nation's  purse-strings.  Even  the 
dimensions  of  the  two  Houses,  answering  to  our  Senate  and  Congress,  give 
an  intimation  of  the  slight  part  these  legislatures  are  permitted  in  the 
government  of  the  monarchy.  The  congress  of  deputies,  and  the  senate 
together  constitute  the  Cortes,  each  body  being  equal  in  power.  The 
senators,  however,  as  in  France,  are  only  in  part  elected ;  the  monarch 
appoints  a  certain  number,  while  a  certain  other  fraction  take  their  seats 
by  right  of  birth.  The  constitution  endeavored  to  hold  a  check  on  the 
hereditary  and  appointed  senators,  by  giving  a  slight  majority  to  those 
8 


140  BRITISH  ESTIMATE  OF  SPAIN. 

elected.  The  deputies  are  chosen  for  a  term  of  five  years,  one  represent- 
ative for  every  50,000  inhabitants.  Nominally,  the  body  legislates  with 
as  much  freedom  as  our  own  Congress,  but  in  reality,  no  law  is  ever 
passed  that  is  not  devised  by  the  junta  in  power,  or,  rather,  the  several 
juntas,  for  party  is  a  mere  name  in  Spain,  each  group  supporting  its 
enemy  whenever  the  exigencies  of  politics  seem  to  require  a  change. 
The  elections  are  a  mere  form.  Any  minister  who  holds  the  purse  can 
fill  the  Congress  with  whomsoever  he  pleases. 

From  1808  until  1814,  Spain  was  virtually  a  British  protectorate. 
The  armies  of  Britain  ostensibly  sent  to  deliver  the  masses  from  the 
"  liberal  "  experiment  of  Napoleon,  held  the  country  about  as  we  now 
hold  Cuba.  In  the  British  isles  the  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  liberation 
of  Spain  had  been  wrought  up  by  very  much  the  same  processes  that 
fired  our  republican  sympathies  for  the  Cuban  "patriots."  No  sooner, 
however,  had  Wellington's  army  begun  operations  than  the  spirit  which 
had  revolted  against  the  clement  and  on  the  whole  enlightened  system 
introduced  by  Napoleon,  broke  out  angrily  against  the  imperious  exac- 
tions, the  supercilious  contempt  and  characteristic  British  disregard  for 
everything  that  was  not  to  be  found  on  the  British  Isles.  The  private 
despatches,  the  official  reports,  all  the  material  essential  for  the  making 
up  of  history,  sent  by  British  agents  diplomatic  and  otherwise,  are  filled 
with  the  immeasurable  contempt  of  the  liberators  for  the  liberees. 

So  just  minded  a  man  as  General  Napier,  in  his  history  of  the  penin- 
sular war,  can  scarcely  bring  himself  to  speak  with  ealmness  of  the  oper- 
ations entrusted  to  the  various  Spanish  generals  called  upon  to  lead  their 
embattled  countrymen.  Nor  will  there  be  found  in  any  British  authority 
any  evidence  anywhere  that  the  Spaniards  demeaned  themselves  as  trust- 
worthy warriors,  or  administrators  to  be  depended  upon.  Wellington 
himself,  wherever  he  was  called  upon  to  battle  with  his  handful  of  Brit- 
ons, almost  invariably  either  ignored  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Span- 
iards under  his  command,  or  with  a  disdainful  reticence  implied  that  in- 
stead of  a  help,  they  were  a  hurt  to  him.  Yet  from  the  testimony  of  the 
French,  which  could  hardly  be  regarded  as  prejudiced,  from  the  national 
histories  by  liberal  and  even  democratic  Spaniards,  it  is  impossible  to  be- 
lieve that  when  Spain  for  eight  years,  was  virtually  an  armed  camp,  the 
embattled  peasantry  were  not  a  main  factor  in  destroying  the  armies 
which  had  conquered  all  Europe. 

Nor  is  it  necessary  to  go  beyond  the  memorable  defence  cf  Saragossa, 
or  the  astounding  rout  and  capture  of  an  entire  French  army  at  Baylen,  to 
comprehend  that  although  unfortunately  led,  badly  disciplined,  the  Span- 


A  ONCE  POTENT  NATION.  141 

iards  never  fearing  death,  were  able  at  decisive  times  and  places  to  wrest 
victory  from  armies  and  generals  who  had  never  known  defeat  in  any 
other  country  of  Europe.  From  the  military  tutelage  between  1808  and 
1814,  the  Spaniards  fell  under  a  commercial  protectorate  on  the  part  of 
the  British,  which  with  some  diminution  holds  to  this  day.  Hence,  what 
the  world  calls  Spanish  degeneration,  may  be  traced  to  the  insidious  pre- 
dominance of  British  arts  and  British  interests.  The  Spaniards  were 
forced  into  war  as  the  consummate  result  of  British  handiwork.  It  is 
easy,  therefore,  to  understand  the  almost  stupefied  disillusion  of  the 
wretched  peninsulars  when  Congress  having  sent  its  haughty  message, 
the  British  jingo  presses  instantly,  and  as  if  by  preconcert,  denounced  the 
miserable  race  as  incapable  of  administering  a  home  government,  and 
consequently  ludicrously  unfitted  for  the  charge  of  great  colonies. 

Causes,  far  too  deep  for  consideration  in  a  history  whose  purpose  is 
merely  to  follow  the  actual  events  of  the  war,  have  for  more  than  a  hun- 
dred years  borne  down  the  Spanish  people,  and  outworn,  so  to  speak,  the 
original  sources  of  the  race.  Spain,  as  compared  to  all  other  nations,  is 
the  shadow  of  the  shade  of  a  greatness  once  immeasurably  more  great 
than  anything  we  recognize  in  national  existence  to-day.  And  strangely 
enough,  hard-hearted  as  we  are  supposed  to  be,  chief  of  the  people  who 
as  Matthew  Arnold  says  "  See  straight  and  write  clearly,"  we  are  more 
impulsively  moved  by  our  historic  allusions  than  any  other  existing  con- 
geries of  races.  For  it  is  beyond  dispute  that  when  we  threw  down  the 
cartel  to  this  emaciated  shadow  of  a  once  potent  nation,  we  made  our- 
selves believe  that  we  were  confronting  a  peril,  and  that  in  the  "  Interest 
of  humanity  "  we  were  invoking  the  "  God  of  battles  "  to  decide  between 
two  disputants,  not  markedly  unequal  in  faculties  and  the  ways  and 
means  that  determine  great  struggles. 

It  was  forgotten  that  we  were  a  people  of  nearly  seventy  millions ;  ac- 
tive, energetic,  irresistible  in  force  when  our  mind  ?s  made  up:  that 
thirty-five  years  ago  we  had  organized  the  mightiest  force  ever  known 
among  civilized  men,  that  we  had  carried  on  a  war  prodigious  as  a  hun- 
dred years  of  campaigning  in  the  old  world,  that  we  had  revolutionized 
naval  warfare,  that  we  had  by  inventions  and  inspirations  out-dated  and 
antiquated  the  most  approved  war  implements  of  all  other  countries  ;  that 
in  that  chief  essential  of  war — money — there  was  absolutely  no  imagi- 
nable end  to  what  we  might  raise ;  that  the  combined  world  could  not  ex* 
haust  us,  if  embarked  in  a  war  essential  to  our  existence  ;  and  that  these 
stupendous  agencies  were  in  cold  blood  and  on  the  bad  faith  of  an  un 


142  SUPPRESSING  THE  NEWS. 

known  segment  of  the  Cuban  people,  lent  to  the  crushing  of  the  oldest 
civilization  in  the  world,  upheld  by  the  merest  spectres  of  a  people. 

In  fact,  so  far  had  Spain  gone  out  of  the  list  of  nations,  that  there  was 
no  personality  in  the  monarchy,  unless  the  foreign  Queen-Regent  Chris- 
tina be  excepted,  that  we  could  look  to  as  giving  any  expression  to  the 
feeling  of  the  nation  we  were  about  to  throttle.  Statesmen,  Spain  had 
none.  Her  legislators  were  a  body  of  derisory  rhetoricians,  her  diplo- 
mats, chattering  imbeciles  mumbling  the  phrases  of  three  centuries  ago. 
Her  treasury  bankrupt,  her  armies  mere  striplings,  crowded  into  the 
ranks  while  children  of  their  age  are  at  school,  in  more  fortunate  lands. 
There  was  a  vague  belief,  however,  that  the  navy  built  in  foreign  dock- 
yards, modeled  on  British  masterpieces,  and  to  a  great  extent  indebted 
to  British  hints  and  helps  for  their  essentials,  would  be  strong  enough  to 
at  least  dispute  the  seas  with  us,  and,  perhaps,  even  for  one  intoxicating 
week  or  month,  force  New  York  and  other  great  seaports  to  seal  them- 
selves in. 

But  worse  than  all  this,  the  war  forced  upon  Spain  by  Congress  was 
not  believed  in  by  any  considerable  number  of  the  Spanish  themselves. 
And  it  is  almost  an  acknowledged  statement  of  the  case  to  say,  that  the 
war  was  half  over  before  the  ignorant  peasantry  of  Andalusia,  Biscay, 
Valencia,  or  even  Castile,  knew  that  the  last  remnants  of  what  Spain 
once  was,  had  passed  under  the  flag  of  the  youngest  of  nations.  For  in 
keeping  with  other  species  of  misrule  and  decrepitude,  the  presses  of  the 
large  cities  were  permitted  only  to  print  such  matter  as  came  to  them 
from  a  hide-bound  censor,  at  the  elbow  of  a  valetudinarian  minister,  whose 
political  convictions,  not  a  man  among  the  varied  groups  that  have  alter- 
nately battened  on  and  borne  down  the  forces  of  the  monarchy,  knew. 
The  nominal  head  of  the  government — Sagasta — beginning  his  career  as 
a  revolutionist,  had  figured  in  alternate  cabinets  as  a  republican,  a  mon- 
archist, an  absolutist,  and  so  to  speak,  quietist.  Probably  not  three  peo- 
ple in  ten  of  the  influential  masses  of  Spain  knew  that  the  monarchy  had 
accepted  the  republic's  challenge,  ten  days  after  the  war  began.  Nor  was 
it  until  the  crushing  of  Cervera's  fleet  that  even  the  well  informed  sur- 
mised that  all  was  not  going  well  with  the  armies  and  navies  of  the 
monarchy. 

The  debacle  at  Manila  was  so  refined  by  equivocal  misrepresentations — 
in  fact  bald  lying,  that  even  official  personages  were  uncertain  of  what 
really  had  happened  on  that  fateful  Sunday  morning  of  the  first  of  May. 
For  ten  days  after  the  destruction  of  Cervera's  fleet,  the  cafes  of  Madrid 
'and  the  local  rostra  of  each  of  the  provincial  capitals,  were  swelling  in 


THE  RULE  OF  CANOVAS.  143 

pride  over  the  undaunted  heroism  of  the  old  admiral  in  breaking  from  his 
Santiago  lair  and  dispersing  the  Yankee  fleet;  and  it  may  be  doubted 
whether  half  the  Spanish  people  know  to-day  that  its  proudest  squadron 
was  conquered  and  sunk  within  three  hours  of  its  appearance  outside  the 
guns  of  the  Morro. 

The  Spaniard,  while-a  brave  man  in  one  sense,  has  never  shown  himself 
a  patriot.  Nothing  could  more  subtly  illustrate  this  than  the  pitiable  re- 
straints of  the  Sagasta  cabinet  from  the  opening  of  the  war,  down.  For 
even  while  our  navies  were  sweeping  Spain's  armaments  away,  the 
brooding  and  never  ending  fear  of  the  capital,  was  not  our  fleets  or 
armies,  but  the  odious  spectre  of  the  Carlist  revolution.  In  other  words, 
Spain  could  never  be  brought  to  arouse  itself  en  masse,  at  the  cry  of  the 
country  in  danger,  as  the  French  did  in  1793,  when  they  held  monarchical 
revolt  in  check,  and  crushed  the  combined  mercenaries  of  Europe  at  their 
very  frontiers.  The  Cortes  was  a  more  dreadful  field  of  doubt  to  the 
Regent  and  her  Cabinet  than  the  beleaguering  fleets  at  Santiago  and 
Havana.  For  the  chiefs  of  the  factions  might  at  any  moment  say  too 
much,  might  divulge  to  a  listening  people  exactly  what  the  status  was, 
might  bring  about  that  indefinable  psychologic  moment  which  Bismarck 
characterized  as  the  stroke  of  fate  for  anybody  who  had  resolution 
enough  to  risk  all.  Nor  could  the  loyalty  of  Spain's  soldiers,  who  had 
been  trained  in  the  command  of  Spain's  armies,  be  entirely  trusted. 
Weyler,  associated  with  much  of  the  monarchy's  misfortunes,  yet  rep- 
resenting the  most  successful  of  the  hateful  repressive  campaigns  con- 
ducted in  Cuba,  found  a  very  formidable  following  among  the  nobles; 
among  the  army  personalities  who  retained  a  secular  influence  over  their 
subordinates.  In  fact,  Spain  accepted  the  war  as  a  man  might  accept  an 
athlete's  challenge,  hands  and  feet  corded  and  a  blinder  over  one  eye. 

The  monarchy,  exhausted  in  a  thousand  other  ways,  had  been  absolutely 
squeezed  dry  by  the  "strong"  tenure  of  Canovas  del  Castillo's  rule.  In 
many  ways  Canovas  was  the  type  of  the  "  strong  man  "  that  weak  people 
love,  and  self-reliant  people  endure  if  they  do  not  admire.  He  had 
restored  the  monarchy  in  as  far  as  the  activities,  genius  and  prevision  of 
•  any  one  man  could  bring  about  such  a  miracle.  He  had  a  large  share  of 
the  political  astuteness  that  the  world  admired  in  Bismarck.  He  could 
see  through  and  prepare  for  all  the  machinations  a  diplomatic  or  factional 
enemy  could  invent.  On  a  larger  arena,  and  with  such  forces  as  Bis- 
marck, Cavour  or  Napoleon  III.  had  at  hand,  there  could  be  no  doubt 
that  Canovas  would  have  proved  equal  if  not  superior  to  all  three.  For 
he  had  what  none  of  these  epochal  figures  possessed — an  immeasurable 


144  CASTELLAR'S  ELOQUENCE. 

fund  of  patience  and  an  unparalleled  faculty  of  reticence.  Nothing  seems 
to  have  for  an  instant  deflected  the  deeply-studied  out  combinations  by 
which  he  made  Spain  seem  a  great  power,  and  in  fact  forced  the  acknowl- 
edgment of  this  status  from  the  reluctant  concert  of  Europe. 

From  the  short  and  fitful  fever  of  the  most  ardent  democracy,  it  was 
the  sinister  task  of  Canovas  to  insensibly  transform  Spanish  hierarchies 
into  the  most  perverse  cult  of  despotism.  That  is,  the  dangerous  prac- 
tice of  all  the  forms  of  feudal  times  without  ostensibly  declaring  the 
principles ;  so  that  the  system  of  Canovas  really  typified  the  worst 
excesses  of  oligarchic  abuse  since  the  Italian  republics  of  the  middle 
ages.  The  man,  the  multitude— anything  less  than  a  noble  born,  came 
to  have  neither  weight,  voice  nor  interest  in  the  conduct  of  public 
affairs.  This  too  with  all  the  forms  of  democratic  constitutionalism  in 
existence.  The  election  for  the  Cortes  were  as  little  the  expression  of 
public  sentiment,  as  the  votes  of  an  Imperial  corps  legislatif  in  the  hey- 
day of  Napoleon's  personal  sway. 

Like  Sagasta,  Canovas  had  begun  life  as  an  enlightened  liberal.  He 
had  even  written  a  history  of  Spain  which  is  ranked  by  impartial  minds 
as  one  of  the  most  instructive  and  carefully  collated  annals  of  the  period 
treated.  It  must  have  been  his  familiarity  with  the  ingrained  perversity 
of  his  countrymen  that  inspired  him  to  a  conduct  in  office,  which  finds  no 
parallel  except  in  Macchiavelli's  science  of  duplicity  "The  Conduct  of  a 
Prince."  Added  to  his  contempt  for  the  understanding  and  insincerity 
of  the  nobility,  he  came  to  have  a  still  profounder  disgust  of  the  peasantry, 
or  as  we  should  call  them,  the  plain  people,  during  the  turbulent  era  of 
the  republic.  To  the  world  at  large,  Spain  seemed  to  have  bloomed 
anew.  Never  were  her  public  men  listened  to  by  the  world  with  more 
attention  than  when  the  oratorical  group,  called  into  eminence  by  the 
republic,  spoke  from  the  tribune  and  declared  the  Spanish  people  a  new- 
born race.  The  world  was  witched  with  a  Castellar's  eloquence.  And 
certainly  speech  more  noble,  adorned  by  everything  that  we  understand 
by  eloquence,  never  broke  from  an  official  platform.  Castellar  for  a  brief 
time  held  the  attention  of  mankind  as  the  oracle,  not  only  of  Spain,  but 
of  all  liberal  Europe. 

But  under  the  arts  and  malign  activities  of  Canovas  tliis  brilliant  group 
of  democratic  liberators  were  dispersed  and  muzzled  as  ignominiously  as 
the  terror  dispersed  the  brilliant  and  brave  young  paladins  of  the  Gironde 
in  1793. 

Rarely  in  the  history  of  nations  has  such  a  spectacle  been  presented  as 
that  of  the  republic  of  1872,  for  almost  between  the  setting  of  the  sun 


A  SHORT-LIVED  REPUBLIC. 


145 


and  the  rising,  a  perfectly  organized  administration  perished,  and  the 
President  reappeared  as  a  supporter  of  the  monarchy  abolished  in  derision 
but  five  years  before.  Never  was  Johnson's  acrid  definition  of  a  patriot 
more  decisively  vindicated  than  in  the  extraordinary  turn-coating  of  the 
Spanish  liberals.  Canovas  displayed  his  comprehension  of  his  time  and 
people  by  disdainfully  making  use  of  every  one  of  the  leading  men  who 
had  come  to  power  during  the  short  reign  of  the  populace.  Corruption 
in  its  most  flagrant  form,  a  corruption  that  would  have  turned  Horace 
Walpole  green  with  envy,  set  in,  until  it  is  doubtful  whether  any  man  of 
any  eminence,  social  force  or  character,  could  be  found  in  the  whole 
peninsula  who  had  not  sold  his  influence,  his  conscience,  or  his  trust. 

Strangely  enough,  the  only  obverse  to  this  hideous  picture  is  the  Queen- 
Regent  Christina,  the  Austrian,  as  her  enemies  called  her  since  the  loss  of 
Canovas,  in  imitation  of  the  disparagement  of  Marie  Antoinette.  The 
Queen  by  the  testimony  even  of  her  enemies,  set  out  to  make  honor, 
honesty,  even  frugality  admirable  in  the  public  eye,  and  from  the 
moment  that  this  was  understood  she  became  the  abhorrence  of  the 
ruling  forces  of  every  capital  city  in  Spain. 


SEN  OB    CASTELLAB. 


PART   III. 

UNTIL  Dewey's  conquest,  the  only  point  in  the  Philippine  empire 
known  to  the  people  of  this  republic,  was  the  chief  city  of  the  main 
island  of  this  group,  Manila.  This  was  known  only  through  articles  of 
commerce,  twine  and  bagging !  The  islands  lie  very  much  in  the  posture 
of  the  British  Isles — Luzon,  the  larger,  is  the  only  one  peopled  to  any 
extent  by  Europeans.  There  are  thirteen  bodies  of  land  in  this  group,  of 
an  area  of  from  30  to  2,000  square  miles.  The  entire  area  of  the  larger 
islands  of  this  group  is  set  down  at  114,326,  with  a  population  of  from 
7,000,000  to  20,000,000.  Manila,  the  capital  and  seat  of  the  Spanish  Vice- 
roy, has  350,000  inhabitants,  though  the  Spanish  occupants  at  times  run 
as  high  as  10,000;  only  a  small  percentage  of  the  mass  is  white. 

In  so  far  as  verified  knowledge  goes,  the  Philippine  lands  are  fairly  as 
fabulous  to  us  to-day  as  they  were  when  the  Spanish  seized  them  under 
Philip  II.  Their  conquest  was  not  marked  by  the  marches  and  battles 
that  make  the  Mexican  and  Peruvian  discoveries  tales  of  such  fascinating 
interest.  The  islands  peopled  by  the  fiercest  of  the  Polyponesian  races 
have  never  been  thoroughly  explored  even  by  adventurous  explorers. 
Almost  the  only  facts  we  have  concerning  the  interior  of  the  empire  are 
the  reports  of  missionaries,  who  have  wrought  steadily  with  the  ferocious 
natives  since  Spain  set  her  flag  over  the  ports  of  vantage.  It  was  in 
1521  that  the  illustrious  navigator,  Hernando  Magellan,  came  into  the 
noble  harbor  of  Manila.  He  was  in  search  of  the  Malluca  islands,  then 
claimed  by  the  Portugese.  Though  unable  to  explore  the  vast  surface 
of  the  islands,  1,000  miles  in  length  and  400  in  breadth,  Magellan  re- 
ported them  as  the  «*  pearls  of  the  Eastern  Ocean  !  "  But  as  there  were 
no  cities  built  of  gold,  no  legends  of  gems  and  precious  metals,  the  earlier 
hordes  of  Spanish  adventurers  made  no  attempt  to  penetrate  inland. 
The  islands  were  invaded  slowly,  but  even  to-day,  hardly  a. thousandth 
part  has  been  touched  by  outside  civilization. 

The  Spaniards  have  never  attempted  to  utilize  the  inconceivably  fertile 
valleys,  nor  export  the  rare  woods  that  are  known  to  abound  in  limitless 
plenty.  For  reasons  not  easily  deduced,  Spain  never  fully  conquered 
the  islands,  but  contented  herself  with  establishing  garrisons  in  the  more 
inviting  seaports,  where  traffic  has  been  carried  on  in  the  products  of  the 
tribes  that  utilize  the  rich  produce  of  the  teeming  lands.  To  colonize 

(147) 


(48  THE  PIIILIPPIXOS. 

»uoh  a  diverse  population — no  two  tribes  speaking  the  same  tongue, 
would  tax  the  resources  of  all  Europe  ;  Spain  never  undertook  colonizing 
in  the  sense  of  assimilating  the  native  races  that  come  under  her  sway. 
Beyond  the  conversion  to  Christianity,  the  Spanish  never  intended  to 
lead  the  savage  into  the  ways  of  western  life.  Public  works,  the  gradual 
introduction  of  western  customs,  these  Spain  never  attempted,  nor,  con- 
sidering the  disposition  of  the  fierce,  slothful  races  occupying  the  islands, 
\vould  this  have  been  possible.  There  are  indeed  scores  of  races  in  the 
Philippines  irreclaimable  in  the  first  generation,  though  the  experience  of 
the  French  and  British  in  the  Polynesian  ocean,  shows  that  the  following 
generations  after  conquest,  gradually  succumb  to  a  dominating  race,  in 
the  externals  of  civilized  habits. 

A  French  scientific  mission  sent  to  the  Philippines,  revealed  all  that  is 
known  either  of  the  tribes  inhabiting  the  unoccupied  islands,  or  the  ca- 
pacities of  the  soil  for  the  cultivation  of  tropic  products.  Races,  styled 
Indians,  Negritos,  Malays,  Manthans,  and  a  score  more,  as  unintelligibly 
differentiated,  teem  on  lands  so  rich  that  they  produce  year  after  year, 
without  a  stroke  of  husbandry,  the  staples  that  form  the  food  of  unknown 
millions.  What  has  been  the  bane  and  the  blessing  of  the  Spanish  ad- 
ministration, has  been  a  steady  influx  of  Japanese  and  Chinese.  The 
bane,  because  they  serve  as  instigators  of  insurrection  to  the  naturally 
docile  native  races ;  blessings,  because  they  supply  steady  labor,  not  to  be 
bought  or  brow-beaten  from  the  indolent  natives. 

The  Negritos,  (little  blacks)  are  so  called  because  they  are  absurdly 
small  in  stature,  resembling  the  African  race  only  in  the  intense  blackness 
of  their  skin.  Tradition,  no  one  has  pointed  out  how  founded,  ascribes 
to  these  dwarfish  blacks,  the  original  settlement  of  the  islands.  The 
dominant  race  throughout,  however,  seems  to  be  the  Malay-Sulus — a  con- 
glomerate of  Indians,  African  and  Caucasian.  These  are  Mohamme- 
dan in  faith,  ungovernably  cruel,  and  capable  of  incredible  perseverance 
and  constancy  to  their  religion.  They  are  really  governed  occultly,  by 
their  own  Sultan,  who  gives  but  nominal  allegiance  to  the  Spanish  con- 
queror. It  is  the  concurrent  testimony  of  all  who  have  studied  these 
fierce  nomads,  that  they  embody  all  the  ferocity  associated  with  the  North 
American  Indian.  Had  the  race  been  as  numerous  as  the  early  aborig- 
ines on  this  continent,  it  would  have  depopulated  Asia  long  ago. 

The  man  who  makes  himself  amenable  to  the  few  laws  governing  the 
loose  social  fabric  of  the  Malay,  is  not  imprisoned,  not  executed. 
Strangely  enough,  the  inhuman  monsters  who  hold  the  lives  of  the  non- 
believers  so  lightly,  shrink  from  inflicting  death  by  mere  agreement,  as 


150  THE   DOMINANT   RACE. 

civilized  society  has  always  done.  But  for  certain  misdeeds  the  culprit  is 
separated  from  his  wife  and  family,  who  become  the  property  or  spoil 
either  of  the  tribe,  or  the  person  against  whom  the  crime  has  been  com- 
mitted. The  convict's  life  then  belongs  to  the  tribe.  He  is  set  aside  as 
an  instrument  of  sacred  vengeance.  He  takes  an  oath,  under  awful  and 
mysterious  forms,  to  rid  the  world  of  unbelievers  in  any  way  that  his 
master — the  priest  of  Mahomet — may  dictate.  But  the  oath  is  not  enough 
to  qualify  the  malefactor  for  this  sanguinary  apostolate.  He  waits  pas- 
sively the  hour  and  place  to  redeem  the  lost  paradise.  The  Panditos — 
priests,  watch  over  him  every  hour,  they  guide  his  mind  in  every  waking 
moment,  insidiously  shaping  the  enthusiastic  longings  to  deeds  of 
murder. 

In  time,  under  the  awful  schooling  of  mingled  mysticism  and  unbridled 
lust,  the  brain  maddened  to  ungovernable  impulse,  sees  nothing  in  the 
natural  sense.  With  mental  prostitution,  goes  on  an  unceasing  training 
of  the  body,  until  every  muscle  is  wrought  into  the  endurance  of  steel. 
The  limbs  like  the  members  of  a  tiger  or  panther,  the  bones  elastic,  the 
skin  like  parchment  in  resistance.  When  the  body  has  been  wrought 
into  as  nearly  a  perfect  machine  as  the  most  enthusiastic  athlete  ever 
dreamed,  then  the  mind  is  operated  on  with  all  that  is  likely  to  seduce 
the  senses  of  a  sacerdotal  libertinism.  There  are  mystic  seasons  of 
song,  when  the  minstrel  acolytes  of  the  priesthood,  sing  roniaunts  of  the 
ecstasies  that  await  the  faithful  who  enter  the  prophet's  presence  through 
the  heroism  of  slaughter.  The  dazzled  victim  is  shown  visions  of  the 
voluptuous  delights  that  he  is  prevented  from  enjoying,  simply  by  the  re- 
tention of  his  mortal  frame.  When  exultation  and  desire  are  at  the  full, 
the  fanatic's  mission  is  confided  to  him.  He  is  launched  on  the  way  to 
kill  and  die,  and  he  seeks  both  as  the  lover  seeks  his  mistress.  Death  to 
him  in  this  state  of  mind  is  a  rapture  that  he  longs  to  enjoy. 

Hence  no  valor,  no  weapons,  no  foresight  can  wholly  check  the  mur- 
ders relentlessly  regular  as  the  massacres  of  the  Hermit  assassin  of  the 
early  ages  whence  the  name  arose.  Neither  the  sanctuary  of  the  altar,  the 
seclusion  of  the  palace,  nor  the  bristling  guns  of  fort  or  barrack,  stop  the 
Malay  when  he  is  launched  on  his  deadly  work.  He  will  creep  into  a 
guarded  city  under  the  bellies  of  cattle;  he  will  assume  amazing  dis- 
guises ;  he  will  suffer  the  pangs  of  hunger  for  days  and  endure  hardships 
that  involve  death,  to  reach  the  person  of  the  chosen  victim. 

A  French  scientific  observer  who  traveled  in  the  country  and  made  a 
study  of  the  Malay,  condenses  the  results  in  this  hideous  episode  :  "  A  com- 
pany of  eleven  Malays  divided  into  three  or  four  bands,  managed  to  get 


152  A   GHASTLY   STORY. 

through  the  gates  of  the  town,  bending  under  loads  of  fodder  for  cattle* 
which  they  pretended  to  have  for  sale,  and  in  which  they  had  hidden  their 
creeses.  Quick  as  lightning  they  stabbed  the  guards.  Then  in  their 
frenzied  course  they  struck  all  whom  they  met.  Hearing  the  cry  of 
'  Los  juramentados ! '  the  soldiers  seized  their  arms.  The  juramentados 
rushed  on  them  fearlessly,  their  creeses  clutched  in  their  hands.  The 
bullets  fell  like  hail  among  them.  They  bent,  crept,  glided  and  struck. 
One  of  them,  whose  breast  was  pierced  through  and  through  by  a 
bullet,  rose  and  flung  himself  on  the  troops.  He  was  again  transfixed 
by  a  bayonet ;  he  remained  erect,  vainly  striving  to  reach  his  enemy, 
who  held  him  impaled  on  the  weapon.  Another  soldier  had  to  run 
up  and  blow  the  man's  brains  out  before  he  let  go  his  prey.  When 
the  last  of  the  juramentados  had  fallen  and  the  corpses  were  picked  up 
from  the  streets,  which  consternation  had  rendered  empty,  it  was  found 
that  these  eleven  men  had  with  their  creeses  hacked  fifteen  soldiers 
to  pieces,  not  to  reckon  the  wounded. 

"And  what  wounds  !  the  head  of  one  corpse  was  cut  off  as  clean  as  if  it 
had  been  done  with  the  sharpest  razor ;  another  soldier  was  almost  cut  in 
two !  The  first  of  the  wounded  to  come  under  my  hand  was  a  soldier  of 
the  third  regiment  who  was  mounting  guard  at  the  gate  through  which 
some  of  the  assassins  entered ;  his  left  arm  was  fractured  in  three  places ; 
his  shoulder  and  breast  were  literally  cut  up  like  mincemeat;  amputation 
appeared  to  be  the  only  chance  for  him,  but  in  that  lacerated  flesh  there 
was  no  longer  a  spot  from  which  could  be  cut  a  thread." 

Immured  in  a  land  to  the  eye  sensuous,  to  the  mind  deadening,  the 
mingled  religion  and  profligacy  combine  to  make  the  people  hateful  to 
each  other.  Denied  the  distracting  problems  that  check  these  latent  pro- 
pensities in  civilized  mankind,  the  Philippine  wars  upon  his  fellows.  He 
lives  in  the  exaltation  of  demoniac  cruelties,  he  wreaks  a  vulpine  venge- 
ance on  the  weak — satiating  passion,  while  winning  the  proclaimed  pari- 
dise  of  his  prophets.  Up  to  this  time  neither  the  curious  traveler,  nor 
the  still  more  adventurous  seeker  for  markets  and  treasure  incident  to 
untraveled  lands,  has  ventured  to  penetrate  the  recesses  of  these  san- 
guinary races. 

The  religious  missionary,  whose  life  is  gladly  given  up  in  the  course 
of  his  propaganda,  is  the  only  confidant,  the  sole  stranger,  not  treated  as 
an  intruder.  Strangely  enough,  the  Jesuit  teachings  have  an  irresistible 
attraction  for  the  most  ferocious  of  these  hideous  malefactors.  Tens  of 
thousands,  if  the  testimony  of  recent  French  investigators  is  to  be  credited, 
have  been  won  over  to  the  gentle  precepts  of  Christ.  Universal  conver- 


THE  MISSION  FATHERS. 


sion,  it  is  believed,  could  liave  been  achieved  had  not  the  missionaries  in- 
sisted on  secular  changes  hateful  to  the  nomad  nature  of  the  insulars. 
For  reasons  easily  conjecturable,  the  mission  fathers  make  it  a  point  to 
separate  the  convert  from  the  idolater.  Hence,  they  are  gathered  in  great 
companies  of  thousands,  marched  in  a  body  to  districts  remote  from  their 
old  associates,  and  set  on  the  path  of  transformation  in  civilized  com- 


HERMITAGE   ST.    NICHOLAS,    MANILA. 

munes  or  villages.  In  this  way  there  have  been  formed  countless  oases, 
so  to  speak,  in  the  world  of  the  savage  people,  where  the  primitive  lights 
of  a  civilization  that  takes  us  back  centuries,  is  shed  upon  the  motley  fed- 
erations, held  together  by  the  unknown  God  and  his  irresistible  teachers. 
Father  Saturnin  of  the  Jesuit  Society  of  Madrid,  converted  and  domiciled 
5,000  of  the  most  ferocious  of  the  far-distant  tribes  in  a  single  year. 

The  Island  of  Sulu,  lying  between  the  main  Philippine  lands  and 
Borneo,  has  been  for  centuries  regarded,  by  the  Malay  Mahommedans, 
precisely  as  Mecca  is  held  by  the  western  Moslems — the  sacred  precincts 
of  Mahomet.  The  religious  carnivals  and  traffic,  so  far  as  understood  by 
the  tribes,  were  centred  in  this  mysterious  sanctuary.  It  was  in  this  isle 
that  the  first  trace  of  the  predominant  Malay  was  found.  Hence  the  race 
spread  over  the  vast  wilds  of  this  island  continent.  Indeed,  in  such  fitful 
glimpses  as  we  catch  of  them  from  1480  down  to  their  frequent  uprisings 


154  MALAY  PIRATES. 

against  the  Spanish,  they  suggest  the  unqualifiable  hordes  that  overran 
the  island  of  Brittauia  as  we  first  know  it.  From  the  sparse  peoples  of 
Polynesia  to  the  straits  of  Malacca,  the  name  became  a  synonym  of  pro- 
digal ferocity.  They  were  like  the  half-human  nomads  that  overwhelmed 
Brittania,  expert  sailors.  They  swarmed  in  their  light  and  graceful  proas 
over  the  measureless  archipelagos  that  fringe  the  eastern  reaches  of  China 
almost  to  the  coast  of  what  is  now  known  as  Australia. 

Even  after  Spain  had  awed  the  coasts  into  subjection,  the  Malay  hordes 
kept  up  piratry,  and  the  desolation  of  all  accessible  peoples.  What  the 
Indians  under  the  British  were  to  the  pioneer  of  the  Continental  patriots, 
the  Malay  long  remained  to  the  scattered  colonies  of  the  Spaniards,  as 
well  as  the  peaceably  disposed  natives.  Abhorred  as  bloodthirsty  mis- 
creants, whose  fanaticism  counted  any  form  of  atrocity,  a  sacred  obliga- 
tion— they  made  their  sway — even  though  permanent,  a  synonym  of  dev- 
astation, death,  ruin,  in  every  conceivable  form.  From  the  first  they 
hated  the  Spaniards,  as  the  Saracens  hated  the  Franks.  They  refused 
quarter  to  any  one  of  that  race,  unhappy  enough  to  fall  into  their  hands. 
As  the  naval  forces  of  Spain  overcame  them  on  the  seas  and  bays,  they 
betook  themselves  to  innumerable  inlets  along  the  endless  coasts,  secreted 
their  values  in  forest  lairs,  and  with  fleets  of  light  proas,  dashed  out,  to 
overwhelm  a  luckless  craft.  They  seized  annually  an  average  of  5,000 
captives,  whom  they  put  to  death,  with  inconceivable  torture.  Peace 
between  these  revoltees  and  Spain  has  really  never  existed.  When  sub- 
dued in  one  campaign  they  have  migrated  elsewhere,  won  back  the  con- 
vert or  the  indolent,  and  set  out  again  on  new  hegiras  of  piracy  and  deso- 
lation. It  was  not  until  1876  that  Spain  saw  the  end  of  organized  piracy 
— though  rebellion  has  broken  out  sporadically  nearly  every  year.  But 
in  1876  the  captain-general  was  able  to  bring  an  army  and  navy  into  the 
sphere  where  the  bulk  of  the  Malays  were  gathered ;  there  was  the  pirate 
capital  of  the  Confederacy,  Tienggi.  The  foul  nest  was  obliterated,  and 
with  imposing  ceremonies  the  Spanish  army  erected  a  new  city.  For  a 
breathing  space  the  hateful  spirit  of  the  cruel  race  seemed  extinct. 

But  the  Japanese  have  long  coveted  the  territories  of  the  Philippines 
for  their  own  crowded  millions ;  have  infiltrated  crude  ideas  of  a  more 
liberal  regime  among  the  profligate  chiefs,  and  filled  the  slaves  with  de- 
sire for  freedom.  Other  causes  have  been  at  work  to  make  the  island  a 
burden  to  the  distracted  Spanish  fendatory.  The  hordes  who  have  main- 
tained insurrection  against  Spain,  have  no  more  notion  of  self-rule,  or  any 
rule  save  that  of  anarchy,  than  the  negroes  of  Central  Africa.  The  arms 


ISLAND    TRADITIONS.  .     155 

they  battled  with  were  supplied  by  Japan,  and  their  movements  guided 
by  these  greedy  Britons  of  the  Orient. 

Spain  is  often  cited  as  incapable  of  colonizing,  yet  the  vast  countries 
speaking  the  Spanish  tongue — all  of  the  South  American  continent  in 
fact,  as  well  as  Mexico,  Cuba,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines  are  testi- 
mony that  Spain  has  impressed  her  civilization — speech,  religion  and 
manners  on  more  territory  than  any  other  power !  Spain  has  not  in  the 
modern  times  colonized  by  extermination  !  Our  race  has  colonized  the 
northern  continent  or  the  larger  part  of  it,  but  we  have  done  it  by  out 
rooting  the  aborigines,  and  taking  possession.  The  British,  who  claim 
to  be  the  preeminent  colonizers,  confuse  conquest  with  colonizing.  Where 
they  go,  British  ascendancy  is  first  wrung  from  the  native  by  arms  or  craft, 
and  then  British  armies  of  the  needy  follow.  The  colonizing  is  complete 
when  the  natives  are  made  the  helots  of  the  land,  and  the  officialism  of  the 
metropolitan  rules  the  country.  Yet  the  native  of  India,  of  Australia  or 
South  Africa,  who  can  give  voice  to  his  discontent,  is  as  bitter  in  his 
hatred  of  the  superior  civilized  Britain,  as  the  Philippines  or  Cubans  are 
against  Spain. 

Though  traversed  by  the  enormous  fleets  of  the  worlds  commerce,  the 
various  subdivisions  of  the  Philippine  empire  are  but  superficially  known. 
The  lands  that  dot  the  vast  archipelago  are  buried  in  tradition,  more  or 
less  fanciful ;  that  portion  of  the  Spanish  possessions  lying  between  the 
main  island  of  the  Philippine  group  and  Borneo,  is  generally  spoken  of  as 
the  Sulu  Archipelago.  The  inhabitants  of  these  lands,  are  believed  to  be 
the  earliest  type  of  the  Malay.  There,  piracy  and  general  predations  are 
still  carried  on  when  chance  offers.  They  are  mainly  a  race  of  seamen, 
and  pass  much  of  their  time  in  the  proas  known  for  centuries  as  pirate 
craft,  preying  upon  the  shipwrecked  or  lighter  ships  of  Oriental  commerce. 
The  proa  is  a  light,  well  constructed  vessel,  never  weighing  more  than 
thirty  tons.  But  so  built  that  it  can  go  either  backward  or  forward,  the 
skilful  Malay  propels  it  with  incredible  swiftness  on  the  smaller  waters 
of  these  landlocked  seas. 

Until  the  Japanese  took  the  desperadoes  in  hand,  the  wholeipopulation 
of  the  Sulu  Archipelago  lived  by  piracy.  The  Sultan  and  civic  Council 
claimed  and  received  twenty  five  per  cent,  of  the  pirate  gains,  for  which 
they  supplied  the  leader's  guns  and  proas.  Not  the  least  remunerative  of 
the  prizes  brought  in,  were  the  crews  of  captured  vessels,  who  were  sent 
into  the  interior  as  slaves  to  the  Sultan  or  the  tribal  chiefs.  Since  first 
known  to  Europeans,  each  island  has  had  a  ruler  of  its  own,  though  the 
the  various  groups  acknowledge  sovereignty  in  one  Sultan,  It  was 
9 


156  .  THE  MALAY  SULUS. 

through  this  potentate,  that  Spain  made  her  treaties  and  did  what  was 
possible  to  introduce  civilized  ways.  In  certain  externals,  there  is  a 
primitive  civilization. 

The  tribes  now  live  in  houses  modeled  somewhat  on  the  Chinese  and 
Japanese  edifices.  They  are  built  of  bamboo  and  erected  far  above  the 
ground  on  posts.  The  roofs  are  thatched  with  palm  leaves  and  for  the 
climate,  no  better  form  of  shelter  could  be  devised.  Household  treasures 
are  placed  in  chests  in  the  centre  of  the  single  room.  These  serve  for 
beds  at  night  curtained  by  light  fabrics  woven  in  the  country.  Chairs 
and  tables  have  only  been  a  recent  acquisition  to  the  interior  natives, 
though  the  privileged  or  richer  ranks  are  profuse  in  all  the  showiness  of 
civilized  needs. 

Strangely  enough,  these  irreclaimable  lawbreakers  enjoy  a  certain  formal 
despotism.  The  tribal  chiefs  form  a  great  council  where  the  Sultan 
has  two  votes.  The  land  is  all  owned  by  the  chiefs,  and  the  multitude 
bears  the  same  relation  to  the  lord  of  the  land  that  existed  in  Europe  before 
the  abolition  of  feudalism.  The  chief  is  the  lawgiver  and  judge.  He 
can  do  substantially  what  he  pleases  with  the  tribal  property,  and  the 
bodies  of  his  tenantry.  Arms  are  carried  at  all  times,  by  gentle  and 
simple.  The  aristocrat  carries  a  lance  and  a  weapon  called  the  kris,  a 
curious  sword  in  form.  The  arm  of  the  multitude  is  the  blow  pipe — 
a  hollow  tube  of  the  palm  through  which  sharp  darts  are  sent  a  surprising 
distance,  by  the  breath.  The  main  use  'of  this  extraordinary  weapon  is 
killing  game,  though  it  is  used  in  war  likewise;  when  thus  used  the  dart 
is  poisoned. 

The  nobles  when  arrayed  for  affairs  of  social  or  political  state,  wear 
gorgeous  mandarin  robes  of  silk  embroidered  with  gold,  and  satin  trousers 
decorated  with  golden  dragons.  The  kris  is  carried  by  all  ranks.  For  a 
head  dress,  a  red  handkerchief  is  wound  about  the  head  like  a  turban. 
The  men  let  their  hair  grow  long,  pluck  out  their  beards,  dye  their  teeth 
black,  and  shave  their  eyebrows  partly,  so  as  to  leave  a  marked  crescent 
arch.  The  women  wear  pygamas  of  white  cotton  or  flowered  silk  to  the 
knees,  and  over  these  a  petticoat,  with  a  short  jacket  of  colored  cotton 
cloth  that  fits  closely  to  set  off  their  figures.  A  scarf  hangs  over  the 
shoulders.  The  hair  is  tied  up  at  the  crown  of  the  head. 

The  chief  recreation  of  the  race  is  dancing.  The  proudest  chief  delights 
in  efficiency  in  playing  some  instrument,  generally  the  flute,  guitar  and 
sometimes  the  violin.  Spanish  dances  are  stepped  with  as  much  grace 
and  animation  as  in  the  salons  of  Madrid.  Gaming  is  a  passion  among 
all  ranks  and  conditions,  while  as  in  all  Moslem  countries  there  is  no  end 


THE  QUEEN  OF  FRUITS.  157 

to  the  number  of  wives  a  man  may  have.  Conditions  seem  however  to 
restrain  all  but  the  very  rich  to  one.  It  is  no  unusual  thing  to  see  men 
maintaining  a  hundred  concubines. 

The  products  of  the  Philippines  embracing  the  entire  system,  cover  all 
the  fruits  and  edibles  known  in  the  tropics — from  edible  birds'  nests  to  the 
doerian — a  fruit  whose  qualities  are  in  strong  contrast  with  its  odor.  It 
is  described  as  so  repulsive  in  smell  that  those  whose  nostrils  are  new  to 
the  smell,  nearly  faint,  but  once  tasted,  the  daintiest  dish  of  the  gourmet 
bears  no  comparison.  A  traveler  from  the  archipelago  sets  forth  the 
eating  and  the  effect : 

"  No  fruit  can  rival  its  rich  flavor  as  of  strawberries  and  raspberries 
mixed  with  violets  and  delicate  rose  leaves.  Of  all  the  products  of 
nature  it  is  the  most  delicious.  The  first  mouthful  is  all  that  is  needed  ; 
the  nauseating  odor  is  past  and  done  forever ;  years  may  elapse  between 
the  eating  of  the  two  doerian,  but  the  disgusting  stench  will  never  again 
be  perceived."  The  plant  though  now  abundant  in  the  Philippines,  is 
believed  to  be  indigenous  to  Sumatra.  There  at  least,  they  endow  it  with 
magic  power  to  call  the  wanderer  home,  for  the  islanders  often  repeat  the 
proverb.  "  Who  has  eaten  doerian  will  eat  doerians."  Naturalists  rank 
this  extraordinary  dainty  as  the  queen  of  fruits,  the  orange  being  con- 
sidered the  king.  Birds'  nests,  the  edible  delight  of  Oriental  gournets 
are  another  staple  of  the  island. 

The  permanent  drawback  to  the  countries  in  the  archipelago  for 
colonizing,  is  the  frequency  of  earthquakes  and  an  enormous  number  of 
volcanic  mountains  rising  all  over  the  surface. 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  indolent  ineptitude  of  the  Spaniards  that  all 
that  is  known  of  the  Philippines  even  historically,  comes  from  stranger 
sources.  The  French  for  many  years  have  exhibited  a  persistent  curios- 
ity about  the  people  of  the  islands  and  the  natural  history  of  the  races 
which  finds  expression  in  reports  to  the  scientific  societies.  It  is  from 
this  source  that  the  world  knows  to-day  what  the  Philippines  represent. 
The  picture  they  give  of  the  race,  where  it  has  come  into  contact  with 
the  invaders,  is  full  of  a  certain  charm.  For  the  half-natives'  or  mixed 
groups  are  a  mingling  of  the  Creole  and  the  educated  Cubanos.  They 
imitate  the  excesses  of  civilization  with  great  readiness ;  they  take  on  the 
externals  of  religion  and  observe  the  pageantry  with  childlike  delight. 
The  social  side  of  the  well-to-do  Philippinos  is  full  of  the  surprises  noted 
by  the  observer  in  the  Spanish  possessions  in  the  two  Americas.  But 
they  do  not  receive  schooling.  Life  is  a  perpetual  festival,  where  there 
is  no  need  for  labor.  But  labor  in  any  of  these  lands  would  be  consid- 


158  PHILIPPINOS'  PATRIOTISM. 

ered  play  in  our  more  active  societies.  In  one  part  of  these  immense  pos- 
sessions only,  has  Spain  ever  attempted  to  allure  the  natives  to  civiliza- 
tion by  showing  them  what  civilization  does  for  the  well-being  of  peoples. 
Manila,  the  capital,  is  in  many  respects  a  European  city.  But  the  effect 
of  the  object  lesson  has  been  rather  to  demoralize  the  natives  than  edu- 
cate them  to  a  sense  of  better  things. 

Naturally,  so  soon  as  Dewey's  squadron  had  ousted  the  Spaniards  from 
the  metropolitan  city,  all  the  conspiring  factions  on  the  various  islands 
which  had  been  used  for  years  by  the  intriguing  Japanese  or  Germans, 
saw  that  a  time  had  come  when  the  western  commodity  known  as  "  pa- 
triotism "  could  be  made  marketable.  From  island  recesses,  that  even 
the  educated  never  heard  of,  came  the  clamor  for  "independence  "  or  a 
protectorate  under  some  of  the  great  powers.  Yet  there  is  neither  edu- 
cation nor  the  habit  of  self-rule  by  tribes,  as  among  some  aboriginal 
races,  make  up  the  semblance  of  a  primitive  regime.  The  Spaniards  have 
since  time  immemorial  indulged  the  dangerous  practice  of  buying  off  the 
disaffected.  The  islanders  regard  the  coming  of  the  richer  peoples  of  the 
North  American  continent,  as  a  larger  market  for  their  wares.  It  would 
require  years  and  processes  like  those  that  have  solved  the  Indian  ques- 
tion in  this  country,  to  make  the  Philippines  habitable  to  a  civilized  race. 
Even  then  there  are  climatic  excesses  that  make  a  residence  for  septen- 
trional peoples  doubtful.  There  are,  however,  residents  from  this  coun- 
try who  declare  that  after  a  trying  probation,  the  city  of  Manila  becomes 
a  fascinating  abode.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  pretty  well  authenti- 
cated stories  of  fabulous  gold  deposits  may  make  the  less  torrid  of  the 
islands  a  sort  of  an  Australia  to  the  millions  who  love  adventure  and  the 
semi-nomad  life  of  the  treasure  seeker. 


n. 

IT'UROPEAN  vaticinations  on  Spain's  prowess  had  insensibly  sunk 
Jj  into  the  mind  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Feverish  as  was 
the  desire  for  something  to  be  done,  there  was  at  the  same  time  the  pre- 
sentiment that  we  must  taste  some  of  the  calamities  we  had  invoked. 
We  had  many  thousand  miles  of  vulnerable  seacoast ;  we  had  commercial 
emporiums,  within  easy,  even  tempting  striking  distance  of  a  resolute 
commander,  sailing  one  of  the  majestic  fleets  of  modern  construction.  An 
audacious  stroke  at  New  York  or  Boston,  New  Orleans,  or  Philadelphia, 
would  enable  Spain  to  pay  her  war  debt  and  redeem  ulterior  disasters. 
No  one  knew  exactly  what  our  war  fleets  were  capable  of  doing  in  action. 
They  had  never  been  tried;  the  sneering  estimates  of  foreign  quid  nuncs, 
who  pointed  out  the  heterogeneous  nature  of  the  crews,  the  obtrusive 
picture  of  ineptitude  discovered  in  launching  the  army,  in  spite  of  the 
decisive  work  done  by  Dewey,  gave  the  serious  minded  hours  of  anguish. 
Could  our  harbors  be  made  impregnable  to  the  fleets  whose  movements 
were  reported  daily  by  cable?  Were  the  guns  we  had  fashioned  in  the 
Cabinet,  as  it  were,  equal  to  the  prodigious  strain  iron  and  steel  fleets 
would  put  them  to  ?  Could  the  formidable  armada  of  Admiral  Cervera, 
hovering  at  the  Cape  Verde  islands,  sail  straight  for  the  Narrows,  dis- 
perse the  ships  stationed  there,  pass  the  half  improvised  forts  on  the  head- 
lands and  put  the  metropolis  of  the  republic  under  contribution? 

Naval  administrators  do  not  seem  gifted  with  the  exuberant  speech  of 
their  military  brethren  of  the  land  forces. 

The  most  persistent  "interviewers"  for  the  press  extracted  but  meagre 
confidences  from  that  admirable  corps  of  incomparable  men  charged  with 
the  security  of  our  seacoast.  Noiselessly,  as  if  done  in  the  dark,  every 
accessible  inlet  of  the  immense  shores  of  the  republic  were  transformed 
into  traps  of  such  stupendous  destructiveness,  that  a  pinnace  could  not 
have  entered  a  sheet  of  water  included  in  the  defence.  The  force  and 
aptitude  of  the  thousand  cruisers,  even  Dewey 's  or  Schley's  victorious 
ironsides,  were  almost  in  a  day  concentrated  prevoyantly  in  the  waters  or 
about  the  circumjacent  headlands,  that  educated  strategists  knew  were 
decisive.  To  the  public,  all  this  seemed  empyrical.  The  tortuous  and 
intricate  system  of  mines,  the  unearthly  appliances  of  sea  and  shore  had 
never  been  practically  tested,  because  they  had  not  been  used  in  modern 

(161). 


162 


A  TORMENTING  PROBLEM. 


warfare.  It  was  then  a  tormenting  problem,  where  we  should  get  enough 
ships. 

Suspense,  one  of  the  numbing  horrors  of  previous  wars,  found  no  place 
among  the  ordeals  of  the  people.  The  best  or  the  worst  was  known  in 
the  remotest  corners  of  the  republic  within  a  few  hours  of  the  event. 
Indeed,  in  the  Manila  combat,  the  Western  world,  owing  to  the  processes 
of  the  planet  and  the  arrangement  of  time,  knew  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Spanish  fleet  hours  before  its  occurrence  according  to  our  laggard  planet ! 
There  was  in  the  old  sense  of  suspense,  but  one  incident  that  gave  the 
waiting  country  anxiety. 

The  splendid  battleship  Oregon  had  set  sail  from  San  Francisco  nearly 


UNITED   STATES   BATTLE   SHIP   OREGON. 

simultaneously  with  the  leap  into  war.  Her  voyage  was  the  longest  at- 
tempted by  a  modern  warship.  Beside  the  dangers  incidental  to  the  navi- 
gation of  her  untried  and  novel  type  of  structure,  the  outbreak  of  hos- 
tilities added  the  certainty  of  an  encounter  with  a  lurking  fleet  of  the 
enemy.  Nothing  indeed  betrayed  so  explicitly  Spain's  unenterprising 
methods,  her  languid  unreadiness,  than  this  momentous  voyage  of  a  soli- 
tary craft  from  the  republic's  farthest  western  harbor  to  the  very  mael- 
strom of  the  battle  centre.  At  a  thousand  points  from  Cape  Horn  to  the 
Bermudas,  a  brace  of  Spanish  battleships  might  have  waylaid  the  cherished 
ship.  Cervera's  fleet,  for  that  matter,  might  have  given  Spain  one  brief 
taste  of  glory  by  dragging  the  great  vessel  to  the  harbor  of  Cadiz. 

Our  own  seamen,  knowing  well  what  they  would  have  done,  were  such 
a  chance  offered  to  their  enterprise,  made  little  doubt  that  the  Oregon,  if 


THE  CAPE  VERDE  FLEET.  163 

she  ever  reached  her  consorts,  would  have  to  run  a  thrilling  gauntlet,  but 
much  more  likely  she  would  be  sent  to  the  bottom — for  the  men  of  our 
navy  knew  the  traditions  too  well,  to  fear  that  her  captain  would  give  the 
Spaniards  the  satisfaction  of  capture,  unless  the  major  forces  of  disaster 
joined  in  commanding  surrender.  Day  after  day,  week  after  week  passed, 
and  even  among  the  thrilling  actualities  reported,  the  conjectural  possi- 
bilities of  this  lonely  voyager  ploughing  the  sombre  seas,  took  chief  hold 
on  the  imagination  of  men.  When  she  was  reported  at  the  extreme  end 
of  South  America,  the  public  heart  thrilled  as  over  the  preliminary  details 
of  substantial  victory.  When  she  was  reported  at  Bahia — scene  of  the 
immemorial  exploits  of  the  navy  in  1812-14,  it  was  reckoned  as  joyful  an 
event  as  the  conquest  of  a  Cuban  town.  But  as  the  vessel  finally  cast 
off  from  the  friendly  safeguards  of  neutral  ports  and  waters,  the  public 
excitement  rose.  It  is  hardly  a  figure  of  speech  to  say  that  from  the 
Cabinet  of  the  President  to  the  cabin  of  the  logger,  hearts  beat  more 
swiftly.  The  Cape  Verde  fleet  was  just  where  the  ,«hip  ought  to  pass  in 
ending  her  immense  voyage.  Would  she  be  waylaid,  turning  into  some 
haven  and  find  herself  beset  by  overwhelming  odds  and  thus  give  Admiral 
Cervera  plausible  grounds  for  his  incomprehensible  cruising.  The  heart 
of  the  country  swelled  with  an  emotion  easy  to  understand,  when  the 
welcome  telegram  announced  the  pilgrim  in  safety,  lying  tranquilly  in  the 
waters  of  the  Florida  coast.  The  incident  at  once  revealed  the  impotence 
of  the  Spanish  war  administration  :  for  no  unusual  danger  was  involved 
in  attempting  the  capture  or  destruction  of  this,  our  most  powerful  naval 
engine.  Indeed,  the  event  at  Santiago  proves  that  had  the  Oregon  been 
out  of  the  way,  Spain's  most  powerful  ship,  the  Colon,  would  have  stood 
more  chances  of  escaping. 

During  the  six  weeks  preceding  Congressional  action,  our  agents  had 
been  busy  abroad  ;  we  had  bought  or  engaged  all  the  available  vessels  that 
could  be  negotiated.  With  ample  means  we  had  gone  into  the  shipyards 
of  the  world,  side  by  side  with  the  agents  of  Spain,  and  whatever  we 
wanted,  we  had  got.  We  were  conscious  that  the  foreign  owners  were 
driving  sharp  and  hard  bargains.  We  were  known  to  be  rich  beyond  any 
organized  society  in  the  world  probably,  and  we  were  made  to  pay 
fabulous  prices.  In  six  weeks  we  had  added  500  crafts  of  one  sort  or 
another  to  our  military  marine.  We  had  impressed  the  magnificent 
"flyers"  of  the  so-called  "American  line,"  a  fleet  of  rapid  steamers 
navigating  between  New  York  and  Southampton.  At  home,  we  had 
bought  or  chartered  every  craft  that  could  navigate  under  steam.  To 

jse  augmentations  were  added  scores  of  very  strong,  swift-sailing  pleasure 


164  SEARCHING  FOR  THE  FLEET. 

yachts,  such  as  the  modern  Crcesi  provide  themselves  with,  for  touring  in 
distant  seas.  But  of  course  all  these  couldn't  be  seen  by  the  millions,  in- 
deed, it  is  of  record  that  the  necessity  put  upon  the  administrative  agents 
to  make  use  of  them  incited  a  species  of  alarm. 

For  the  citizen  who  never  pays  heed  to  the  details  of  administration 
until  a  crisis  comes,  fell  into  a  panic  at  the  apparent  paucity  of  our  sea 
forces,  proven  by  this  indiscriminate  purchase  of  the  private  marine. 
Where,  it  was  asked,  are  the  fleets  we  have  seen  extolled,  that  we  see 
millions  lavished  for  year  after  year,  if  when  the  pinch  comes  we  are 
forced  to  go  into  the  market  and  take  any  sort  of  craft  proffered,  at  prices 
ten  fold  greater  than  private  purchasers  pay?  Nor  was  it  wholly 
reassuring  when  it  was  pointed  out,  that  even  Great  Britain,  who  makes 
her  shores  as  much  of  a  naval  arsenal  as  the  continental  nations  make 
their  territories  camps,  would,  in  case  of  war,  impress  the  bulk  of  the 
merchant  marine  for  transports,  auxiliaries  and  what  not.  For  a  month, 
in  spite  of  the  diversions  of  the  press,  demanding  that  Cuba  be  occupied 
within  twenty-four  hours,  there  were  millions  who  felt  secret  presenti- 
ments of  disaster  at  our  very  doors.  Thousands  of  families  in  seaport 
cities  gave  up  meditated  summer  tours,  not  daring  to  trust  to  the  chance 
of  bombardment!  For  the  Cape  Verde  fleet,  that  mysterious,  much 
vaunted  armada,  soon  became  the  poignant  puzzle  of  the  amateur 
tacticians.  The  hard-headed  coasters  of  the  Maine  beaches,  the  ad- 
venturous mariners  from  the  British  border  to  the  sands  of  Long  Island, 
felt  that  with  the  night  might  come  the  cyclone  of  Spanish  vengeance. 
Boston  with  proclamations  of  indifference,  too  orotund  to  be  real,  b;ide 
the  Spaniard  come  ;  New  York  confessed  that  the  Spaniard  at  her  gates 
could  hardly  be  more  tormenting  than  the  rigors  put  upon  navigation  in 
the  harbor  by  our  naval  guardians. 

The  search  for  a  fleet  at  sea  under  modern  conditions  is  one  of  the 
problems  that  daunts  the  stoutest  admiral.  Before  the  outbreak  of  the 
war,  Admiral  Cervera,  one  of  the  most  accomplished  of  the  ruling  caste 
among  the  Spanish  hidalgos,  had  set  out  with  a  half  dozen  of  the  most 
formidable  of  all  the  vessels  of  the  Spanish  fleet.  The  Spanish  press  had 
given  in  glowing  detail  the  prodigious  weight  of  shot  and  shell  the 
batteries  were  capable  of  throwing ;  the  fleetness  of  the  vessels  themselves, 
but  above  all,  the  awful  power  of  the  torpedo  destroyers,  flanking  the 
cruisers.  In  every  press  of  Europe  the  significance  and  destructiveness 
of  the  armada  was  suggestively  pointed  out  to  the  Washington  Cabinet, 
as  ample  justification  for  deliberation  in  extreme  measures.  For  days 
this  menacing  mystery  held,  or  seemed  to  hold,  our  fleets  in  suspense. 


166 


SCHLEYtj  1JUXN  SENTRIES. 


We  had  encircled  the  ports  of  Cuba  with  a  cordon  of  blockaders,  within 
twelve  hours  after  Congress  ordered  Spain  to  draw  the  sword.  The 
Cape  Verde  fleet  could  make  irreparable  slaughter  among  these  isolated 
monitors !  Nor  was  it  certain  that  Admiral  Sampson  could  get  his  ex- 
tended lines  together  smartly  enough  to  give  him  the  mastery  of  his 
whole  force.  Commodore  Schley,  with  a  fleet  of  the  cruisers  admired  in 
every  port  of  the  old  world,  wherever  seen,  was  held  in  leash  at  Fortress 
Monroe,  on  the  qui  vive  to  fly  to  the  rescue  of  Philadelphia,  New  York 
or  Boston  I 

The  mystery  of  the  Cape  Verde  fleet  deepened,  when  the  cable  made 


LYING   IN  WAIT   BEFORE  SANTIAGO. 

known  its  disappearance  from  the  Portuguese  isles!  Twenty -four  hours 
of  apprehension  filled  the  great  seaports ;  the  unknown  began  to  take 
shape  and  form  !  Then  as  if  deriding  the  world's  expectations,  the  fleet 
suddenly  appeared  at  Martinique.  This  extraordinary  diversion  verified, 
Schley  made  like  an  eagle  for  the  southern  and  eastern  waters  of  Cuba ! 
It  was  plain  to  the  astute  mariner  that  Cervera  meditated  reinforcing  his 
blockaded  brethren  at  Havana.  With  Schley 's  iron  sentries  guarding  the 
Caribbean,  Admiral  Cervera  dared  not  involve  himself  in  a  combat  with 
the  blockaders.  He  came  to  an  extraordinary  resolution.  He  took 
refuge  in  the  harbor  of  Santiago,  where  under  ordinary  conditions  a 
capable  fleet  like  his  own,  could  defy  the  world's  navies  combined. 
Commodore  Schley,  a  seaman  of  accomplished  parts,  in  fact  a  prototype 


THE  SANTIAGO  BATTLE.  167 

of  our  greatest  admirals,  couldn't  credit  his  eyes,  or  rather  his  unerring 
means  of  information  !  So  far  as  of  use  to  Spain,  the  ominous  squadron 
might  just  as  well  be  sealed  in  the  Narrows  at  New  York,  under  the  guns 
of  Fort  Hamilton.  The  great  sailor  made  a  characteristic  comment, 
*•  I've  got  Cervera  bottled  up  and  when  he  comes  out,  he  can't  escape 
me."  It  is  very  rare  indeed  that  science  and  heroism  are  so  amply  justi- 
fied in  their  confidence. 

But  to  the  country,  the  dynamic  quality  of  the  incident  didn't  appear  I 
Was  Cervera  in  the  landlocked  harbor  of  Santiago  still  the  potentiality 
for  destruction  that  European  observers  had  been  threatening  us  with  ? 
Couldn't  he  choose  his  own  time,  say  with  the  atrocious  season  of  sirocco 
and  blizzard,  select  the  vessels  of  the  republic  at  leisure  and  run  them 
down  one  by  one !  It  is  not  unlikely  that  Schley  or  Dewey,  or  Evans  or 
any  of  three-score  of  our  naval  paladins  would  have  counted  on  this  or 
even  more  intrepid  enterprise,  but  though  brave  to  temerity,  Admiral 
Cervera  was  not  of  the  fibre  that  conceives  original  undertakings. 

But  Schley  did  not  know  this  in  the  way  that  justifies  a  commander  to 
ignore  chances.  For  one  drawback  of  the  complete  mastery  of  the  art  of 
war  on  sea  or  land,  is  the  unvarying  rule — to  credit  your  adversary  with 
that  plan  and  enterprise  which  shall  be  most  damaging  to  you.  What, 
therefore,  might  Cervera  be  expected  to  do!  He  could  remain  in  the 
Santiago  "bottle,"  and  by  merely  lying  still,  compel  the  most  effective  of 
our  squadrons  to  linger  on  a  dangerous  coast  en  vedette,  thus  depriving 
our  fleets  of  a  decisive  part  of  the  effective  force.  Or,  he  could  bide  his 
time,  watch  for  the  torrential  season,  dart  out  in  force,  and  by  surprise 
overcome  each  of  our  ships  in  detail.  Or,  it  might  be  that  ulterior  plans 
had  been  made  providing  for  the  coming  of  Camara's  fleet,  vaguely  sup- 
posed to  be  made  up  of  some  of  the  most  invulnerable  of  the  latest  built 
ironclads.  In  any  event,  the  prospect  before  Schley,  was  fatal  to  the  re- 
sults expected  both  by  the  Washington  council  and  the  over-stimulated 
anticipations  of  the  impatient.  The  country  had  that  most  dangerous  of 
all  diseases,  a  febrile  craving  for  dramatic,  climacteric  episodes.  Victori- 
ous, if  humanly  possible — but  in  any  event,  the  unexpected,  the  ordeal  of 
the  human.  For  at  best,  that  is  the  spirit  of  war;  the  diseased  appetite 
for  that  feast  of  the  flesh — that  we  do  not  call  cannibalism,  where  it  is  the 
maw  of  the  cannon,  we  gorge— fed  with  bodies  of  our  sons  and  brothers 
— our  firstborn  and  our  best  loved. 

A  widely  read  European  Review  struck  the  ruling  note  of  the  spirit 
that  actuates  the  modern  when  war  is  going  on ;  the  "  the  opera-box  view." 
This  is  precisely  what  went  on  during  the  fateful  interval  between  the 


168  CERVERA'S    PLANS. 

ultimatum  of  Congress  and  the  prayer  of  Spain  to  be  permitted  to  bind 
up  her  gashes  in  peace.  Dewey  gave  the  world  one  spectacle,  dazzling — 
radiant  with  the  colors  the  military  historian  loves  to  embalm.  He  dis- 
concerted calculations;  he  secured  a  mise  en  sctne  of  incomparable  splen- 
dor in  the  tropic  glories  of  an  almost  unknown  theatre ;  he  wrought  with 
such  decision,  struck  with  such  sureness  of  calculation  that  even  the 
friendly  critic  was  deprived  of  the  qualification  that  assuages  the  envy 
of  the  mediocre.  A  youth,  fresh  from  the  lamp,  gave  the  world  its  next 
spectacle. 

A  youth  fresh  from  the  lamp?  I  might  have  said  a  youth  with  the 
lamp  of  Aladdin,  so  strangely  daring,  so  sublimely  devoted  was  the  deed 
he  set  out  to  do.  It  is  proverbial  with  the  sentimental  philosophers  that 
all  the  world  loves  a  lover.  What  is  really  meant  is  a  hero !  The  country, 
the  world,  became  enamored  of  a  modest  young  sailor  before  the  defences 
of  Santiago.  Admiral  Cervera's  "  bottling,"  as  Commodore  Schley  humor- 
ously put  it,  borrowing  General  Grant's  caustic  characterization  of  Gen- 
eral Butler's  luckless  adventure  at  Bermuda  Hundreds  in  1864,  was  vari- 
ously regarded  by  the  critical.  In  Europe  the  bottling  was  saluted  with 
derision.  Next  to  destroying  Schley 's  squadron,  it  was  contended  that 
the  Spanish  Admiral  had  neutralized  him.  He  was  forced  to  hover  about 
the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  never  venturing  too  near,  lest  the  missiles  of 
Morro  should  deplete  his  ships.  It  was  Cervera's  mission  to  defend 
Cuban  soil.  This  he  was  doing,  even  were  he  unable  to  meet  and  beat 
the  Federal  fleets  on  equal  terms.  Whereas,  Schley  was  held  in  the  un- 
comfortable open  sea,  his  powerful  ships  useless  in  the  general  plan  of 
campaign.  He  dared  not  attempt  the  storming  of  the  fleets  and  the  bat- 
teries, supplemented  by  mines.  Something  of  this  conviction  began  to 
dampen  the  ardor  of  our  home  strategists,  when  the  land  was  thrilled  by 
a  deed  of  daring,  which  though  perfectly  in  keeping  with  the  traditions 
of  our  navy,  nevertheless  struck  public  attention  as  an  almost  super- 
natural order  of  adventure. 

Among  the  subordinate  officers  of  the  fleet,  there  was  a  young  North  Caro- 
linian, who  had  been  remarkable  for  studious  application  in  the  academy 
at  Annapolis.  This  youth,  Richmond  P.  Hobson,  had  gone  through  the 
prescribed  billets  assigned  the  bright  and  capable  in  our  great  naval  and 
war  schools.  He  had  supplemented  his  Annapolis  training  by  a  course 
in  France,  and  like  nearly  all  the  marked  men  of  these  two  nurseries  of 
greatness,  he  had  continued  his  investigations  during  his  active  career. 
This  young  man,  knowing  the  value  of  the  fleet  for  other  operations,  per- 
fectly familiar  with  the  narrow  channel  that  gave  security  to  the  enemy's 


LIEUTENANT  RICHMOND  P.  HOBSON.  ENSIGN  JOSEPH  W.  POWELL. 


LIEUTENANT  VICTOR  Bon 


HOBSON'S  CALCULATIONS.  171 

squadron,  devised  a  means  of  locking  Cervera  in  his  asylum  and  freeing 
Schley's  ships  for  other  enterprises.  He  proposed  to  run  a  large  vessel 
into  the  narrow  mouth  of  the  harbor,  under  the  guns  of  Morro  Castle, 
and  there  sink  her.  As  a  rule,  in  forlorn  hopes  and  deeds  of  desperation, 
it  is  the  dare-devil  spirit  of  chance  that  rules.  But  Hobson  made  a  mathe- 
matical calculation  of  the  problems  involved. 

Poe's  fantastic  divining  in  his  embryonic,  scientific  formula  of  ro- 
mance, invents  nothing  so  thrillingly  minute  as  the  plan  of  operations 
prefigured  by  the  young  man  on  the  eve  of  the  undertaking. 

"  I  shall  go  right  into  the  harbor  until  about  400  yards  past  the  Estrella 
battery,  which  is  behind  Morro  Castle.  I  do  not  think  they  can  sink  me 
before  I  reach  somewhere  near  that  point.  The  Merrimac  has  7,000  tons 
buoyancy,  and  I  shall  keep  her  full  speed  ahead.  She  can  make  about 
ten  knots.  When  the  narrowest  part  of  the  channel  is  reached  I  shall 
put  her  helm  hard  aport,  stop  the  engines,  drop  the  anchors,  open  the  sea 
connections,  touch  off  the  torpedoes,  and  leave  the  Merrimac  a  wreck, 
lying  athwart  the  channel,  which  is  not  as  broad  as  the  Merrimac  is  long. 

"  There  are  eight  ten -inch  improvised  torpedoes  below  the  water  line 
on  the  Merrimac's  port  side.  They  are  placed  on  her  side  against  the 
bulkheads  and  vital  spots,  connected  with  each  other  by  a  wire  under  the 
ship's  keel.  Each  torpedo  contains  eighty-two  pounds  of  gunpowder. 
Each  torpedo  is  also  connected  with  the  bridge,  and  they  should  do  their 
work  in  a  minute,  and  it  will  be  quick  work  even  if  done  in  a  minute  and 
a  quarter. 

"  On  deck  there  will  be  four  men  and  myself.  In  the  engine-room 
there  will  be  two  other  men.  This  is  the  total  crew,  and  all  of  us  will  be 
in  our  underclothing,  with  revolvers  and  ammunition  in  water-tight  pack- 
ing strapped  around  our  waists.  Forward,  there  will  be  a  man  on  deck, 
and  around  his  waist  will  be  a  line,  the  other  end  of  the  line  being  made 
fast  to  the  bridge,  where  I  shall  stand.  By  that  man's  side  will  be  an  axe. 
When  I  stop  the  engines  I  shall  jerk  this  cord,  and  he  will  thus  get  the 
signal  to  cut  the  lashing  /  which  will  be  holding  the  forward  anchor.  He 
will  then  jump  overboard  and  swim  to  the  four-oared  dinghy,  which  we 
shall  tow  astern.  The  dinghy  is  full  of  life  buoys  and  is  unsinkable.  In 
it  are  rifles.  It  is  to  be  held  by  two  ropes,  one  made  fast  at  her  bow  and 
one  at  her  stern.  The  first  man  to  reach  her  will  haul  in  the  tow  line 
and  pull  the  dinghy  out  to  starboard.  The  next  to  leave  the  ship  are  the 
rest  of  the  crew.  The  quartermaster  at  the  wheel  will  not  leave  until 
after  having  put  it  hard  aport  and  lashed  it  so.  He  will  then  jump  over- 
board. 


172  A  FEASIBLE  PLAN. 

"  Down  below,  the  man  at  the  reversing  gear  will  stop  the  engines, 
scramble  up  on  deck,  and  get  over  the  side  as  quickly  as  possible.  The 
man  in  the  engine-room  will  break  open  the  sea  connections  with  a  sledge 
hammer,  and  will  follow  his  leader  into  the  water.  This  last  step  insures 
the  sinking  of  the  Merrimac,  whether  the  torpedoes  work  or  not.  By 
this  time  I  calculate  the  six  men  will  be  in  the  dinghy  and  the  Merrimac 
will  have  swung  athwart  the  channel,  to  the  full  length  of  her  300  yards 
of  cable,  which  will  have  been  paid  out  before  the  anchors  were  cut  loose. 
Then  all  that  is  left  for  me  is  to  touch  the  button.  I  shall  stand  on  the 
starboard  side  of  the  bridge.  The  explosion  will  throw  the  Merrimac  on 
her  starboard  side.  Nothing  on  this  side  of  New  York  City  will  be  able 
to  raise  her  after  that." 

"And  you  expect  to  come  out  of  this  alive?" 

"Ah I  that  is  another  thing.     I   suppose  the  Estrella  battery  will  fire 
down  on  us  a  bit,  but  the  ships  will  throw  their  searchlights  in  the  gun- 
ners' faces  and  they  won't  see  much  of  us.     Then,  if  we  are  torpedoed 
we  should  even  then  be  able  to  make  the  desired  position  in  the  channel. 
It  won't  be  so  easy  to  hit  us,  and  I  think  the  men  should  be  able  to  swir 
to  the  dinghy.     I  may  jump  before  I  am  blown  up,  but  I  don't  see  th 
it  makes  much  difference  what  I  do.     I  have  a  fair  chance  of  life  eithe. 
way.     If  our  dinghy  gets  shot  to  pieces,  we  shall  then  try  to  swim  for 
the  beach  right  under  Morro  Castle.     We  shall  keep  together  at  all  haz 
ards.     Then  we  may  be  able  to  make  our  way  alongside  and  perhaps  gel 
back  to  the  ship.     We  shall  fight  the  sentries  or  a  squad  until  the  last, 
and  we  shall  only  surrender  to  overwhelming  numbers,  and  our  surrender 
will  only  take  place  as  a  last  and  almost  uncontemplated  emergency." 

His  plan  then  was  feasible  at  a  glance,  but  it  involved  absolutely  cer- 
tain death  either  by  drowning,  dynamite,  or  both  from  the  doomed  vessel 
and  the  rain  of  metal  from  the  shore.  All  this  Hobson  had  counted  on, 
but  he  argued  simply,  the  end  to  be  attained  makes  the  consequences  of 
no  moment.  He  was  taken  at  his  word  and  given  official  sanction  to  go 
to  his  death.  He  selected  a  large  steamer,  such  as  we  see  faring  to  and 
from  other  countries,  or  along  the  coast,  the  Merrimac  bought  by  the 
navy  department  to  carry  coal. 

Details  of  men  were  at  work  denuding  the  fated  Merrimac.  The  sun 
set,  and  a  moon  of  pallid  intensity  illuminated  the  misty  mountain  plateaus, 
circumvallating  the  harbor  and  the  distant  city  of  Santiago.  A  scene  of 
lurid  magnificence  arrested  the  admiration  of  the  masses  on  the  fleet: 
nature  seemed  in  thrilling  rivalry,  for  the  thunder  broke  in  volleyed  peals, 
not  unlike  the  broadsides  from  fort  and  fleet.  But  the  sacrificial  ship  was 


POWELL'S  DARIXG  MISSION.  173 

not  ready  until  long  after  the  hour  set ;  it  was  breaking  into  sunrise,  thus 
imperiling  even  the  slender  chance  that  was  hoped  from  darkness. 
Hobson  hurried  portward,  however,  and  was  on  the  verge  of  the  line  of 
lire,  when  Sampson,  distrusting  success  in  daylight,  ordered  the  operation 
to  wait.  Hobson  sent  an  urgent  plea  to  be  permitted  to  go  on,  but  the 
Admiral  wisely  forbade. 

The  next  morning,  at  the  chosen  hour — half-after  two,  the  enterprise 
was  undertaken  again  and  carried  out  to  the  letter  of  the  inventor.  The 
Merrimac  was  conducted  to  the  entrance  by  a  crew  of  forty  men,  who,  at 
Hobson's  signal,  when  the  ship  slowed,  disembarked  in  small  boats,  and 
returned  to  the  fleet,  where  they  found  the  bluejackets  all  awake  and 
straining  their  eyes  toward  the  fated  craft.  Beside  the  main  adventure, 
there  was  a  secondary,  involving  hardly  less  peril.  Midshipman  Powell, 
on  a  small  launch,  with  a  volunteer  crew,  accompanied  the  Merrimac  for 
the  purpose  of  scouring  the  waters  under  the  Spanish  works  to  pick  up 
any  of  the  wounded  who  might  escape  the  wreckage  of  the  doomed  vessel 
when  the  torpedoes  had  done  their  work.  This  mission  was  itself  daring 
to  recklessness,  for  one  shot,  one  fragment  from  the  thousand  projectiles 
directed  at  the  Merrimac,  would  have  torn  the  frail  craft  to  atoms  and 
left  the  men  in  the  shark-infested  waters,  prey  to  death  by  drowning,  by 
shell,  or  by  the  ravening  jaws  of  the  man-eaters.  The  launch,  faithful  to 
its  consign,  hovered  in  the  waters  of  the  bay  until  all  chance  of  the  escape 
of  Hobson  or  his  comrades  was  plainly  hopeless. 

The  channel  narrows  to  200  feet  just  within  the  circle  of  fire,  of  which 
Morro  Castle  is  the  central  and  dominating  work.  To  make  the  vessel 
an  obstruction,  it  would  be  necessary  to  pass  the  withering  hail  of  the 
Morro,  and  from  other  fortresses  quite  as  deadly  and  then  turn  the  ship 
crosswise,  or  with  her  head  toward  the  Morro  or  vice  versa.  The  Merri- 
mac was  emptied  of  all  her  lading,  perforated  for  the  insertion  of  a  net 
work  of  dynamite  bombs,  capable  of  blowing  her  bottom  to  fragments — 
making  the  hulk  itself  a  peril  for  its  navigators  even  in  calm  seas  and 
peaceful  surroundings. 

When  the  contemplated  audacity  was  made  known  to  the  fleet  and 
volunteers  called  for,  it  seemed  as  if  every  man  stood  ready  to  engage  in 
what  every  one  knew  meant  certain  death.  The  heart  of  the  country  ex- 
ulted, quite  as  rapturously  over  the  scene  on  the  fleet,  where  the  embar- 
rassed admiral  was  compelled  to  choose  seven  men  out  of  the  eager  mass, 
as  over  the  heroic  action.  Deeds  of  high  emprise  mark  the  records  of  all 
nations  and  peoples,  but  there  is  no  record  in  history  which  shows  the 
r&nlr.  and  file  of  a  .squadron  eager  to  take  the  billet  of  certain  death.  Of 


174 


THE  DEVOTED  SEVEN. 


course,  in  a  sense,  all  men  under  the  colors  take  the  same  risk,  when  they 
take  the  oath  of  service,  but  there  is  even  in  the  demoniac  fury  and  car- 
nage of  the  set  battle  an  element  of  chance.  A  man  always  feels  that  he 
may  escape :  Hobson  and  his  seven  knew  that  there  were  one  thousand 
chances  to  one  against  escape. 


CLAUSEN 


HOBSON    AND    HIS    CREW. 


From  the  moment  official  sanction  consecrated  the  seven,  the  picture  is 
pathetically  stirring.  There  was  none  of  the  hectic  gayety  we  some- 
times see  in  daring  enterprises,  where  the  stimulant  of  the  battle  supple- 


THE  MERRIMAC'S  SUICIDE.  176 

meats  the  trembling  nerves.  Hobson  and  his  seven  addressed  them- 
selves  to  the  commonplace  concerns  of  navigating,  placing  the  destroyer 
and  lessening  the  scope  of  accident,  with  the  sustained  purpose  and  sober 
bearing  of  men  engaged  in  daily  monotony. 

The  night  had  worn  dawnward,  in  brooding  repose :  the  southern  cross 
sparkled  in  luminous  glory  over  the  tranquil  waters,  and  threw  the  vague 
mountain  buttresses  in  forms  of  gigantic  sentries ;  the  vague  outlines  of 
Morro  rose  on  the  brow  of  the  headland  like  a  vast  lantern,  lighting  the 
headland  and  the  shadowed  waters.  The  pilot  assigned  the  task  of  find- 
ing the  fissure  that  serves  as  the  entrance  of  the  bay,  lost  the  channel,  the 
Merrimac,  when  every  moment  was  of  priceless  value,  lost  a  half  hour  in 
groping  for  the  way !  The  Merrimac  was  soon  detected  by  the  forts,  a 
rain  of  projectiles  fell  upon  her  deck,  for  every  inch  of  the  way  had 
been,  of  course,  measured  by  the  artillerists  of  the  forts.  Incredible 
to  say,  none  of  the  hurtling  masses  of  projectiles  did  vital  destruction. 
The  seven  navigators  stretched  prone  on  deck  were  miraculously  pre- 
served from  even  a  splinter.  When,  at  the  point  selected,  Hobson 
strove  to  anchor,  he  found  that  the  iron  hail  had  destroyed  one  of  the 
decisive  resources.  The  anchor  chains  were  shot  away  and  he  was 
forced  to  sink  the  vessel  lengthwise  in  the  channel  instead  of  crosswise. 
All  was  not  lost,  however;  the  heroic  endeavor  was  not  wholly  vain,  the 
hulk,  even  end  for  end,  in  the  narrow  way,  would  make  the  egress  of 
Cervera's  enormous  ships  difficult.  The  electric  lines  were  set  going  and 
the  Merrimac  sunk  by  the  prearranged  machinery,  quite  as  if  Hobson  and 
his  aids  were  carrying  out  a  job  in  any  of  the  peaceful  preserves  of  the 
navy. 

The  undertaking  was  begun  in  that  hour  in  the  twenty-four  when  the  vital 
energies  are  at  the  ebb,  the  opening  dawn,  neither  night  nor  day.  The 
time  when  the  aged  die  and  the  afflicted  cease  to  rally,  the  time  made 
famous  by  Napoleon's  saying  that  few  men  have  "two  o'clock  in  the 
morning  courage."  Hobson's  comrades  record  it,  that  even  with  the  ship 
on  her  course,  the  enterprise  might  have  come  to  disaster,  that  is  failed 
of  its  moral  effect,  had  Hobson  lost  for  a  moment  that  indescribable 
domination  of  external  difficulties  which  speaks  the  master  mind.  The 
torrent  of  missiles  came  so  thick  that  the  men  dared  not  rise  on  the  deck. 
Hobson  in  pursuit  of  his  end  arose  to  carry  out  a  detail.  The  men  im- 
plored him  to  remain  quiescent,  urging  that  if  anything  happened  to  him, 
they  would  be  headless,  helpless.  To  their  plea  he  yielded  and  remained 
under  such  cover  as  the  deck  afforded. 

Every  eye  on  the  fleet  followed  the  spectral  vessel  as  she  was  driven 
10 


176  WATCHING  THE  UNDERTAKING. 

into  the  vortex  of  danger ;  not  a  man  slept  on  the  fleet  the  rest  of  that 
night,  so  absorbing  was  the  interest  of  the  desperate  undertaking.  Al- 
most to  the  cliff,  the  outlines  of  the  Merrimac  could  be  dimly  discerned 
by  the  watchers  ;  the  tensity  of  feeling  became  fairly  maddening,  when 
there  was  no  longer  a  trace — for  now  the  devoted  crew  were  face  to  face, 
hand  to  hand,  with  the  momentous  purpose.  It  was  almost  a  relief,  when 
from  the  blackness  and  void  of  the  dim  mass  of  coast,  the  lightning  flash 
of  a  cannon  was  seen  and  then  the  thundering  report  was  heard.  The 
shot  was  seen  to  splash  seaward  from  the  Merrimac,  passing  over  her. 
The  firing  became  general,  quickening  into  fierceness  and  rapidity  from 
the  batteries  inside  on  the  left  of  the  harbor,  from  which  it  was  argued 
that  Hobson  had  attained  the  point  he  set  out  to  reach.  The  flashes  and 
reports  were  of  rapid  fire  guns.  For  fifteen  minutes  this  fusillade  was 
kept  up.  Then  the  fire  slackened,  and  by  3:30  had  almost  ceased.  A 
close  watch  was  kept  by  the  fleet  on  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  in  order  to 
pick  up  the  steam  launch.  The  sleepless  eyes  that  had  watched  during 
the  crisis,  saw  Ensign  Powell's  little  craft  crossing  and  recrossing  the 
mouth  of  the  channel,  scrutinizing  the  waves  for  a  sign  of  the  Hobson 
crew.  The  guns  of  the  forts  were  turned  upon  the  forlorn  watcher  but 
until  the  young  ensign  made  up  his  mind  that  there  was  no  hope  of  res- 
cue, he  maintained  his  dangerous  quest  with  unimpaired  tranquillity. 
When  the  young  officer  reported  to  the  commander  of  the  Texas,  that 
none  of  the  men  had  come  from  the  harbor,  the  word  went  through  the 
fleet  like  an  electric  message  and  the  seven  were  given  up  for  dead. 
Powell  had  performed  a  deed  requiring  nearly  all  the  courage  of  the 
Merrimac  crew.  He  had  followed  his  comrade  in  danger  and  glory, 
Hobson — to  the  very  jaws  of  death  ;  waited  under  the  guns  of  the  battery 
subject  all  the  time  to  instant  destruction.  It  was  Powell  indeed,  who 
rescued  the  Merrimac  from  her  false  direction,  and  led  her  to  the  channel. 
From  the  launch's  point  of  observation  the  movements  of  the  Merrimac 
could  be  seen  until  she  came  to  a  halt  and  tried  to  turn  in  the  channel, 
preparatory  to  sinking.  From  two  in  the  morning  until  late  in  the  after- 
noon of  that  day,  the  crews  of  Sampson's  fleet  felt  that  they  had  wit- 
nessed one  of  the  sublime  deeds  of  devotion  that  live  in  the  minds  of 
men,  Hobson  and  his  mates  were  martyrs,  but  there  was  not  a  man  on 
the  ships  who  would  not  have  volunteered  to  do  the  same  deed,  then  and 
there.  Toward  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  a  flag  of  truce  was  distin- 
guishable emerging  from  the  harbor.  Were  the  Spaniards  bringing  the 
bodies  of  the  dead,  or  were  they  taking  advantage  of  the  accident  to  get 
a  sight  of  the  fleet?  The  flag  was  borne  by  a  swift  tug  which  made  for 


ADMIRAL  CERVERA'S  COMPLIMENTS.  177 

the  admiral's  ship.  The  officer  in  charge,  Captain  Ovidedo,  presented 
himself  to  Sampson  in  the  glittering  uniform  of  his  nation.  He  was  re- 
ceived with  the  honors  due  his  rank  and  the  patiently  awaited  message 
was  delivered.  Admiral  Cervera  presented  his  compliments  to  Admiral 
Sampson,  for  the  purpose  of  informing  him  that  the  heroes  who  had  en- 
tered the  harbor  of  Santiago  were  safe,  and  not  one  of  them  severely  in- 
jured. Signals  apprised  the  fleet  almost  as  soon  as  the  momentous 
words  were  spoken.  The  sailors  were  thunderstruck.  From  that  mo- 
ment it  became  a  conviction  in  the  mind  of  every  man  serving  under  the 
flag,  that  Spanish  guns  could  not  harm  the  men  protected  by  its  folds. 
To  describe  the  tumults  of  exultant  joy  would  exhaust  the  epithets  of 
rapture.  Discipline  alone  kept  the  fleet  decorously  to  the  routine  of  the 
hour. 

The  first  hint  of  this  quaintly  daring  exploit,  methodic  in  its  madness 
— as  Hobson's  humorously  matter  of  fact  narrative  shows,  it  filled  the 
country  with  a  rapture,  that  in  a  sense,  equalled,  if  it  did  not  eclipse  the 
grateful  exhilaration  Dewey's  grandiose  victory  aroused.  For  the  desper- 
ation of  the  undertaking  confirmed  the  assurance  that  our  sons  and  broth- 
ers were  of  the  same  simple,  self  confident  fibre  of  the  fathers,  the  de- 
voted young  heroes,  who  like  Bainbridge,  Somers,  Decatur,  Gushing,  held 
life  of  value,  only  as  it  was  of  use  to  the  country's  cause.  Our  apparent 
dedication  to  sordid  ends,  our  incomprehensible  abdication  to  demagogues 
in  politics  and  empyrics  in  most  that  makes  to  the  solidity  of  societies — • 
had  not  reached  the  moral  marrow;  our  youths  were  still  indoctrinated 
with  the  stirring  old  simplicities  of  manliness,  zeal,  courage  ;  that  pecul- 
iar virtue,  which  is  all  virtue,  really,  loyalty  to  self  respect  and  self- 
control,  coming  from  the  idealization  of  the  fathers.  It  was  an  im- 
mensely proud,  and  justly  proud,  seventy  millions  that  followed  with  fra- 
ternal heart  throbs  the  denoument  of  Hobson's  miraculous  venture. 
Madrid  for  a  moment  tasted  the  cup  that  seems  to  hold  the  draught  of 
victory.  "A  large  Yankee  craft,  attempting  to  enter  Santiago  harbor, 
was  sunk  under  the  walls  of  Morro."  For  hours  this  was  all  we  knew; 
"Admiral  Sampson  had  run  a  collier  into  the  channel  and  sunk  it  there." 
No  episode  was  ever  read  with  more  delight,  no  event  was  ever  waited 
with  more  poignant  impatience,  than  the  fate  of  the  devoted  leader  and 
crew.  Dewey's  laconic  word  that  he  had  won  the  combat  at  Manila, 
hardly  waked  more  exultation  than  the  assurance  that  Hobson  and  his 
seven  had  been  rescued  from  the  water  by  the  Spanish  Admiral  himself 
— Cervera,  and  treated  with  the  chivalrous  consideration  that  the  brave 
feel  for  the  brave.  Indeed,  when  the  story  was  told  that  the  Spanish 


178 


HOBSON'S  LIBERATION. 


Admiral,  comprehending  the  state  of  the  public  mind,  had  sent  out  a  flag 
to  the  fleet  to  reassure  Hobson's  commander,  the  public  mind  underwent 
a  revulsion — the  effects  of  which  Spain  had  cause  to  welcome  every  day 
thereafter.  If  Admiral  Cervera  were  so  chivalrously  responsive  to  the 
amenities  of  civilized  warfare,  how  could  the  Spanish  people  be  the  blood 
thirsty,  inveterate,  cruel  demons,  the  Cuban  "  patriots  "  had  been  painting 
them  for  years?  When  Hobson's  narrative  of  his  faring  in  Spanish  hands 
was  told,  Admiral  Cervera  was  only  second  in  public  reverence  to  the 


HOBSON'S  RECEPTION  AFTER  HIS  EXCHANGE. 

young  hero,  himself.  Naturally,  he  was  treated  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  but 
the  rigors  of  confinement  were  ameliorated  as  far  as  it  was  in  the  power 
of  the  Spanish  to  do.  On  the  proposal  of  Sampson  to  make  an  immediate 
exchange,  the  Spanish  Admiral  at  once  assented,  but  the  military  com- 


THE  ESSENCE  OF  HEROISM.  181 

m;xiider,  very  properly,  objected,  as  Hobson's  keen  eye  had  detected  the 
condition  of  Santiago,  and  had  he  returned  at  once  to  our  fleet,  we  should 
have  been  saved  the  glorious  sacrifices  of  the  Shafter  expedition.  For  a 
month's  delay  would  have  compelled  the  starved  Spaniards  to  surrender 
— unable  to  fire  a  shot.  This,  when  represented  to  the  Madrid  govern- 
ment, delayed  Hobson's  liberation  until  the  fate  of  the  city  was  decided. 
His  return  to  our  lines,  on  the  surrender  of  Santiago,  was  the  signal  for 
renewed  acclamations — in  the  army,  the  fleet,  in  the  country — this  too,  in 
spite  of  the  proof  that  his  hardihood  had  been  practically  wasted,  for 
when  Cervera  was  ready  to  quit  the  harbor,  the  hulk  of  the  Merrimac 
was  no  impediment.  The  country  had  seen  with  a  clear  eye,  and  distin- 
guished the  essence  of  heroism  in  the  conduct,  the  purpose  and  the  be- 
havior of  the  men,  who  so  greatly  dared,  for  an  uncertain  gain,  while 
death  itself  seemed  inevitably  certain.  When  Admiral  Cervera — himself 
a  prisoner,  was  visited  by  his  whilom  captive,  the  country  looked  on  with 
a  sympathy,  not  far  from  the  tenderness  of  tears. 

Science  has  been  so  persistively  displacing  poesy — romance — the  seed 
and  appetent  root  of  chivalry,  that  it  had  begun  to  be  supposed  that  the 
old-time  deeds  of  mingled  abnegation  and  daring  were  no  longer  part  of 
war.  And  indeed,  the  bleak  hulk  of  the  collier,  the  uncanny  appliances 
of  the  demolition,  the  repulsive  practicalities,  preparation,  all  seemed  to 
embody  an  episode  far  from  the  desperado  deeds  of  knights  and  warriors 
of  the  old  time — plumed  and  cuirassed  richly,  in  doublets  of  steel,  corslets 
and  what  not,  that  the  fancy  conjures  when  heroism  is  in  question  I  Yet, 
the  Merrimac  adventure  elated  the  country  beyond  any  comparison,  with 
more  of  sentimental  delight  than  any  deed  of  daring  recorded  in  our 
history. 

History  is  not  fulfilling  its  function  when  it  does  not  give  the  atmos- 
phere of  events,  as  well  as  their  outline  and  effect.  No  battle  gained  or 
lost  could  have  created  a  more  demonstrative  outbreak  than  the  first  des- 
patches— giving  the  bald  fact  that  Hobson  and  his  seven  had  dared,  had 
succeeded,  but  had  died  in  the  doing!  It  was  not  until  the  chivalrous 
instinct  of  the  brave,  recognizing  the  splendor  of  the  deed— Cervera's 
assurances  to  his  antagonist,  that  the  man  and  his  crew  were  safe,  that 
the  country  breathed  freely. 

Many  a  fiction  will  in  future  embalm  this  glowing  picture  of  manli- 
ness, but  even  the  pen  of  Dumas  cannot  add  to  the  heroic  outline  the 
thrillingly  romantic  evolution  from  inception  to  climax — and  extraordi- 
narily enough,  from  climax  to  the  unexpected  ending.  Hobson  was  taken 
to  the  hearts  of  the  whole  people.  Inquiry,  on  the  publication  of  his  per- 


182  A  METROPOLITAN  AUDIENCE. 

sonality,  revealed  the  possibility  that  his  homestead  in  Alabama  was 
likely  to  pass  from  the  ownership  of  his  aged  parents.  At  once  the  hands 
of  millions  were  held  out,  ready  to  pay  the  incumbrance !  When  on  the 
fall  of  Santiago,  the  young  mariner  in  the  ordinary  routine  of  duty  found 
himself  in  New  York,  he  was  blockaded  in  the  streets,  beleaguered  in 
public  places — found  himself,  in  fact,  the  tenderly  adored  hero  of  women, 
the  delight  of  men.  His  conduct  under  this  trying  ordeal  confirmed  all 
that  was  said  of  him  ;  all  that  was  believed  of  him — for  he  accepted  these 
testimonials,  with  a  surprise  not  unmingled  with  disapproval,  demonstrat- 
ing solidity  and  worth.  At  a  public  entertainment,  organized  by  the 
Red  Cross  Society  to  raise  funds  for  the  care  of  the  wounded,  Hobson 
was  prevailed  upon  to  narrate  something  of  his  version  of  the  sinking  of 
the  Merrimac.  No  audience  ever  assembled  in  the  metropolis  in  such 
numbers,  or  marked  its  pleasure  so  impulsively,  as  when  the  abashed 
young  sailor  stood  up  to  speak.  His  portrayal  of  the  scene  was  confined 
exclusively  to  a  glorification  of  the  immeasurable  devotion  of  the  plain 
sailor — the  real  winner  of  the  naval  victories.  Such  words  cannot  be 
repeated  too  often ;  they  deserve  every  form  that  permanence  can  give 
them.  Speaking  of  the  plan  of  operations  Hobson  confides  to  his 
audience: 

"  The  order  was  that  no  man  should  pay  attention  to  the  fire  of  the 
enemy.  He  was  not  even  to  look  back  over  his  shoulder  to  see  where  the 
fire  was  coming  from.  It  was  also  understood  that  if  any  man  was 
wounded,  he  should  pay  no  attention  to  his  wound  nor  call  the  attention 
of  anybody  else  to  it,  but  should  place  himself  in  a  sitting,  kneeling  or 
any  other  posture  that  he  could,  so  that  when  the  signal  came  he  could 
perform  the  simple  duty  assigned  him.  And  they  carried  out  their  in- 
structions to  the  letter.  They  remained  there  on  that  ship,  each  man  at 
his  post,  until  their  duty  was  performed.  They  laid  there  until  five  of 
the  seven  torpedoes  had  been  shot  away  by  the  enemy's  fire.  The  steer- 
ing gear  also  had  been  shot  away.  The  projectiles  from  the  enemy's 
guns  were  coming  so  fast,  that  it  seemed  as  though  they  came  more  in  a 
stream  than  singly,  yet  those  Jackies  laid  there  to  do  their  duty  as  in- 
structed, and  never  flinched.  Again,  when  the  work  was  done  and  the 
crew  assembled  at  the  appointed  place  and  the  Merrimac  began  to  sink 
under  them,  slowly,  because  only  two  of  the  seven  torpedoes  that  were 
to  sink  us  had  been  fired  ;  when  for  ten  minutes  that  crew  of  Jackies  lay 
there  on  their  faces  at  the  rendezvous  and  the  projectiles  were  exploding 
just  in  front  of  them,  the  simple  word  was  given  that  no  man  should 
move  until  further  orders.  If  there  ever  was  a  time  and  condition  when 


ON  THE  DECK  OF   THE   MERKIMAC.  183 

the  principle  of  every  man  taking  care  of  himself  was  justifiable,  when 
men  would  have  been  excused  for  going  overboard — going  anywhere,  so 
long  as  they  got  away  from  where  they  were — it  was  on  board  the  Merri- 
mac  those  ten  minutes.  But  not  a  man  stirred.  They  waited  for  the 
order,  feeling  all  the  time  the  ship  sinking  beneath  them  and  seeing  the 
shells  exploding  all  around  them.  A  few  minutes  later,  when  the  same 
group  of  Jackies  was  in  the  water,  clinging  with  their  heads  just  above 
water  to  the  rounded  corners  of  the  catamaran,  and  the  enemy's  picket 
boats  came  scouring  about  with  their  lanterns,  to  find  something  living — 
then  again  the  impulse  was  just  as  strong  and  as  natural  to  get  away 
from  those  picket  boats  and  to  strike  out  for  the  shore.  But  the  simple 
word  was  given  that  no  man  should  move  until  further  orders.  There, 
clinging  to  that  catamaran,  for  nearly  an  hour,  those  men  remained,  every 
one  of  them  without  a  murmur.  When  that  afternoon — the  same  after- 
noon as  the  sinking — by  command  of  the  gallant  commander-in  chief  of 
the  Spanish  fleet,  Admiral  Cervera,  the  personal  effects  of  that  crew  of 
Jackies  were  brought  off  from  the  ship  to  the  prison,  in  the  boat  that  was 
sent  to  Admiral  Sampson  to  tell  of  our  safety,  one  of  the  men  was  al- 
lowed to  come  over  to  me,  while  the  distribution  of  our  effects  was  being 
made.  This  man,  who  was  the  spokesman  for  all  the  rest  said,  after  re- 
ferring to  what  they  had  just  been  through :  *  We  would  do  it  over  again 
to-night,  sir.' 

"  The  next  day,  when,  for  all  those  sailors  vaguely  felt  that  the  remnants 
of  the  inquisition  might  be  applied  to  get  information  from  the  prisoners, 
those  Jackies  had  another  test.  A  Spanish  major,  backed  by  several 
soldiers,  began  to  question  them.  As  he  did  so  the  Spanish  soldiers 
made  significant  signs  like  this,  (Hobson  drew  his  hand  across  his  throat). 
The  Jackies  simply  laughed  at  them.  When  the  Spanish  major  urged 
the  question  as  to  the  object  of  bringing  the  Merrimac  in  the  way  we  did, 
George  Charette,  acting  as  spokesman  replied :  *  In  the  United  States 
Navy,  sir,  it  is  not  the  custom  for  the  seamen  to  know  or  to  inquire  the 
object  of  his  superior  officer.' 

"  I  want  to  go  to  Annapolis  before  I  leave  the  country  and  pay  my 
respects  to  Admiral  Cervera.  For  him  I  want  to  say  that  the  American 
public  may  never  know  just  how  much  they  owe  to  him  for  the  way  he 
treated  and  protected  the  prisoners  at  Santiago.  He  is  a  grand  old  man, 
I  tell  you,  and  I  will  never  forget  him  for  his  kindness  to  me.  When  I 
came  here  I  sent  him  a  telegram,  telling  him  that  when  I  had  the  chance 
I  would  thank  him  in  person.  I  want  to  take  that  chance  now." 


184  HOLDING  ON   FOR  LIFE. 

No  grace  of  phrase  or  eloquence  of  metaphor  could  be  comparable  to 
the  tale  of  the  adventure  as  told  by  Hobson  himself: 

**  It  was  dark  when  we  started  in  toward  the  strait,  and  it  was  darker 
when  we  got  the  ship  into  position.  We  knew  that  we  were  taking  des- 
perate chances,  and  in  order  to  be  unencumbered  when  we  got  into  the 
water,  we  stripped  down  to  our  underclothing.  The  ship  gave  a  heave, 
when  the  charges  exploded,  and  as  she  sank  with  a  lurch  at  the  bow,  we 
got  over  her  sides.  That  we  got  into  the  water  is  nearly  all  we  know  of 
what  happened  in  that  rather  brief  period.  Some  sprang  over  the  ship's 
side,  but  more  than  one  of  us  was  thrown  over  the  rail,  by  the  shock  and 
the  lurching  of  the  ship.  It  was  our  plan  to  escape  on  a  catamaran  float 
which  lay  on  the  roof  of  the  midship  house.  One  of  the  greatest  dan- 
gers of  the  thing  was  that  of  being  caught  in  the  suction  made  by  the 
ship  as  she  went  down,  so  we  tied  the  float  to  the  taffrail,  giving  it  slack 
enough,  as  we  thought,  to  let  it  float  loose  after  the  ship  had  settled  in 
her  resting  place.  I  swam  away  from  the  ship  as  soon  as  I  struck  the 
water,  but  I  could  feel  the  eddies  drawing  rne  backward  in  spite  of  all  I 
could  do.  That  did  not  last  very  long,  however,  and,  as  soon  as  I  felt  the 
tugging  ease,  I  turned  and  struck  out  for  the  float,  which  I  could  see 
dimly  bobbing  up  and  down  over  the  sunken  hull.  The  Merrimac's  masts 
were  plainly  visible,  and  I  could  see  the  heads  of  my  seven  men  as  they 
followed  my  example  and  made  for  the  float  also.  We  had  expected, 
of  course,  that  the  Spaniards  would  investigate  the  wreck,  but  we  had  no 
idea  that  they  would  be  at  it  so  quickly  as  they  were.  Before  we  could 
get  to  the  float,  several  row  boats  and  launches  came  around  the  bluff 
from  inside  the  harbor.  They  had  officers  on  board  and  armed  marines  as 
well,  and  they  searched  that  passage  rowing  backward  and  forward  until 
the  next  morning.  It  was  only  by  good  luck  that  we  got  to  the  float  at 
all,  for  they  were  upon  us  so  quickly  that  we  had  barely  concealed  our- 
selves when  a  boat  with  quite  a  large  party  on  board  was  right  beside  us. 
Unfortunately  we  thought  then,  but  it  turned  out  afterward  that  nothing 
more  fortunate  than  that  could  have  happened  for  us,  the  rope  with 
which  we  had  secured  the  float  to  the  ship  was  too  short  to  allow  it  to 
swing  free,  and  when  we  reached  it  we  found  that  one  of  the  pontoons 
was  entirely  out  of  the  water,  and  the  other  one  submerged.  Had  the 
raft  lain  flat  on  the  water  we  could  not  have  got  under  it,  and  would  have 
had  to  climb  up  on  it,  to  be  an  excellent  target  for  the  first  party  of 
marines  that  arrived.  As  it  was,  we  could  get  upon  the  raft  and  by  put- 
ting our  hands  through  the  crevices  between  the  slats  which  formed  its 
deck,  we  could  hold  our  heads  out  of  water,  and  still  be  unseen.  That  is 


WATCHING  THE  SPANISH   BOATS.  ISo 

what  we  did,  and  all  night  long  we  stayed  there,  with  our  noses  and 
mouths  barely  out  of  water.  None  of  us  expected  to  get  out  of  the 
affair  alive,  but  luckily  the  Spaniards  did  not  think  of  the  apparently 
dumaged,  half  sunken  raft  floating  about  beside  the  wreck.  They  came 
within  a  cable's  length  at  intervals  of  only  a  few  minutes  all  night.  We 
could  hear  their  words  distinctly,  and  even  in  the  darkness  could  distin- 
guish an  occasional  glint  of  light  on  the  rifle  barrels  of  the  marines  and 
on  the  lace  of  the  officer's  uniforms.  We  were  afraid  to  speak  above  a 
whisper,  and  for  a  good  while,  in  fact,  whenever  they  were  near  us,  we 
breathed  as  easily  as  we  could.  I  ordered  my  men  not  to  speak  unless  to 
address  me  and  with  one  exception  they  obeyed.  After  we  had  been 
there  an  hour  or  two  the  water  which  we  found  rather  warm  at  first,  be- 
gan to  get  cold,  and  my  fingers  ached  where  the  wood  was  pressing  into 
them.  The  clouds  which  were  running  before  a  pretty  stiff  breeze  when 
we  went  in,  blew  over,  and  then  by  the  starlight  we  could  see  the  boats 
when  they  came  out  of  the  shadows  of  the  cliffs  on  either  side,  and  even 
when  we  could  not  see  them  we  knew  that  they  were  still  near,  because 
we  could  hear  very  plainly  the  splash  of  the  oars  and  the  grinding  of  the 
oar  locks.  Our  teeth  began  to  chatter  before  very  long,  and  I  was  in 
constant  fear  that  the  Spaniards  would  hear  us  when  they  came  close. 
It  was  so  still  then  that  the  chattering  sound  seemed  to  us  as  loud  as  a 
hammer,  but  the  Spaniard's  ears  were  not  sharp  enough  to  hear  it.  We 
could  hear  sounds  from  the  shore  almost  as  distinctly  as  if  we  had  been 
there,  we  were  so  close  to  the  surface  of  the  water,  which  is  an  excellent 
conductor,  and  the  voices  of  the  men  in  the  boats  sounded  as  clear  as  a 
bell. 

"  My  men  tried  to  keep  their  teeth  still  but  it  was  hard  work,  and  not 
attended  with  any  great  success  at  the  best.  We  all  knew  that  we  would 
be  shot  if  discovered  by  an  ordinary  seaman  or  a  marine,  and  I  ordered 
my  men  not  to  stir  as  the  boats  having  officers  on  board  kept  well  in  the 
distance.  One  of  my  men  disobeyed  my  orders  and  started  to  swim 
ashore,  and  I  had  to  call  him  back.  He  obeyed  at  once,  but  my  voice 
seemed  to  create  some  commotion  among  the  boats,  and  several  of  them 
appeared  close  beside  us  before  the  disturbance  in  the  water  made  by  the 
man  swimming  had  disappeared.  We  thought  it  was  all  up  with  us  then, 
but  the  boats  went  away  into  the  shadows  again.  There  was  much  spec- 
ulation among  the  Spaniards  as  to  what  the  ship  was  and  what  we  in- 
tended to  do  next.  I  could  understand  many  of  the  words,  and  gathered 
from  what  I  heard,  that  the  officers  had  taken  in  the  situation  at  once» 
but  were  astounded  at  the  audacity  of  the  thing.  The  boats,  I  also 


186  YOU  ARE  WELCOME. 

learned  were  from  the  fleet,  and  I  felt  better  because  I  had  more  faith  in 
a  Spanish  sailor  than  I  had  in  a  Spanish  soldier.  When  daylight  came  a 
steam  launch  full  of  officers  and  marines  came  out  from  behind  tlie  cliff 
that  hid  the  fleet  and  harbor  and  advanced  toward  us.  All  the  men  on 
board  were  looking  curiously  in  our  direction.  They  did  not  see  us. 
Knowing  that  some  one  of  rank  must  be  on  board,  I  waited  until  the 
launch  was  quite  close  and  hailed  her.  My  voice  produced  the  utmost 
consternation  on  board.  Every  one  sprang  up,  the  marines  crowded  to 
the  bow  and  the  launch's  engines  were  reversed.  She  not  only  stopped 
but  she  backed  off  until  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  mile  away,  where  she 
stayed.  The  marines  stood  ready  to  fire  at  the  word  of  command,  when 
we  clambered  out  from  under  the  float.  There  were  ten  of  the  marines 
and  they  would  have  fired  in  a  moment  had  they  not  been  restrained.  I 
swam  toward  the  launch  and  then  she  started  toward  me.  I  called  out 
in  Spanish:  'Is  there  an  officer  on  board?'  An  officer  answered  in  the 
affirmative,  and  then  I  shouted  in  Spanish  again  :  *  I  have  seven  men  to 
surrender.'  I  continued  swimming,  and  when  I  reached  the  side  of  the 
launch,  I  was  seized  and  pulled  out  of  the  water.  As  I  looked  up,  when 
they  were  dragging  me  into  the  launch  I  saw  that  it  was  Admiral  Cervera 
himself,  who  had  hold  of  me.  He  looked  at  me  rather  dubiously  at  first, 
because  I  had  been  down  in  the  engine  room  of  the  Merrimac,  where  I 
got  covered  with  oil,  and  that  with  the  soot  and  coal  dust,  made  my  ap- 
pearance most  disreputable.  I  had  put  on  my  officer's  belt  before  sink- 
ing the  Merrimac,  as  a  means  of  identification,  no  matter  what  happened 
to  me,  and  when  I  pointed  to  it  in  the  launch  the  admiral  understood  and 
seemed  satisfied.  The  first  words  he  said  to  me  when  he  learned  who  I 
was,  were,  '  blen  venido  sea  usted,'  which  means  you  are  welcome.  My 
treatment  by  the  naval  officers,  and  that  of  ray  men  also,  was  courteous 
all  the  time  that  I  was  a  prisoner.  They  heard  my  story,  as  much  of  it 
as  I  could  tell,  but  sought  to  learn  nothing  more.  My  men  were  rescued 
from  the  float  and  taken  to  the  shore  and  we  were  all  placed  in  a  cell  in 
Morro  Castle.  I  asked  permission  to  send  a  note  to  Admiral  Sampson 
and  wrote  it,  but  when  Admiral  Cervera  learned  of  it,  he  said  that  Gen- 
eral Linares  would  not  permit  me  to  send  it.  The  admiral  seemed  greatly 
worried,  but  it  was  not  until  a  day  or  two  later  that  I  learned  what  was 
on  his  mind.  That  same  day  he  said  he  would  send  a  boat  to  the  fleet 
to  get  clothes  for  us,  and  that  the  men  who  went  in  the  boat  could  tell 
Admiral  Sampson  that  we  were  safe.  I  learned  later  that  General 
Linares  was  inclined  to  be  ugly,  and  that  Admiral  Cervera  wished  to  get 
word  to  our  fleet,  as  soon  as  possible,  that  we  were  safe,  knowing  then 


WATCHING  THE  BOMBARDMENT.  187 

tnat  General  Linares  would  know  that  the  fleet  knew  it,  and  he  would 
not  dare  to  harm  us. 

"  When  we  were  first  placed  in  Morro,  the  solid  doors  to  our  cells  were 
kept  closed  for  an  hour  or  two,  but  when  we  objected  to  that,  the  admiral 
ordered  that  they  be  thrown  open.  Then  we  had  a  view  of  Santiago 
harbor,  the  city  and  the  Spanish  fleet.  All  the  officers  of  the  army  and 
fleet  called  on  us  that  day,  and  their  treatment  of  us  was  most  consid- 
erate and  courteous.  General  Linares  did  not  call,  but  sent  word  that  as 
all  the  others  had  called,  he  thought  that  a  visit  from  him  was  not  in- 
cluded in  his  duties.  I  do  not  know  what  he  meant  by  that,  but  am  sure 
we  did  not  owe  our  safety  to  him.  We  were  still  in  Morro  Castle  when 
Admiral  Sampson's  fleet  bombarded  Santiago.  The  windows  in  the  side 
of  our  cell  opened  west  across  the  harbor  entrance,  and  we  could  hear 
and  see  the  shells  as  they  struck.  We  knew  that  we  would  not  be  fired 
upon  as  word  had  gone  out  as  to  where  we  were,  so  we  sat  at  the  windows 
and  watched  the  shells.  Each  one  sung  a  different  tune  as  it  went  by. 
The  smaller  shells  moaned  or  screeched  as  they  passed,  but  the  thirteen- 
inch  shells  left  a  sound  behind  them  like  that  of  a  sudden  and  continued 
smashing  of  a  huge  pane  of  glass.  The  crackling  was  sharp  and  metal- 
lic, something  like  sharp  thunder  without  the  roar,  and  the  sound  con- 
tinued but  decreased  after  the  shell  had  gone.  In  many  cases  the  shells 
struck  projecting  points  of  rock,  and  ricochetting,  spun  end  over  end 
across  the  hills.  The  sound  they  made  as  they  struck  again  and  again 
was  like  the  short  sharp  puff  of  a  locomotive  starting  with  a  heavy  train. 
We  were  in  Morro  Castle  four  days  and  only  once  did  I  feel  alarmed. 
The  day  before  we  were  taken  into  the  city  of  Santiago,  I  saw  a  small 
boat  start  from  the  harbor  with  a  flag  of  truce  up.  When  I  asked  one  of 
the  sentries  what  it  meant  I  was  told  that  the  boat  had  gone  out  to  tell 
our  fleet  that  my  men  and  I  had  already  been  taken  into  the  city.  Then 
I  feared  that  Morro  would  be  bombarded  at  once,  and  believed  it  a  scheme 
got  up  by  General  Linares  to  end  us.  We  were  taken  to  the  city  the 
next  day,  and  were  safe  anyway,  then.  In  the  city  we  were  treated  with 
the  same  consideration  by  the  naval  officers,  with  the  exception  of  Gen- 
eral Linares,  which  we  got  on  the  day  of  our  capture.  I  believe  we  owe 
to  Admiral  Cervera  our  exchange,  and  a  great  deal  more  in  the  way  of 
good  treatment  that  we  would  not  otherwise  have  received.  General 
Linarea  had  no  good  blood  for  us,  nor  did  the  soldiers  and  the  marines, 
who  would  have  shot  us  on  sight  the  night  that  we  went  into  the  harbor. 
Sharks?  No,  we  did  not  have  time  to  think  of  them  that  night,"  said 
Lieutenant  Hobson,  in  reply  to  one  of  his  listeners.  "  We  saw  a  great 


188 


IN  THE  WATER. 


many  things  though,  and  went  through  a  great  many  experiences.  When 
we  started  out  from  the  fleet  I  tied  to  my  belt  a  flask  of  medicated  water, 
supplied  to  me  by  the  ship's  surgeon.  All  the  way  the  flask  went  from 
hand  to  hand.  Once  I  felt  my  pulse  to  see  if  I  was  frightened,  but  to  my 
surprise  I  found  it  normal.  Later,  we  forgot  all  about  it,  and  when  we 
got  into  the  water,  there  was  no  need  for  the  flask. 


THE  STUFF   OUR   NAVY   IS   MADE  OF. 
(Ensign  Gillie  capturing  a  floating  torpedo.) 


ni. 

WITH  the  mercurial  inconsequence  of  our  race,  made  up  of  a  not 
wholly  coordinated  mingling  of  all  races,  the  eve  of  our  national 
anniversary  closed  with  the  heaven  of  hope  hung  in  black.  Santiago 
had  become  a  nightmare.  The  army  so  rashly  planted  before  its  walls 
could  neither  advance  nor  retreat.  It  was  in  the  awkward  fix  so  aptly 
described  by  President  Lincoln,  when  Hooker  proposed  a  movement  on 
Fredericksburg — "  like  a  bull  caught  in  a  fence  which  could  neither  kick 
nor  gore,  use  neither  horns  nor  heels."  General  Shafter's  cry  of  despair 
was  regarded  as  of  deeper  interest  than  the  disheartened  commander 
really  meant  to  co'ivey.  He  had  given  way  to  the  same  boyish  impulse 
which  had  carried  the  Rough  Riders  beyond  prudent  precaution  and  he 
was  now  conscious  of  his  peril,  superadded  to  the  impossibility  of  extri- 
cating himself.  But  at  the  darkest  hour  of  the  Cuban  enterprise,  fortune, 
as  if  cynically  bent  on  confounding  the  wisdom  of  the  wise,  raised  the 
curtain  on  an  achievement,  which  sets  all  conventional  description,  all 
preconceived  axioms  of  warfare,  at  defiance. 

While  Sampson's  fleet  on  the  memorable  Sunday  of  the  3d  of  July 
was  going  through  the  wearisome  routine  of  the  blockade,  the  trained  eye 
of  an  officer  on  the  bridge  of  the  redoubtable  battleship  Iowa,  detected 
the  smoke  of  a  cruiser  emerging  from  the  giant  fissure  that  gives  access 
to  the  landlocked  waters  of  Santiago  harbor.  The  warning  cry  that  rang 
out  transformed  the  dawdling  masses  in  every  crevice  of  the  ship,  into 
spasmodic  curiosity.  It  was  exactly  thirty-three  minutes  after  nine. 
The  sombre  cliffs  that  make  the  sea  wall  of  all  the  visible  line  of  coast, 
were  in  the  deep  translucent  shadows  of  the  semi-tropic  clime.  To  the 
gaze  of  the  Iowa's  men,  there  seemed  for  the  first  moment  of  intense 
scrutiny,  only  the  image  of  a  lowering  mass  of  swiftly  looming  outlines. 
But  the  nautical  eye,  quick  at  distinguishing  the  phenomena  of  the  sea, 
knew  in  a  flash  that  the  hoped-for  hour  had  struck.  The  spectre  was  every 
instant  growing  distinct  in  shape,  and  when  Captain  "  Bob  "  Evans  reached 
the  deck,  he  had  no  difficulty  in  distinguishing  the  flagship  of  Admiral 
Cervera,  the  Infanta  Maria  Teresa. 

The  commander-in-chief  of  the  squadron  had  sailed  eastward  to  confer 
with  the  army  staff,  and  the  direction  of  the  combat  fell  to  the  officer 
next  in  rank,  Commodore  Schley.  So  far,  however,  as  the  tactics  of  the 

(191) 


192  FOLLOW  AND  FIGHT. 

action  that  followed  were  carried  out,  chance  was  the  potential  factors. 
That  is  to  say,  the  captains  of  the  ships  followed  the  instinct  of  the 
trained  sailor  and  struck  where  the  blows  were  certain  to  prove  most  ef- 
fective. Schley  gave  but  one  order-- lollow  and  fight.  But  had  the  order 
never  been  hung  at  his  signal  mast  the  work  would  have  gone  on  pre- 
cisely the  same.  Naturally,  being  nearest  the  on-coming  Spaniard,  Cap 
tain  Evans  charged  his  ship  with  the  business  of  despatching  this  antag- 
onist. But  there  was  no  monoply  for  the  Iowa.  In  stately  procession, 
aligned  as  if  on  parade,  the  Spanish  squadron  emerged  in  spectral 
regularity  from  the  granite  doorway.  They  broke  upon  the  somewhat 
scattered  fleet  of  Schley,  swift,  confidant,  as  if  in  no  sort  of  doubt  of 
their  predestined  triumph.  Even  in  the  exultant  ecstasy  of  hope  ful- 
filled, the  captains  and  crews  of  our  fleet,  could  hardly  forbear  the 
homage  of  a  cheer,  for  an  enemy  so  proudly  confidant,  so  superbly  ship- 
shape in  trim  and  evolution. 

Almost  simultaneously,  as  if  the  four  score  guns  of  the  several  ships 
were  touched  by  one  hand,  a  thundering  volley  broke  from  Schley's  com- 
bined broadsides.  The  Iowa,  addressing  herself  exclusively  to  the 
Infanta  Maria  Teresa,  pursued  one  aim  from  the  outset,  to  keep  the 
enemy  toward  the  shore,  batter  her  with  the  heaviest  available  projectiles, 
and  if  it  could  be  done,  ram  her  into  helplessness.  But  the  splendid 
speed  of  the  Spanish  ship  soon  made  contact  beyond  the  dream  of  the 
battleship's  commander.  The  Spanish  line,  well  out  of  the  intricate  de- 
bouch of  the  harbor,  had  turned  westward,  presenting  their  full  length, 
or  in  nautical  phrase,  their  broadside,  to  the  pursuing  fleet.  Then  gun 
answered  gun  in  lightning  swiftness.  Unable  to  keep  up  with  Cervera's 
ship,  the  Iowa  headed  to  cross  behind  her,  in  order  to  make  more  decisive 
work  by  raking  shot,  that  is,  to  sweep  the  deck  from  stern  to  bow.  There 
was  another  purpose ;  the  Oquendo,  flying  in  the  wake  of  the  Teresa, 
could  be  intercepted  and  raked  from  bow  to  stern.  The  tactics  thus  in- 
volved placed  the  Iowa  between  the  two  racers,  but  Evans  doesn't  seem 
to  have  counted  the  odds  in  his  anxiety  to  get  a  point  of  vantage  for 
firing.  Yet,  any  one  familiar  with  the  ancient  tactics  of  naval  encounters, 
will  recall,  with  tingling  nerves,  that  the  placing  of  a  ship  thus  between 
two  adversaries,  was  considered  the  triumph  of  the  mariner's  skill ;  it  was 
this  manceuver  that  won  Nelson  his  most  vaunted  triumph,  yet  our  valiant 
commander  deliberately  sought  this  place  of  peril. 

Nor  was  this  the  utmost  risk  of  the  daring  interposition,  for  at  almost 
the  same  moment  the  fleetest  of  the  Spaniards,  the  Cristobal  Colon, 
cleaving  the  water  like  an  ocean  flyer,  came  abreast  of  the  group  and 


THE  FURY  OF  THE  COMBAT.  193 

sent  a  withering  flight  of  shells  about  and  above  the  Iowa.  It  is  no  fig- 
ure of  speech  to  say  that  the  enormous  projectiles  of  the  three  fighting 
ships,  fell  like  hail  on  and  in  the  deck  and  works  of  the  Iowa.  The  ships 
were  darting  through  the  water  at  the  highest  speed  the  engines  were 
capable  of  forcing.  But  the  movement  in  no  wise  interfered  with  the 
deadly  precision  of  our  range  finders,  while  it  did  impair  the  accuracy  of 
the  Spanish  gunners,  as  the  incredibly  discrepant  results  attest. 

It  is  not  easy  to  make  the  landsman  comprehend  the  Titanic  fury  of  the 
combat  without  using  the  technical  jargon  of  the  seaman,  and  yet  that 
jargon,  while  precising  the  alternate  shifts  of  the  adversaries,  cannot  por- 
tray intelligibly  to  any  save  seafaring  folk,  the  actuality  of  the  episodes. 
Indeed  the  imagination  must  be  invoked.  Let  us  put  ourselves  in  the  place 
of  one  of  the  officers  and  note  the  effect !  To  begin  with,  the  vessel  on 
which  you  stand  seems  a  volcano.  The  discharge  of  the  broadside  is  pre- 
cisely like  the  impact  of  train  against  train  on  the  railroad,  only  men  in- 
durated by  training  can  keep  their  feet  when  the  guns  thunder.  If  the 
effect  is  so  benumbing,  when  the  projectile  takes  its  flight,  what  must  the 
sensation  be  where  it  strikes?  Nor  is  it  possible  to  fully  realize,  let  alone 
picture  the  pandemonium  of  sound,  unless  there  be  the  familiarity  of  sight. 
There  must  be  knowledge  of  the  complicated  structure,  the  turrets  domi- 
nating the  sulphurous  pit  of  flames  and  smoke,  the  Hadean  atmosphere, 
the  grimy  gnomes  conjuring  with  the  forces  of  destruction. 

The  Iowa  vomiting  broad  swathes  of  flame,  heads  on,  always  on,  as  if 
the  point  of  death,  the  pit  of  the  hell  of  bombs,  were  the  coveted  place. 
In  this  extraordinary  race,  with  overmastering  destructive  forces  fronting 
her,  the  ship,  though  incessantly  struck,  sped  onward  invincible — a  throb- 
bing Behemoth  of  prodigious  pulse  and  will.  The  monstrous  volleys 
told,  and  almost  at  once  the  Maria  Teresa  began  to  vibrate  to  something 
else  than  the  throbbing  paroxysms  of  her  engines.  From  the  Iowa's 
deck  and  bridge,  from  her  places  of  vantage,  the  withering  destruction 
wrought  from  the  steady  downfall  of  our  hail  could  be  plainly  verified. 
Finally  side  by  side,  like  sportive  colossi  in  battle,  the  Iowa  vomited 
the  contents  of  her  entire  battery,  including  the  rapid  firing  guns,  into 
the  Oquendo,  at  a  distance  of  1,100  yards.  The  Spaniards'  deck  on  the 
instant  resembled  a  crater  of  hurtling  metal ;  smoke  broke  upward 
through  the  gashes  cut  in  the  deck ;  flames  shot  in  licking  lines  from  the 
port  holes ;  the  air  on  the  ship  was  torture.  Still  the  devoted  Spaniards 
gave  no  sign  of  comprehending  that  to  fight  further  was  insanity,  not 
heroism ;  the  stanch  ship  fairly  reeled  an  instant,  as  if  bewildered,  then 


194  THE  FLYER  OF  THE  FLEET. 

with  leviathan  energy  shot  ahead  with  bewildering  velocity,  leaving  the 
assailing  Iowa  booming  sulphurously  behind  her. 

Almost  at  the  same  instant,  a  huge  apparition  of  spouting  flame — 
lurid  with  innumerable  wreaths  of  fire  fringing  every  available  foot — 
loomed  up  right  in  touch  with  the  Iowa.  It  was  recognized  as  the  flyer 
of  the  fleet,  the  Cristobal  Colon.  Her  first  salutation  was  the  planting  of 
two  six-inch  shells,  squarely  in  the  side  of  the  Federal  vessel.  Each  of 
these  missiles  did  the  work  intended,  and  had  the  fabric  of  Evans'  ship 
been  of  anything  but  the  best,  the  vessel  would  have  gone  to  the  bottom. 
One  shell  entered  the  dispensary,  strewing  the  appurtenances  of  that  de- 
partment in  ruins ;  another  penetrated  what  the  seamen  call  the  coffer- 
dam, where  it  was  found  lodged  after  the  action  was  over. 

At  almost  the  same  juncture  a  cry  came  from  the  lookout  that  two 
torpedo-boat  destroyers  were  within  four  hundred  yards  of  the  Iowa. 
Captain  Evans  had  the  sailor's  dread  of  the  unknown,  and  remitting  the 
assault  on  the  fleeing  Colon,  he  concentrated  his  fire  on  the  dreaded  de- 
stroyers. A  twelve-inch  shell  from  the  ship's  rear  battery  struck  the 
nearest  of  the  terrors,  and  to  the  unspeakable  delight  of  the  watching 
crew,  cut  the  afterpart  of  the  nearest  of  the  destroyers  square  in  twain  ! 
As  this  coup  de  grace  was  administered,  a  shot  from  the  victim  whirled 
over  the  Iowa,  within  two  feet  of  the  captain's  head.  The  Iowa,  for  a 
maddening  moment,  followed  the  extraordinary  denouement  of  the  attack. 
The  Gloucester,  which  had  been  improvised  for  war,  from  a  pleasure  yacht, 
commanded  by  Commander  Wainright,  one  of  the  officers  of  the  Maine, 
with  incredible  audacity  made  square  for  the  two  destroyers.  Her  light 
though  formidable  armament  had  been  in  constant  play  since  the  Spanish 
fleets  reached  the  opening.  With  untiring  fury  she  opened  on  the  de- 
stroyer's craft,  it  will  be  remembered,  designed  to  terrorize  the  stouter 
battle  ships.  The  outcome  would  not  be  credited,  were  it  not  attested  by 
scores  of  witnesses.  She  penetrated  the  vulnerable  parts  of  the  two  de- 
stroyers and  in  a  few  minutes  they  were  thrown,  dismantled,  on  the  surf 
beaten  rocks!  No  episode  in  this  memorable  combat,  so  much  interested 
the  world — none  produced  so  vital  a  change  in  the  relative  strength  of 
the  fleets — for  most  of  the  European  sea  powers  have  counted  upon  these 
mysterious  engines  to  offset  rival  superiority  in  large  craft. 

But  Evans  and  his  vulcans  had  little  time  to  more  than  exult  over  this 
astounding  reversal  of  accepted  conditions.  Out  of  the  pandemoniac 
mSleX  the  imposing  Vizcaya,  suddenly  uprose  in  ominous  nearness.  Then 
the  two  ships,  as  if  humanly  or  inhumanly  animate  with  the  instinct  of 
malignity,  plied  every  gun,  each  at  the  other.  Nothing  that  ear  ever 


THE   IOWA   AND  VIZCAYA. 


197 


heard,  eye  ever  saw  in  any  other  phenomena  of  nature,  can  be  made  use 
of  to  vivify  the  picture,  the  scene,  the  devilish  ferocity  of  the  salvos  — 
sending  havoc  and  death  at  every  stertorous  belch.  The  impact  of  the 
volleys  was  felt  like  the  uplifting  of  an  ordinary  locomotive  by  some 
monster  hand  and  striking  the  ship's  side  or  surface.  In  an  atmosphere 
of  pungent  fumes,  stifling  to  the  sense,  with  the  ships  careening  on  a 
boiling  sea,  the  Iowa  and  Vizcaya  maintained  this  Atlean  duel,  full  fif- 
teen minutes.  With  every  outpour  from  the  the  flaming  maws  of  the 
Iowa,  seams  could  be  seen  in  the  Vizcaya's  enormous  sides  ;  cracks  in  her 


THE   CRISTOBAL   COLON. 

vital  places,  destruction  in  all  the  exposed  vantage  points — from  bridge  to 
tiller.  A  pause,  as  if  to  take  breath — suspended  the  Spanish  aggression 
for  an  instant,  and  when  she  struck  again  the  leviathan  Oregon  was 
square  upon  her. 

Then  the  combined  Federal  fleet,  that  is,  the  Oregon,  Iowa  and  Texas 
— in  a  group  plied  their  crushing  broadsides  into  the  staggering  squadron 
now  in  extremis.  Most  of  them  were  enwreathed  in  flames ;  with  steer- 
ing gear  and  offensive  appliances  beyond  any  remedy  at  hand.  The 
Iowa's  captain  and  crew  could  see  that  the  work  was  done  and  well  done; 
11 


198  FATE  OF  THE  SURVIVORS. 

there  was  but  one  of  the  splendid  ships  of  the  Cape  Verde  fleet  intact, 
the  swift  Colon — flying  to  the  westward  pursued  by  an  ample  force. 

The  fire-beleagured  crews  of  the  three  dismantled  ships  were  now  the 
solicitude  of  the  officers  and  crew  of  the  Iowa.  It  was  a  woeful  sight 
even  to  the  exultant  victors.  The  three  noble  ships,  unable  to  fire  or  fly, 
had  run  upon  the  rocks  to  get  a  last  chance  for  life— a  very  poor  one,  for 
even  had  the  vessels  been  beyond  the  reach  of  the  pursuer's  guns  the  fires 
raging  below  deck  made  explosion  certain.  The  horrors  of  the  bombard- 
ment were  almost  humanitarian  amenities  compared  with  the  spectacle 


THE   MARIA   TERESA. 

that  met  the  startled  vision  of  the  rescuers.  The  scanty  crews  of  the 
Spanish  ships  were  struggling  in  the  water  and  in  the  very  eyes,  almost  in 
the  grasp  of  the  rescuers,  were  drawn  under  water  by  the  swarming  sharks, 
other  unfortunates  were  throwing  themselves  overboard  in  the  wildness  of 
despair  to  quench  the  flames  devouring  them. 

But  more  hideous  than  this,  Captain  Evans  discovered  the  inhuman 
Cubans,  hidden  among  the  rocks,  dispatching  the  helpless  and  naked  men 
— prisoners  of  the  United  States,  as  the  white  flag  was  at  the  mast  of 
each  ship.  The  unqualifiable  miscreants  were  deliberately  picking  off  the 
struggling  victims,  as  they  dragged  their  mutilated  bodies  from  the  fangs. 


AN  ACT  OF  COURTESY.  199 

of  the  sharks  or  suffering  from  the  wounds  of  the  fleet.  The  Iowa's 
crew  put  an  end  to  this  feast  of  ferocity,  and  there  were  queer  comments 
among  the  valiant  men  who  had  fought  Spaniards  to  their  doom  in  the 
interest  of  these  semi-cannibals.  Nor  did  the  soul-stirring  heroism  and 
manly  magnanimity  of  our  admirable  compatriots  end  in  the  mere  rescue 
from  the  waves.  In  countless  instances,  volunteers  from  the  boats 
climbed  the  burning  sides  of  the  Spanish  wrecks  to  rescue  the  wounded 
— left  to  their  doom  in  the  flaming  craters  the  hulks  presented.  Captain 
Evans,  witness  of  the  Bayard  like  devotion  of  one  man,  who  climbed  up 
the  scorching  sides  of  the  Vizcaya,  named  the  hero  for  promotion  on  the 
spot.  The  Iowa's  part  in  the  bewildering  drama  ends  fitly  in  an  act  of 
chivalrous  courtesy,  fitting  for  record  beside  the  scenic  amenities  of  the 
troubadour  days.  The  captain  of  the  Vizcaya  was  brought  up  the  Iowa's 
gang  plank  among  other  prisoners.  When  the  distressed  Spaniard  came 
in  sight  of  Captain  Evans,  he  drew  his  sword  from  its  scabbard,  kissed  the 
hilt,  and  with  an  emotion  easily  understood,  proffered  this  priceless  in- 
signia of  the  brave  to  the  captor:  "  No,"  replied  the  noble  sailor,  "you 
fought  too  well  to  give  up  your  sword,  keep  it."  The  incident  sank  deep 
into  the  minds  of  the  Iowa's  crew,  for  there  was  not  a  man  on  the  ship, 
who  had  not  heard  of  a  foolish  boast  made  by  Captain  Eulate  of  the 
Vizcaya,  that  he  would  drag  the  Iowa  in  tow  to  Spain — a  prize. 

A  combat  so  decisive,  involving  tests  so  numerous  and  radical  in  theii 
effect,  will  receive  the  world's  attention  and  excite  volumes  of  description, 
as  no  single  eye  could  conceive  the  simultaneous  effort  of  the  United 
States  vessels,  and  no  single  narrative  can  comprehend  all  the  details  no 
matter  how  elaborate  or  exhaustive,  in  one  single  picture.  History 
must  accept  the  evidence  of  many,  and  choose  the  decision  of  the 
competent.  The  world  who  reads  for  the  sake  of  knowing  the  human 
side  of  these  awful  slaughters  we  call  "glorious  victories,"  will  proba- 
bly acquire  a  clearer  insight  into  the  action  now  under  consideration, 
by  the  artless  narrative  of  a  young  lad — an  uncommonly  wide-awake 
young  lad,  who  gives  this  terse  rendering  of  the  Iowa  episode  and  with- 
out the  technical  jargon  which  confuses  ordinary  recitals  from  seamen. 
The  writer,  Joseph  T.  Garbin,  a  lad  of  twenty,  formed  one  of  the  watch 
corps  of  the  Iowa.  His  artless  expression  is  the  triumph  of  realism  ;  he 
is  writing  from  the  Iowa  on  the  night  of  the  decisive  action. 

"At  eight  o'clock  this  morning  I  went  on  deck  as  usual  for  signal 
watch.  I  made  up  my  mind  to  keep  a  good  lookout  on  the  mouth  of  the 
harbor,  as  it  was  only  on  Saturday  night  that  I  had  reported  to  the  officer 
of  the  deck  that  there  were  three  distinct  lines  of  smoke  to  the  left  of  the 


200  THE  EMERGENCY  SIGNAL. 

entrance  to  the  harbor,  and  I  did  not  sleep  very  well  during  the  night 
thinking  of  it.  I  thought  they  had  steam  up,  and  were  going  to  make  a 
break  in  the  night.  So,  naturally,  that  only  increased  my  anxiety  to  be 
the  first  one  to  see  them,  as  the  navigator  said  he  would  give  $10  to  the 
signal  boy  who  gave  the  alarm,  and  I  am  proud  to  say  that  he  stuck  to 
his  word,  and  I  am  $10  richer  to  day  than  I  was  yesterday.  At  9  A.  M. 
this  morning  I  reported  that  the  smoke  I  saw  had  moved  toward  the  en- 
trance. At  9:15  I  reported  it  moving  more  so.  Then,  of  my  own  accord, 
I  bent  on  the  signal  2-5-0,  which  means  '  The  enemy's  ships  escaping,' 
and  laid  it  on  the  bridge  ready  to  hoist.  At  9:30,  just  as  the  navigator 
was  taking  the  deck,  I  reported  a  large  black  ship,  with  two  stacks  and 
two  military  masts,  in  the  entrance.  The  navigator,  without  looking, 
says  '  Bend  on  the  emergency  signal.'  With  that  I  ran  it  up  to  the  yard- 
arm.  He  said,  '  Sound  the  alarm,  bugler ;  sound  general  quarters.'  I 
was  patiently  waiting  to  sound  the  alarm,  and  in  two  minutes  after,  or  at 
9:32  o'clock,  the  ship  was  reported  ready  for  action.  At  9:35  the  Vizcaya 
opened  fire,  and  was  promptly  answered  by  our  ship  with  a  twelve-inch  gun, 
which  went  dangerously  close  for  the  first.  Then  there  came  a  stream  of 
fire  from  the  forts  and  ships,  and  they  were  all.  directed  at  the  Iowa,  but 
she  seemed  to  be  charmed,  for  not  a  shell  struck  her.  Captain  Evans 
sang  out  ahead,  '  Full  speed,  both  engines,'  and  soon  we  were  closing  up 
on  the  leader  of  the  Dagoes.  Talk  about  a  ship  pumping  steel !  We 
were  at  the  Vizcaya  when  the  flagship  Maria  Teresa  got  on  our  starboard 
side,  and  Captain  Evans  smiled  and  said,  '  Now,  men,  take  accurate 
aim,  and  make  every  shot  tell.'  So  we  were  putting  broadside  after 
broadside  into  both  ships,  when  suddenly  the  Maria  Teresa  turned 
around  and  headed  for  the  beach.  Our  captain  manoeuvred  the  ship  a 
little,  and  got  between  them  again,  but  this  time  with  the  Vizcaya  on  our 
starboard  and  the  flagship  on  our  port  side.  More  shells  hit  the  flagship, 
and  shi  ran  on  the  beach,  with  her  crew  dropping  from  all  parts  of  her. 
Soon  the  smoke  oozed  from  her  and  a  terrible  explosion  rent  the  air,  and 
then  the  crack  cruiser  of  the  Dagoes'  fleet  struck  her  colors  and  ran  up  a 
pair  of  white  pants  as  a  flag  of  truce. 

"  We  then  mancBuvred  around  the  Vizcaya  so  as  to  get  the  Almirante 
Oquendo  on  our  left,  and  succeeded.  In  ten  minutes  the  Oquendo  was 
in  the  same  position  as  the  Maria  Teresa,  laid  high  and  dry  on  the  beach, 
fire  pouring  from  all  sides  and  parts  of  her.  Still  the  Vizcaya  kept  up 
the  fight  and  we  saw  that  she  was  doomed.  But  then  things  changed. 
She  let  drive  her  two  eleven-inch  guns  and  struck  us  plump  on  the  water 
line,  causing  a  fire  to  start  on  the  berth  deck.  But  discipline  showed  it- 


A  SHOWER  OF  SHELLS.  201 

self  here,  for  the  fire  was  hardly  started  before  it  was  put  out,  but  we 
were  leaking  badly.  This  in  time  was  also  stopped. 

"  Suddenly,  as  if  it  were  a  part  of  a  programme,  Captain  Bob  sang  out 
from  the  conning  tower,  '  Come,  boj's ;  five  minutes  more  of  this  work, 
and  she'll  be  done  for.'  Then  you  should  have  seen  the  fire  come  from 
those  guns.  It  seemed  as  if  all  the  guns  in  the  ship  were  discharged  at 
once.  When  the  smoke  cleared  away  a  little  the  captain  sang  out:  'Man 
the  secondary  battery ;  bugler  sound  the  torpedo  attack.'  There,  sure 
enough,  were  Spain's  two  dreaded  torpedo  boat  destroyers.  The  secondary 
battery  made  the  shells  fairly  rain  on  them.  They  did  not  last  five 
minutes." 

This  eager  eyed  boy  on  the  spot,  unquestionably  all  eyes  for  the  thrill- 
ing spectacle,  it  will  be  observed,  counts  the  shots  of  the  Iowa  as  de- 
cisive on  the  torpedo  destroyers.  He  also  specifies  severe  hurt  done  the 
Iowa  not  pointed  out  in  the  official  report.  These  apparent  discrepancies 
illustrate  the  perplexity  of  presenting  the  ensemble  of  the  momentarily 
varying  action — for  the  officers'  reports  contain  the  same  contradictions  and 
averments.  It  is  instructive  to  compare  what  an  officer's  eyes  saw  and 
an  officer's  pen  set  down,  viewing  precisely  the  same  phenomena.  Cadet 
Graeme,  fresh  in  the  impressions  of  what  he  has  just  taken  part  in,  wrote 
from  the  same  ship,  the  Iowa: 

"  A  splendid,  big,  dark  colored  cruiser,  flying  a  very  large  Spanish  flag, 
was  coming  out  past  Morro  at  full  speed.  I  jumped  to  my  turret  and 
saw  everything  ready  in  a  hurry.  The  Iowa  was  headed  in  toward  Morro 
at  about  six  thousand  yards'  distance. 

"  The  Spanish  vessels  all  headed  to  the  westward  and  before  we  had 
turned  to  follow  them  I  got  in  three  shots  at  the  Vizcaya.  One  of  the 
cadets  said  he  saw  one  of  my  shots  land  right  on  the  Vizcaya's  forecastle 
and  burst.  This  was  the  only  shooting  I  did  in  the  action,  as  our  star- 
board side  was  toward  the  enemy  all  the  rest  of  the  time.  Our  heavy 
guns  began  firing  within  two  minutes  after  the  first  alarm.  The  enemy's 
shells  came  over  us  in  showers.  I  saw  the  Texas  on  our  port  hand  and 
beyond  her  the  Brooklyn.  The  Oregon  was  to  the  eastward  of  us,  but 
she  passed  the  stern  of  us  and  headed  in  toward  the  enemy. 

"When  the  first  ship  came  out  she  fired  an  eleven -inch  shell  at  us 
which  passed  just  over  the  bridges  from  the  bow  to  the  starboard  quarter 
and  struck  the  water  near  the  quarterdeck.  If  it  had  struck  us  the  effect 
would  have  been  terrific,  as  it  was  a  raking  shot.  The  enemy  fired  a 
great  deal  of  shrapnel  at  us,  and  the  whistling  of  the  rifle  balls  as  the 
shells  burst  could  be  heard  plainly. 


202 


EFFECT  OF  THE  LIGHT  GUNS. 


"  All  this  time  a  running  fire  was  kept  up  with  the  cruisers.  Our 
twelve  and  eight  inch  shells  hulled  them,  and  the  lighter  guns  made  their 
sides  look  like  pepper  boxes.  The  Maria  Teresa  and  the  Oquendo  were 
seen  to  be  on  fire  in  about  twenty  minutes  from  the  beginning  of  the  action. 
They  headed  for  the  shore  and  were  on  the  beach  in  thirty-four  minutes 
from  the  first  gun,  complete  wrecks,  burning  fiercely,  the  Spaniards 
swimming  ashore  on  gratings,  ladders  and  other  wreckage.  The  Oregon 
was  with  us,  but  she  and  the  Texas  and  Brooklyn  devoted  themselves 
principally  to  the  Colon  and  Vizcaya.  We  at  once  set  out  at  full  speed 
after  these  two  ships. 


A   SIX-POUNDER    RAPID    FIRE   GUN    IN    ACTION. 

"  The  Oregon  and  Brooklyn  kept  up  a  hot  fire  at  the  two  fleeing  Span- 
iards and  the  Texas  fired  an  occasional  long  range  shot.  We  were  too 
far  astern  to  fire  at  them,  but  we  began  to  gain  slowly  on  the  Vizcaya. 
Our  first  action  lasted  fifty-four  minutes.  The  Vizcaya  put  her  helm 
a-port  and  headed  in  for  the  beach  in  a  sinking  condition.  She  was  also 
on  fire.  Two  heavy  shells  had  hit  us  on  the  starboard  bow  forward  of 
the  armor  The  watertight  doors  had  all  been  closed  at  the  beginning  of 


"OUT  ALL  BOATS."  203 

the  action,  so  the  leak  was  not  serious.  We  let  the  ships  chase  the  Colon 
and  we  turned  in  toward  the  Vizcaya.  We  left  our  guns  and  the  word 
k  Out  all  boats '  was  passed.  .  .  .  The  Vizcaya  was  burning  fiercely 
inside  the  superstructure,  and  the  after  ports  were  red  with  flames. 
While  we  were  near,  the  mainmast  fell  with  a  crash,  the  large  military 
top  falling  across  the  after  eleven-inch  barbette.  The  guns  were  popping 
as  the  fire  reached  them,  the  shells  whistling  over  our  heads,  and  by  the 
sharp  crack  or  sullen  boom  I  judged  we  had  a  sample  shot  from  every 
piece  of  ordnance  in  the  ship. 

"  Every  minute  or  so  the  fire  would  reach  a  box  of  rapid  fire  ammuni- 
tion, and  an  explosion  very  much  like  a  'flower  pot'  would  occur,  thin, 
feathery  trails  of  smoke  shooting  far  heavenward  in  a  dozen  different 
directions.  While  we  were  some  distance  off,  even  from  the  Iowa  one 
could  see  the  men  going  down  the  side  on  ropes,  and  swimming  ashore  in 
little  groups.  Our  first  boats  took  men  right  from  the  ship's  side,  while 
some  hung  on  to  ropes  and  refused  to  let  go,  fearing  they  would  drown. 

"  Several  had  to  be  pulled  away  by  main  force.  We  had  three  boats 
at  work  when  I  got  there,  and  the  United  States  yacht  Hist  had  two 
small  skiffs  employed  in  the  rescue.  I  headed  for  the  bow,  but  could 
see  no  one  on  board.  Any  way  it  was  at  this  time  too  hot  for  a  human 
being  to  live  aboard  of  her.  The  ship  was  a  crackling  mass  of  flame.  I 
saw  a  great  gaping  shot  hole  in  the  forward  barbette,  and  a  good  many 
shreds  of  clothing  about  the  bridge  and  forecastle." 

While  the  Iowa,  which  was  in  the  direct  path  of  the  escaping  enemy,  lost 
herself  in  her  own  smoke,  and  that  of  the  enemy,  the  other  vessels  of  the 
fleet  aligned  as  may  be  seen  in  the  comprehensive  diagram  illustrating 
these  pages,  made  directly  for  the  course  of  the  flying  Spaniards,  not  quite 
certain  whether  the  manoauvre  was  intended  to  cover  some  ulterior  pur- 
pose or  whether  Admiral  Cervera  meant  to  stake  all  upon  a  fight  of  ship 
to  ship.  The  speed  of  the  enemy  and  to  a  certain  extent  the  unprepared - 
ness  of  Commodore  Schley's  vessels  decided  this ;  for,  as  if  by  instinct 
each  of  the  blockading  vessels  pushed  to  intercept  the  nearest  enemy.  In 
the  mel£e  it  was  not  always  possible  to  tell  which  vessel  did  the  deadly 
execution  soon  visible  in  the  flying  squadron.  We  have  seen  the  Iowa 
placing  herself  squarely  in  the  path  of  the  Vizcaya  and  at  the  same  time 
challenging  the  utmost  efforts  of  the  Oquendo.  The  Texas,  which  sur- 
prised her  own  crew  and  the  enemy  as  well,  and  animated  by  the  con- 
sciousness of  the  result  dependent  upon  her  speed,  turned  the  prophecies 
of  her  detractors  and  even  the  hopes  of  her  friends  into  idle  sayings, 


CERVERA  FEARED  THE  BROOKLYN. 


205 


for  she  developed  a  speed  that  it  seems  counted  for  a  great  deal  in  the 
precipitate  yielding  of  Cervera's  vessels. 

They  had  not  counted  on  any  approach  to  such  sailing  qualities ;  in 
fact  Admiral  Cervera  himself  owned,  that  when  the  order  to  emerge  from 
Santiago  reached  him,  though  he  apprehended  a  desperate  conflict,  he 
counted  the  Brooklyn  as  the  only  antagonist  likely  to  be  able  to  maintain 
the  combat  if  he  could  turn  it  into  a  stern  chase.  The  Texas  itself  be- 
came the  centre  of  a  fire  almost  as  ferocious  as  though  it  had  been  con- 
centric. But  the  vessel  was  so  stoutly  put  together  that  not  a  splinter 
was  displaced  nor  a  man  injured,  though  Captain  Philip  was  obliged, 


WRECK  OF  THE   "VIZCAYA 


so  dense  was  the  fall  of  missiles,  to  transfer  his  operating  station  from  the 
conning  tower,  as  it  is  called,  to  the  bridge.  And  just  as  he  did  so  a 
shell  from  the  enemy  riddled  the  pilot  house,  leaving  it  useless  during  the 
rest  of  the  action.  Another  shell  tore  a  hole  through  an  ash  funnel  and 
exploded  in  the  smokestack,  but  injured  no  one.  The  Texas,  meanwhile, 
was  like  a  hive  of  gigantic  ants,  each  man  working  with  deadly  intensity 
and  each  invisible  to  his  neighbor,  for  the  smoke  grew  every  instant  dense, 
sulphurous,  blinding !  And  it  is  a  curious  comment  on  the  enginery, 


206 


EVERY  BROADSIDE  A  TORTURE. 


shown  to  be  so  fatefully  effective,  that  the  master  strokes  of  destruction 
were  wielded  in  an  almost  impenetrable  darkness. 

In  old  times  a  vessel  undergoing  a  bombardment  had  a  free  sea,  clear 
air,  and  only  a  slight  jar  from  the  detonation  of  the  guns.  Every  time 
the  Texas  leviathans  vomited  forth  their  monstrous  missiles,  the  men  on 
their  feet  were  flung  violently  upon  the  decks  by  the  concussion,  which  to 
an  outsider  implied  the  beginning  of  the  wracking  to  pieces  of  the  ship 
itself.  It  can  be  readily,  understood  therefore  what  the  captains  and  com- 


WRECK   OF   THE    "  OQUENDO." 


manders  of  the  new  school  vessels  mean,  when  they  frankly  declare  that 
the  victory  is  due  and  due  alone  to  the  men  at  the  guns.  For  every 
broadside  is  a  torture,  in  fact  is  accompanied  by  pains  and  penalties,  al- 
most as  fatal  to  the  physical  system  as  a  charge  of  cavalry  or  a  fusillade 
on  land,  to  infantry. 

Fitfully  the  great  vessel  passed  out  of  the  pandemoniac  atmosphere 
long  enough  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  lurid  nebulae  surrounding  the 
enemy  ;  then  redoubled  vigor,  if  this  were  possible,  was  added  to  the  ef- 
forts of  the  gunners.  The  fight  had  been  going  on  an  hour  or  more,  when 
the  vulcan  forces  of  the  Texas  were  made  aware  that  their  projectiles  had 
riddled  the  two  enemies  nearest  the  indefinable  sweep  of  the  ship's  pro- 


"DON'T  CHEER,  BOYS."  207 

digious  missiles.  Then  aligning,  as  if  by  accident,  the  Brooklyn,  the 
Oregon  and  the  Texas  found  themselves  cleaving  the  waters  neck  and 
neck  after  the  Cristobal  Colon  and  the  Almirante  Oquendo.  But  the 
speed,  the  incessant  crash,  the  abysmal  confusion,  did  not  seem  for  an  in- 
stant to  deter  the  activity  of  the  gunners,  or  in  the  slightest  effect  the 
preternatural  accuracy  of  their  aim.  A  vast  apparition  of  flame,  gaunt 
and  ghastly,  arms  obtruding  in  the  darkness  of  the  smoke  flashed  and  fell 
into  quiescence.  Then  lines  were  revealed ;  the  Oquendo  had  turned 
sharp,  panting  and  sinking  in  an  attempt  to  reach  the  land.  Still  the 
Texas  guns  roared  and  the  deadly  missiles  from  all  her  batteries  flew  in 
clusters  against  the  now  helpless  wreck.  Through  the  murky  atmosphere, 
the  man  at  the  post  on  the  Texas  signaled  that  the  vessel  had  struck 
and  simultaneously  with  this  an  explosion  rent  the  air  that  fairly  made 
the  waters  about  the  Texas  uprear  and  quiver  as  though  a  million  mines 
had  exploded  beneath  her  keel. 

It  was  at  this  memorable  point  that  Captain  Philip  uttered  the  excla- 
mation which  has  evoked  the  admiring  comments  of  mankind.  The 
titans  of  the  Texas,  conscious  of  their  handiwork  and  spectators  of  the 
result,  began  a  fierce  vindictive  cry  of  exultation :  "  Don't  cheer,  boys, 
the  poor  devils  are  dying,"  Captain  Philip  called  out,  and  the  Texas, 
with  the  men  subdued  and  thoughtful,  catching  fitful  glimpses  of  the 
Oquendo's  tragic  helplessness,  tore  on  to  secure  the  Cristobal  Colon. 
In  this  episode  of  the  engagement,  another  vessel,  the  Oregon,  made  the 
record  that  sailors  love.  For,  unwearied  by  her  voyage  half  round  the 
world,  this  splendid  ship  tore  through  the  water  like  an  express  train,  out- 
sailing swifter  rivals.  The  Colon  had  performed  a  miracle  up  to  this  mo- 
merit:shehad  reached  a  forty  mile  bourn  from  the  mouth  of  the  Santiago 
prison,  and  under  all  the  laws  of  naval  experience,  she  ought  to  have  been 
safe.  The  Brooklyn,  counted  on  for  swiftness  and  not  for  strength,  had 
kept  in  relentless  chase.  But  divining  the  purpose  of  the  commander  of 
the  Colon,  Admiral  Schley  directed  his  course  far  enough  out  to  intercept 
the  flying  Spaniard  at  a  headland  many  miles  distant.  This  to  some  ex- 
tent lessened  the  effectiveness  of  the  Brooklyn's  fire.  Hence,  when  the 
Oregon  joined  the  chase  and  discovered  a  speed  equal  to  either  of  the 
others,  Admiral  Schley  knew  the  victory  not  only  won  but  consummated. 

The  Brooklyn,  Texas  and  Oregon  were  within  deadly  range,  their 
guns  plying  incessant  destruction,  when  the  Colon  was  seen  to  turn  and 
then  give  up  the  fight.  As  was  fitting,  Admiral  Schley  hastened  aboard 
the  Spaniard,  receiving  the  surrender  of  the  last  of  the  fleet.  Returning 
to  his  own  vessel  Commodore  Schley,  who  has  a  very  warm  corner  in  the 


208 


"A  NICE  FIGHT,  JACK. 


hearts  of  his  sailors,  came  near  enough  to  the  Texas  to  call  to  his  friends  : 
u  It  was  a  nice  fight,  Jack,  wasn't  it."  Then  the  Fourth  of  July  feelings 
of  the  sailorsjfrom  the  chief  in  command,to  the  coal  shoveler,  broke  out. 
And  Captain  Philip,  though  the  time  appropriate  to  call  all  hands  to  the 
quarter  deck,  to  bare  his  head  and  deliver  this  impressive  epilogue  :  "  I 
want  to  make  public  acknowledgment  here  that  I  believe  in  God  the 
Father  Almighty.  I  want  all  you  officers  and  men  to  lift  your  hats  and 
from  your  hearts  to  offer  silent  thanks  to  the  Almighty." 


THE  VESUVIUS   THROWING   PROJECTILES. 


PART  II. 

HOWEVER  gifted  the  historian,  whatever  powers  he  may  possess  in 
making  real  to  the  eye  the  thing  of  the  thought,  the  world  is  agreed 
and  I  think  rightly,  that  the  word,  reflecting  the  impressions  of  the  man  who 
has  been  part  of  a  fateful  enterprise,  is  of  more  worth,  if  not  more  weight, 
than  the  most  carefully  wrought  coordinations  of  the  purely  philosophic 
annalist.  Recall  the  avidity  of  mankind  in  reading  and  treasuring  Caesar's 
ideas  and  impressions  of  his  cyclonic  campaign  in  Gaul;  Napoleon's  ut- 
terances after  the  indescribable  discomfiture  in  Russia ;  these  remain  in 
the  world's  mind,  while  the  studiously  wrought  chapters  of  the  conscien- 
tious historian  are  known  only  to  the  erudite  or  the  enthusiast.  Hence 
the  sayings  of  Schley,  of  Evans,  of  Clark,  of  any  of  the  knightly  paragons, 
who  conducted  our  vessels  to  victory,  are  of  more  value  than  all  the 
philosophic  study  the  French  Academy  could  combine.  I  do  not  mean 
by  this,  that  a  Schley,  an  Evans,  a  Dewey,  can  record  history,  more  ac- 
curately or  more  worthily,  only,  that  what  they  say  has  the  attraction  of 
actuality.  The  reader  is  seeing  the  soul  of  one  of  the  guiding  factors  in 
victory  or  defeat.  The  plodding  historian  intimidated  by  countless  con- 
tradiction, can  only  present  the  photographic  negatives — while  the  Schleys, 
the  Evans,  the  Deweys,  the  Clarks — the  man  at  the  gun  gives  the  crayon 
lines  caught,  just  as  they  were  drawn  by  the  vast  camera  of  nature. 

On  his  return  to  Washington,  Schley  was  saluted  as  the  hero  and 
architect  of  the  Santiago  edifice.  Not  that  he  claimed  or  reclaimed ;  he 
was  of  too  fine  a  mould  for  that.  He  did  what  was  allotted  to  the  com- 
mander of  our  fleet  to  do,  and  he  was  hero-like,  disdainfully  indifferent 
as  to  the  attribution  of  the  glory.  It  was  in  short,  glory  enough  for  him 
that  on  his  beloved  Brooklyn — on  all  the  ships,  he  loves  as  men  love  their 
children,  no  life  was  lost,  and  the  end  won.  We  have  his  official  version 
of  the  grandiose  action,  which  really  ended  the  war,  but  an  official  report 
is  necessarily  a  guarded  statement  of  facts — no  matter  how  momentous 
the  subject;  just  as  history  is  constrained  to  a  certain  austere  air  of  all- 
knowingness,  which  impairs  the  free  play  of  the  imagination.  Taken  un- 
awares, as  it  were,  in  the  humorous  inquisition  of  the  interviewer,  Schley 
made  these  extremely  interesting  addenda  to  a  report  which  the  world 
will  read  with  interest  so  long  as  the  language  lasts : 

(209) 


210  CERVERA  FORCED  TO  FIGHT. 

"  My  mind  in  regard  to  the  battle,"  he  said,  "  is  like  a  camera  full  of  in- 
stantaneous photographs,  the  negatives  of  which  have  not  been  fully 
developed.  It  has  been  so  far,  impossible  for  me  to  form  a  correct  im- 
pression of  the  entire  engagement,  but  in  thinking  it  over  from  time  to 
time,  I  remember  new  circumstances  and  impressions  that  were  made  on 
my  mind  at  the  moment,  but  which  had  not  before  been  remembered. 
In  the  course  of  time  I  will  have  the  negatives  well  developed  and  be 
able  to  give  the  correct  history  of  the  engagement  as  I  saw  it.  As  far  as 
our  being  in  the  least  unprepared  for  the  battle, — that  is  all  nonsense. 
We  could  not  have  been  more  prepared  for  them  if  they  had  notified  us 
that  they  were  coming  out.  Our  men  watched  the  harbor  night  and  day 
so  closely  that  a  rat  could  not  have  slipped  out  without  being  seen.  The 
enemy  was  unable  to  put  a  shovel  of  fresh  coal  on  their  fires  without  the 
fact  being  reported.  Beyond  the  hills,  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor  we 
could  see  the  smoke  arising  from  the  enemy's  vessels.  While  it  was  thin 
we  were  at  rest,  but  if  a  particularly  black  cloud  arose  we  were  alert. 
On  the  morning  the  enemy  left  the  harbor  my  Quartermaster  reported 
to  me  that  the  columns  of  smoke  were  shifting  about  the  harbor,  and 
were  denser  than  usual  It  looked  as  though  they  were  preparing  for  a 
dash.  I  was  positive  that  they  would  come  out  within  twenty  four 
hours.  Public  opinion  everywhere  is  the  same,  and  public  opinion  was 
sure  to  force  Cervera  to  fight.  So  sure  were  we  that  they  were  coming 
out  of  the  harbor,  that  we  were  at  quarters  when  they  appeared,  and 
three  minutes  later  we  had  begun  firing.  It  was  the  same  on  the  other 
vessels  and  the  signal  that  the  enemy  was  coming  out  appeared  on  all 
the  ships  almost  at  the  same  instant." 

The  reader  who  has  followed  the  narrative  of  the  conflict,  will  compre- 
hend the  difficulty  and  embarrassments  of  the  judicious  historian  on 
meeting  this  authoritative  averment,  for  it  is  in  testimony  from  every 
ship,  that  the  men  were  in  Sunday  regalia  ;  that  while  the  debouch  of 
the  Spanish  fleet  was  universally  regarded  as  an  eventuality,  it  was  no- 
where looked  upon  as  a  certainty. 

Evidently,  Admiral  Sampson  was  not  so  impressed ;  that  is,  not  as 
Schley  avers  he  was,  or  he  would  not  have  steamed  away,  to  leave  the 
conduct  of  the  fight  to  his  second  in  command.  Admiral  Schley  does 
not  mistake,  he  simply  confuses  the  denouement,  with  the  prelude.  Once 
the  enemy  in  the  open,  Schley  was  the  warrior  to  the  tips  of  his  fingers. 
He  ordered  his  superb  Brooklyn,  where  her  fleetness  and  firing  were  de- 
cisive. He  left  the  Vizcaya,  as  Captain  Evans  shows,  and  turned  the 
prodigious  energies  of  his  Brooklyn  to  the  Cristobal  Colon.  For  this 


THE   CUBANS. 


211 


reason  he  could  not  positively 
deny  the  claim  of  the  Cubans 
that  Admiral  Cervera  surren- 
dered to  them,  and  that  they 
turned  the  vanquished  Spaniard 
over  to  the  United  States  fleet ; 
but  he  could  say  that  this  was 
the  first  time  that  he  had  heard 
of  such  a  claim  I  He  had  little 
opportunity  of  observing  the 
conduct  of  the  Cubans  and 
could  not  speak  from  experi- 
ence. He  quoted  a  Spanish 
colonel,  who  said  to  him  that  he 
hoped  the  Yankees  would  not 
have  the  same  experience  with 
the  Cubans  as  allies,  that  the 
Spaniards  had  with  them  as 
enemies.  "  They  are  an  excel- 
lent advance  guard  of  a  re- 
treat," said  the  colonel,  "and 
an  admirable  rear  guard  for  an 
advance." 

In  speaking  of  the  disputed 
merits  of  the  eight-inch  and  the 
thirteen -inch  guns  as  shown 
in  the  engagement,  Admiral 
Schley  records:  "I  think  the 
relative  merits  of  the  two  guns 
are  about  the  same.  The  only 
difference  is  that  when  you  are 
too  far  away,  with  the  eight-inch 
guns  for  them  to  pierce  the 
armor  of  the  enemy,  you  must 
get  nearer.  If  they  are  near 
enough  they  will  shoot  through 
anything  put  before  them.  It 
is  like  the  case  of  Admiral  Far- 
ragut,  when  he  sent  a  com- 
mander to  bombard  a  fort. 


212  THE  MAN  BEHIND  THE  GUN. 

When  the  commander  had  reached  the  station  assigned,  he  signaled.  *  I 
cannot  reach  the  enemy.'  '  Go  nearer,'  signaled  back  Farragut."  Con- 
quests like  his  own  and  Dewey's  can  be  best  understood  by  Schley's  ap- 
preciation of  the  plain  sailor,  the  citizen  of  the  republic,  diverted  from 
peace,  to  carry  on  the  hateful  work  of  war : 

"To  the  man  behind  the  gun,  I  cannot  give  enough  praise.  I  consider 
it  the  highest  honor  to  command  such  a  splendid  body  of  men.  No  better 
sailors  and  fighters  can  be  found  in  the  world,  and  I  doubt  if  they  can 
be  equaled.  During  moments  when  a  rain  of  iron  hail  was  pouring  all 
around  us,  the  men  laughed,  and  when  a  shot  struck  near  them  they  gave 
a  cheer. 

"  They  were  absolutely  fearless,  even  in  the  face  of  death.  How  we 
escaped  with  such  a  slight  loss  will  always  be  a  marvel  to  me.  From  the 
instant  the  nose  of  the  first  ship  appeared  beyond  the  harbor  entrance, 
the  Spaniards  poured  into  us  and  about  us,  a  terrible  and  continuous  fire 
from  all  their  guns.  They  were  prepared  to  fire  as  rapidly  as  possible, 
and  did  so  in  their  desperate  hope  of  escape.  I  do  not  think  the  result 
was  due  to  any  confusion  on  their  ships,  but  to  a  lack  of  practice.  They 
simply  could  not  hit  us,  while  our  men  were  so  well  trained  that  they 
almost  could  hit  a  mosquito.  For  seven  or  eight  years  they  had  been 
practicing  for  such  an  opportunity,  and  they  pumped  shot  after  shot  into 
the  enemy,  and  after  they  secured  the  range  every  shot  told. 

"  The  Spaniards  underrated  the  republic's  sailors  and  the  republic  from 
the  beginning.  As  a  matter  of  fact  they  were  never  in  our  class  at  all. 
The  ships  that  sailed  out  of  the  harbor,  were  the  finest  that  could  be  put 
together,  yet  they  never  had  a  chance  of  escaping.  If  I  had  been  in  com- 
mand of  the  enemy's  fleet,  I  would  never  have  adopted  the  tactics  em- 
ployed by  Admiral  Cervera.  If  they  had  scattered  as  soon  as  they  had 
come  out,  one  or  two  might  have  escaped,  which  would  have  been  a  vic- 
tory for  him,  even  if  the  others  had  been  sacrificed.  If  he  had  taken  a 
dark  night,  he  would  have  had  a  better  chance.  If  I  had  been  in  his 
place,  I  should  not  have  let  a  dark  night  pass  without  trying  to  escape. 
As  it  was,  he  could  not  have  suited  our  convenience  better.  When  he 
came  out  we  were  prepared  to  fight,  and  if  necessary  to  chase  him.  I 
had  coal  and  provisions  enough  to  follow  him  to  Cadiz." 

Admiral  Schley  declared  that  the  surrender  of  Santiago  was  due  to  the 
bombardment  of  the  navy.  If  it  had  not  surrendered  when  it  did,  the 
town  would  have  been  wiped  from  the  map.  Out  of  108  eight  and  six- 
inch  shots  fired  over  the  hills  at  the  city,  he  said  101  fell  in  the  streets  of 
the  town.  If  Santiago  had  not  been  surrendered  the  next  day,  we  would 


CAPTAIN  KOBLEY  D.  EVANS. 


COMMODORE  JOHN  W.  PHILIP. 


CAPTAIN  CHARLES  v    CLARK. 


CAPTAIN  HKNRY  C.  TAYIA>R. 


SCHLEY'S  MANEUVERING.  215 

have  brought  up  the  other  vessels  and  dropped  the  ten  and  thirteen-inch 
shells  into  the  city.  They  had  no  alternative  but  to  surrender.  The  dis- 
tance was  four  and  a  half  miles  and  the  intervening  hills  were  about  two 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  height. 

When  the  Spanish  fleet  came  out,  the  flagship  of  the  United  States 
squadron,  the  Brooklyn,  was  from  two  and  a  half  to  three  miles  from  the 
first  of  the  enemy's  fliers.  Admiral  Schley  had  been  forewarned  that  if 
an  action  ever  came,  several  of  the  Spanish  commanders  were  eager  to  try 
the  metal  of  his  ship,  hence,  the  instant  he  caught  sight  of  the  armada, 
he  felt  that  the  Brooklyn  would  be  the  target ;  that  one  or  two  at  least  of 
the  enemy  would  try  the  effectiveness  of  the  ram  on  her  armor.  He 
waited  therefore,  or  rather  directed  his  craft  more  for  the  purpose  of  head- 
ing off  the  enemy  than  attacking  them.  His  guns  were  operated  from 
the  instant  sight  could  be  obtained,  from  what  is  called  in  naval  parlance 
the  "  starboard  side,"  and  as  the  vessel  took  on  headway  with  increase  of 
fuel,  the  flagship's  fire  was  probably  the  most  constant,  that  is  the  least 
intermittent  of  any  of  the  ships.  In  fact,  it  is  in  testimony  from  the  crew, 
that  the  guns  became  so  hot  from  time  to  time,  that  some  of  them  had  to 
be  abandoned,  momentarily.  But,  two  of  her  boilers  were  not  fired,  when 
the  first  of  the  enemy's  fleet  appeared,  and  this  accounts  for  the  lack  of 
speed  shown  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  action.  But  second  by  second  the 
fires  told.  Before  the  decisive  moment,  she  had  six  furnaces  flaming  like 
volcanoes  and  with  this  vantage  easily  distanced  her  consorts,  when  the 
final  chase  for  the  Colon  set  in. 

Admiral  Sohley's  responsibility  was  not  ended  with  the  conduct  of  his 
own  ship,  for  with  Sampson  far  away,  like  Sheridan  at  Winchester,  the 
directing  of  the  battle  depended  upon  him  as  second  in  command,  and  as  the 
event  proved,  Schley  grappled  an  entirely  unforeseen  contingency  and 
wrested  a  victory  which  might  have  been  less  decisive.  In  fact  Schley's 
manoeuvering  of  the  fleet  made  it  impossible  for  Cervera  to  elect  any 
other  action  than  the  one  he  followed.  For,  when  the  Spanish  admiral,  in 
obedience  to  orders,  issued  from  the  channel  under  the  guns  of  Morro,  he 
had  three  feasible  possibilities  before  him.  He  might  have  rushed  square 
ahead,  beating  down  the  ships  nearest  to  him,  and  even  by  the  sacrifice  of 
one,  make  good  the  escape  of  the  others.  This  would  have  been  a  sub- 
stantial victory :  or,  he  might  have  divided  his  fleet,  sending  half  eastward 
and  half  westward,  thus  securing  seven  chances  in  ten  of  the  escape  of 
half;  or  he  might  have  stood  squarely  out  en  masse,  held  the  blockaders 
at  bay,  fought  a  defensive  fight  until  night,  and  might  then  with  what 
were  left,  have  successfully  evaded  his  adversaries.  Schley's  action,  how- 
12 


216  CERVERA'S  ALTERNATIVES. 

ever,  in  closing  in  under  the  fire  of  Morro,  left  the  Spanish  admiral  but 
two  alternatives,  flight  to  the  east  or  flight  to  the  west.  Luck  gave  him 
an  advantage,  for  had  he  gone  eastward  he  would  have  met  Sampson  with 
the  New  York  and  a  half  dozen  formidable  craft  of  secondary  capacity. 
From  his  flagship,  Schley  saw  that  his  lieutenants  were  carrying  out,  as  if 
by  hypnotic  inspiration,  exactly  what  he  had  in  mind,  for  within  three 
quarters  of  an  hour  of  the  issue  under  the  guns  of  Morro,  the  Iowa  had 
riddled  the  Vizcaya,  which  fluttered  on  the  water  like  a  vast  series  of 
pyrotechnics,  spitting  flame  and  belching  smoke. 


SIGNALING    THIS    FLEKT. 


After  words  have  done  their  best  to  reproduce  this  awful  moment  that 
no  language  seems  adequate  to  lucidly  portray,  there  is  still  lacking  a 
vague  something.  How  account  for  the  momentous  issue  decided  in  three 
hours?  The  results  of  all  the  centuries  of  scientific  application  came 
together,  embodied  in  the  six  Spanish  vessels  and  our  own  fleet.  Untold 


THE  THREE  HOURS'  COMBAT. 


217 


millions  of  money,  inestimably  more  than  is  represented  by  the  mere  cost 
of  the  ship  as  she  sits  in  the  water,  are  represented  in  the  integers  of  a 
ileet.  Hence,  the  three  hours'  combat  is  really  the  final  stroke,  the  finite 
last  word,  so  to  speak,  in  the  contest  of  intelligence,  science,  patience  and 
devotion.  And  yet  the  result  so  far  as  it  impresses  the  world,  can  be 
baldly  told  in  a  few  lines.  Fleet  met  fleet  and  one  was  sunk.  Yet  it 
would  be  a  very  unsatisfactory  history  that  dismissed  the  event  in  this 
laconic  fashion,  and  for  many  a  day  the  curious  will  inquire,  and  many  and 
many  a  volume  will  be  written,  to  tell  the  tale  second  by  second,  minute 
by  minute,  during  the  three  hours.  But  a  great  deal  more  vital  thing 
was  won  than  the  sinking  of  six  iron  hulks  by  six  other  iron  hulks. 

There  is  no  student  of  history  who  would  not  be  glad  to  know  the  mind 


D.    ANTONIO    EULATB, 
Captain  of  the  "Vizcaya." 


D.   JUAN   B.    LAZAGA. 
Captain  of  the  "Oquendo." 


of  the  man  who  held  the  heavy  oar  in  the  triremes  of  Antony,  when  his 
imperial  hopes  went  down  on  the  sea  near  Actium.  We  are  probably  no 
more  curious  than  those  ancient  mariners,  nor  more  faithful  to  the  facts 
than  the  Plinys  and  Plutarchs,  yet  the  writer  who  seeks  to  embody  with 
fairness,  clearness  and  impartiality  the  handiwork  and  significance  of  each 
instrument  in  the  conduct  of  such  a  combat  as  the  Santiago  viotory,  finds 
himself  embarrassed  by  the  richness  of  the  testimonies,  fresh  and  live  and 
lucid  from  the  very  heat,  smoke  and  fur}'  of  the  battle  itself.  Nor,  sur- 
prisingly enough  is  the  story  of  one  vessel  the  story  of  another,  or  the 
adumbration  of  the  whole.  For  each  ship  wrought  somewhat  in  the 
semblance  of  its  commander,  and  these  typified  the  varied  range  of  intel- 
lectual valor  in  the  extraordinary  phalanx  of  illustrious  sailors  who  have 
glorified  the  annals  of  our  navy. 


218 


THE  DEAFENING  PRELUDE. 


When  the  apparition  of  the  Spanish  fleet  surprised  the  Oregon,  two 
long  blasts  of  her  whistle  admonished  her  neighbors,  and  the  attention  of 
the  official  charged  with  that  duty  became  fixed  on  the  phenomenon.  The 
men  at  the  guns,  wearied  with  weeks  of  tedious  blockading,  broke  into 
shouts,  as  though  the  vessel  had  just  reached  port  from  a  long  voyage. 
The  cheers  and  the  volleys  from  the  guns  mingled,  and  the  Spaniard,  as 
he  rode  out  gallantly,  gave  a  taste  of  his  metal  with  an  eleven-inch  shell 
at  each  ship  in  succession,  deafeningly  preluding  with  crashes  that  seemed 
the  result  of  mechanical  devices,  so  regular  and  so  rapid  were  they.  The 
Oregon  to  the  surprise  of  her  crew,  reached  her  best  speed  almost  sim- 
ultaneously with  the  onrush  westward,  of  the  third  Spanish  vessel.  From 
the  Oregon's  decks  the  onrush  of  the  Towa  and  Texas  seemed  part  of  a 


D.   EMILIO  D.   MOREU. 
Captain  of  the  '•  Cristobal  Colon. 


D.   VICTOR  M.   CONGAS. 
Captain  of  the  "  Maria  Teresa.' 


studied  plan  ;  for  a  time  there  seemed  danger  that  the  three  United  States 
vessels  would  do  each  other  mischief,  but  the  sailor  knows  his  sea,  and 
though  apparently  crossing  each  other's  path,  every  gun  aimed  went 
straight  to  its  mark  in  the  body  of  the  enemy. 

Naturally,  the  excitement  of  battle  does  not  leave  the  mind  of  the  fighter 
/lear  for  the  exact  sequence  of  things  as  they  pass,  but  the  people  on  the 
Oregon  marked  the  rush  of  the  torpedo-boats  and  calculated  the  effect  of 
a  stream  of  six-pound  shells,  flung  at  the  two  terrors,  as  they  seemed  to 
hesitate,  which  vessel  to  choose,  as  the  victim  of  their  deadly  powers. 
A  shot  from  the  six-inch  starboard  gun  of  the  Oregon,  is  credited  with 
having  blown  up  one  of  the  monsters,  and  it  is  even  testified  that  the 
destroyer  went  down,  though  it  is  confusingly  added  that  the  Gloucester 
ran  toward  the  sinking  vessel  and  finished  her. 


ADMIRAL  PASCUAL  CKRVKBA  Y  TOPKTE. 


THE  OREGON  AND  THE  TERRORS.  221 

The  same  witness  testifies  that  the  Maria  Teresa  burst  into  flames 
almost  simultaneously  and  ran  for  the  beach,  and  that  all  the  ships  sent 
broadsides  into  her.  It  is  significant  of  the  spirit  of  the  combat,  that  the 
Oregon,  in  the  language  of  the  crew,  seeing  the  enormous  vessel  hors  de 
combat,  disdained  to  stop  for  the  laurels  of  victory,  but  continued  on- 
ward, after  everything  in  sight,  that  still  presented  belligerent  activity.  It 
is  likewise  set  down  that  a  shot  from  the  Oregon's  thirteen-inch  forward  gun 
settled  the  fate  of  the  Almirante  Oquendo,  that  she  too  burst  into  flames 
and  like  the  Infanta  Maria  Teresa,  struck  for  the  shore.  "  Her  colors  not 
having  been  hauled  down  we  raked  her  as  we  passed  to  make  sure  that 
she  would  not  fire  any  more ;  and  at  the  sight  of  two  enemies  knocked 
out,  all  on  board  who  could  see,  set  up  throat-splitting  cheers  and  worked 
away  like  Trojans  to  get  at  the  next  enemy  in  line."  And  to  give  each 
his  share,  word  was  sent  down  to  the  gnomes  immured  in  the  deeps  of  thb 
vessel,  where  neither  air,  sea  nor  sky  were  known  or  seen,  the  victorious 
results  thus  far  achieved ;  so  that  as  the  mighty  vessel  panted  on,  cheers 
from  above  met  cheers  from  the  decks,  and  these  again  were  reechoed  by 
husky  murmurings,  as  if  humorous  Calibans  were  grunting  their  appro- 
bation in  the  tartarean  regions  below. 

There  was  consternation  on  the  Oregon's  decks,  however,  when  the 
reckoning  showed  that  one  of  the  Spaniards  was  still  at  large,  and  then  it 
was  discovered  that  the  Cristobal  Colon  was  looming  up  in  the  distance 
four  miles  ahead.  Grown  insatiate  by  their  astounding  successes,  the 
vikings  of  the  Oregon  counted  all  that  had  been  won  as  nothing,  if  this 
melancholy  vestige  escaped.  It  seemed  impossible  to  call  for  further  ex- 
ertion from  the  grimy  giants  who  had  been  working  in  steam  and  flame 
without  relief.  It  was  twelve  o'clock  and  the  outworn  mariners  were 
bidden  to  what  they  called  facetiously  a  "  Dewey  breakfast" — baked  beans 
and  strong  coffee.  But  meanwhile,  inch  by  inch,  the  great  vessel  was 
crawling  upon  its  victim  until  the  captain,  confident  of  the  efficacy  of  the 
murderous  thirteen-inch  shells,  determined  to  try  that  resource.  They 
fell  about  the  Colon,  but  did  not  strike  her,  until  toward  one  o'clock  the 
Spaniard  slowed  down  as  if  searching  shelter  landward.  The  Brooklyn's 
fleetness  gave  her  the  finishing  stroke,  and  when  Admiral  Sampson  reached 
the  scene  after  the  enemy  had  surrendered,  the  prize  was  turned  over  to 
the  Oregon,  whose  exhausted  men  were  called  upon  for  another  day's 
work,  in  rescuing  the  victims  on  board  the  wrecked  ships.  In  all  these 
evolutions — incomprehensible  to  laymen — it  is  remarkable  that  the  deluge 
of  iron  poured  out  from  the  Spaniards,  made  so  little  impression — in  fact 
none.  At  the  same  time  the  firing  of  the  enemy  was  by  no  means  amateur 


222  ONE  GUN  FOR  THE  FIREMEN. 

or  indecisive.  An  eleven-inch  shell,  passing  over  the  bridge  of  the 
Oregon,  rendered  many  of  the  men  almost  lifeless  for  a  few  moments, 
blew  off  their  hats  and  sent  everything  of  a  movable  nature  scurrying  by 
the  mere  perturbation  of  the  air ;  the  sensation  caused  was  like  that  of  a 
heavy  atmospheric  pressure  and  the  roar  of  an  express  train  in  a  tunnel. 
And  yet  the  three  hours'  firing  and  maneuvering  of  Schley's  implacable 
monsters,  wrought  death  to  four  hundred  of  the  Spaniards  and  but  one 
man  was  slain  on  the  decks  of  the  victors ! 

Car  after  car  of  ammunition  rolled  upward  to  the  panting  guns  and  the 
"hoists  "  worked  as  if  by  electricity.  The  men  in  the  fire-room  redoubled 
their  energies,  plunged  the  coal  into  the  seething  apertures  as  if  it  were 
missiles  directed  at  the  flying  fleets  of  the  enemy.  After  a  half  hour's 
practice  the  eyes  that  sighted  the  guns  on  the  Oregon  had  become  so  keen, 
that  at  this  stage  of  the  combat  not  a  single  shot  deflected  an  appre- 
ciable space  from  the  point  aimed  at.  And  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that 
a  volley  exceeded  in  weight  a  heavily  laden  train,  the  wonder  to  the  lay 
mind  is,  that  the  Spanish  ships  were  not  crushed  bodily  and  sunk  into 
fragments  in  the  boiling  waters.  The  Oregon's  path,  as  seen  from  her 
own  decks  by  observant  eyes,  was  the  broadway  of  peril,  of  endeavor  and 
of  final  decisive  victory.  For  her  guns,  aided  by  her  astounding  speed, 
enabled  each  of  the  cruisers  to  finish  at  discretion  all  opposed  to  them. 
Below,  human  nature  was  at  its  last  ebb  ;  the  captain  of  the  vessel  peering 
eagerly  into  the  pathway  of  flame  and  smoke,  when  the  engineer  came  up 
with  trouble  in  his  face  and  accent :  "  Can't  you  fire  just  one  gun  ?  "  he 
asked  with  a  tone  of  imploring.  "  One  gun,  what  for  ?  "  Captain  Clark 
responded.  "  The  firemen  are  lying  down  just  worn  out,  but  if  they  could 
hear  a  gun  and  thought  that  we  were  anywhere  near  the  enemy  and  in 
action,  they  will  get  up  on  their  feet  in  an  instant."  And  it  so  happened 
that  the  captain  thought  that  he  could  send  one  of  his  "railway  trains  " 
within  effective  distance  of  the  flying  Colon.  The  legend  runs  that  the 
solace  thus  afforded  the  worn-out  firemen,  sustained  them  for  another  half 
hour,  until  at  the  end  of  1,776  shots  the  great  vessel  found  her  reward. 
It  was  no  less  enrapturing  to  the  crew  when  the  final  shot  was  fired,  to 
learn  that  the  captain  of  the  Colon  regarded  fate  as  maliciously  against 
him,  when  a  vessel  like  the  Oregon  not  only  chased  him  but  chased  him 
successfully  until  a  thirteen-inch  gun  commanded  every  foot  of  his  deck. 
For,  curiously  enough,  the  last  gun  fired  in  this  amazing  conflict  was  from 
the  deck  of  the  Oregon,  a  gun  which  when  the  war  began,  was  at  least 
10,000  miles  from  the  scene  of  Spain's  overthrow ! 

Ensign  Powell,  of  the  flagship  New  York,  who  followed  Hobson  on  his 
Mi'iTi-rno  mission,  recounts  the  battle  as  seen  from  the  far  rear,  in  the 


IN  FIGHTING  CLOTHES.  223 

impatient  presence  of  the  admiral  commanding.  He  notes  that  when  the 
word  reached  the  vessel  that  Cervera  had  broken  out  and  the  flagship 
"  twenty  miles  away,"  the  men  were  filled  with  gloom,  but  reassured  that 
they  would  be  in  at  the  death,  they  broke  into  irrestrainable  jubilation, 
they  were  "  crazy  to  get  at  the  dagoes."  Nor  is  the  sailor's  picture  of  a 
crew  in  such  a  conjuncture  without  its  value : 

"All  hands  took  off  their  clean  Sunday  clothes  and  put  on  their  dirt- 
iest habiliments.  After  seeing  that  everything  was  all  right  at  my  gun,  I 
went  below,  took  off  my  own  finery,  put  on  my  fighting  suit,  and  was 
ready  for  business.  I  must  admit  that  for  once  I  caught  the  spirit  of  the 
occasion,  and  was  as  crazy  for  a  scrap,  as  any  of  them,  though  I  am  free 
to  admit  that  I  don't  ordinarily  like  shells  whistling  around  my  ears.  All 
this  time  the  battle  ships  were  pouring  in  shot  after  shot,  while  the  four 
Spanish  crusiers,  who  turned  away  from  us  to  the  westward  and  were 
straining  along  the  coast,  were  quite  enveloped  in  their  smoke.  We 
•could  see  shells  splashing  the  water  in  all  directions — a  sight  it  was  worth 
going  to  war  to  see.  The  two  parallel  lines  of  vessels  moved  up  the 
•coast,  but  we  moved  faster  astern  of  them  and  gained  somewhat.  The 
Spanish  vessels  soon  turned  a  point  and  we  lost  sight  of  them.  Then 
there  was  more  smoke  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor  and  we  knew  that 
more  vessels  were  coming  out ;  and  in  a  minute  we  saw,  first  one,  then  a 
second  torpedo-boat  destroyer  appear  and  head  up,  after  the  ships.  They 
had  nearly  a  clear  chance  to  run,  as  all  the  vessels  had  passed  to  the 
westward  except  one,  the  little  Gloucester,  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Commander  Wainwright,  a  boat  not  as  big  as  either  of  the  destroyers,  a 
converted  yacht,  with  only  six  six-pounders  on  a  side — not  as  much  of  a 
battery  as  that  of  either  of  the  destroyers. 

**  But  that  didn't  feaze  Dick  Wainwright.  He  sailed  in  and  gave  those 
boats  fits,  first  one  and  then  the  other,  and  when  we  were  about  off  Mono, 
and  three  miles  to  the  eastward  of  the  three  vessels,  a  shot  struck  some- 
thing explosive  on  one  of  the  destroyers,  there  was  a  puff  of  black  smoke 
followed  by  a  cloud  of  white,  and  the  vessel  turned  and  made  for  the 
.shore.  The  Gloucester  then  turned  her  attention  to  the  other  destroyer, 
which  turned  and  started  back  for  Mono,  but  we  were  there,  and  my  for- 
ward four-inch  gun  was  ordered  to  open  fire  on  it.  Seeger,  the  gun  cap- 
tain, hit  that  fellow  the  first  shot,  nailed  a  boiler,  and  the  boat  never 
moved  again." 

Passing  the  helpless  Spanish  craft,  Ensign  Powell  confirms  the  in- 
humanity of  the  Cubans.  He  says : 

"  We  saw  one  nice  little  example  of  Cuban  bravery  there.      Those 


224  PRISONERS  OF  WAR. 

sweet,  kind,  considerate,  gentle,  abused  Cuban  soldiers,  whom  we  are 
fighting  for,  were  on  the  beach,  shooting  every  Spaniard  who  came  within 
range,  so  that  swimmers  and  boats  had  to  turn  back  to  the  ship.  And 
that  ship  blew  up  early.  We  saw  a  dozen  small  explosions,  and  finally 
one  big  one  that  tore  the  after  part  of  the  ship  to  bits.  The  Iowa  sent  a, 
boat,  and  a  torpedo  boat  also  went  in,  and  I'll  bet  those  Cubans  stopped 
their  butchery  in  short  order,  under  the  persuasion  of  their  guns.  And, 
by  the  way,  that  mutilation  story  of  our  marines  is  untrue.  One  was 
killed  with  a  machete  and  naturally  had  a  couple  of  bad-looking  cuts. 
The  other  was  shot  thirty  or  forty  times,  but  neither  was  mutilated  as 
was  given  out." 

As  bearing  on  the  part  the  flagship  took  in  the  fight,  the  Ensign's  naive 
contribution  has  a  certain  value: 

"  About  two  o'clock  we  saw  the  Colon  give  up  and  head  for  the  shore. 
We  then  went  to  quarters  again,  but  she  never  fired  another  shot ;  merely 
hauled  down  her  flag  and  ran  the  boat  on  the  beach.  We  were  there  al- 
most as  soon  as  the  Oregon  and  Brooklyn.  All  our  boats  went  for 
prisoners,  and  then  the  Resolute,  an  ammunition  supply  boat,  came  up 
from  behind,  and  all  the  prisoners  were  sent  to  her  except  the  Captain  of 
the  Colon  and  Second  Admiral  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  who  came  to  us.  It 
was  a  big  job  getting  them  off,  and  I  wish  we  had  done  something  to 
them.  They  broke  valves  in  their  ship  that  let  in  the  water,  so  that  she 
gradually  filled  and  now  she  is  sunk  on  the  bottom.  They  also  disabled 
all  their  guns  by  throwing  their  truck  mechanisms  overboard.  This  is 
distinctly  against  the  rules  of  war,  and  the  captain  could  be  hanged  for 
allowing  it. 

"  It  was  awful  to  see  that  beautiful  big  ship  settle  hour  after  hour. 
When  our  men  got  on  board,  the  engine-rooms  were  so  badly  flooded  that 
they  could  not  find  the  valves  that  had  been  opened,  though  probably  it 
would  have  done  no  good,  as  they  had  been  broken  so  that  they  couldn't 
have  been  closed.  After  the  Spanish  Captain  and  Second  Admiral  came 
on  board  the  New  York,  I  went  over  in  a  boat  to  get  their  belongings.  I 
found  a  gang  from  the  Oregon  loading  the  prisoners  to  send  them  to  the 
Resolute.  I  went  all  through  the  ship  and  got  a  couple  of  bayonets  for 
souvenirs.  When  I  had  a  load  of  the  Captain's  clothes,  I  came  back 
here,  and  it  was  dinner  time.  I  then  had  hopes  that  they  would  stop  the 
leaks  and  float  the  Colon  off.  Mr.  Potter  promised  I  should  go  on  her  prize 
crew,  which  would  have  meant  a  trip  to  New  York  or  Norfolk.  But  that 
was  not  to  be.  A  little  later  we  could  see  she  was  sinking.  Then  about 


THE  EPIC  OF  THE  GLOUCESTER.  225 

dark  she  slid  off  the  rocks  into  deep  water,  and  the  signal  came  over  that 
she  was  afloat  but  sinking  rapidly." 

To  the  nautical  mind,  quite  the  most  thrilling  of  this  epic  combat  was 
the  encounter  of  the  transformed  pleasure  yacht  Gloucester  commanded 
by  Richard  Wainwright,  who  had  been  one  of  the  officers  of  the  Maine. 
Following  in  the  wake  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  came  the  two  terrors  of  the 
modern  marine,  the  Pluton  and  the  Furor.  Now  this  species  of  vessel 
was  counted  upon,  or  has  been  counted  upon,  to  neutralize  the  velocity 
and  armament,  as  well  as  the  shield  on  the  modern  battle  ship.  Able  to 
attain  great  speed  and  armed  with  torpedoes  calculated  to  penetrate  the 
stoutest  armor  as  Cushing's  destruction  of  the  Albemarle  proved  and  the 
loss  of  the  Maine  corroborates,  these  little  craft  had  been  the  unknown 
quantity,  exercising  the  conjectures  of  the  experts.  The  larger  craft,  the 
Iowa,  the  Indiana  and  Texas,  having  dismissed  these  troublesome  tormen- 
tors with  a  few  shots  that  seemed  to  paralyze  their  action,  passed  on  leav- 
ing them  as  was  supposed  either  useless,  stripped  of  their  terrors,  or 
vulnerable.  They  attempted  to  make  back  for  the  protection  of  Morro 
when  Commander  Wainwright  flung  the  puny  Gloucester  in  their  way 
and  to  the  astonishment  of  the  various  seamen,  who  saw  the  short  con- 
test, the  ex-pleasure-yacht  riddled  the  formidable  destroyers  and  sunk 
them.  This  was  due  of  course  to  the  work  already  begun  by  the  cruisers 
and  battle  ships,  but  at  the  same  time  the  torpedoers  might  have  reached 
Santiago  and  might  have  remained  a  menace,  had  Wainwright  hesitated 
in  attacking  them.  Commander  Wainwright  is  credited  with  forcing  the 
probable  action  of  the  torpedo-destroyers.  He  foresaw  that  they  would 
linger  behind  the  rest  of  the  fleet  in  the  hope  of  escaping  unnoticed  and 
thus  to  find  their  chance  to  sneak  up  on  the  battle  ships  and  blow  them 
out  of  the  water.  This  is  exactly  what  happened.  The  cruisers  were  at 
least  two  miles  beyond  the  entrance  when  the  two  terrors  emerged.  The 
Gloucester  was  at  the  same  time  squarely  in  front  of  the  fort  steaming  at 
a  prodigious  rate.  The  intrepidity  of  the  action  consisted,  not  only  in 
the  fact  that  the  Gloucester  ventured  to  stand  before  the  two  terrors,  but 
.from  the  first  made  squarely  at  them,  firing  her  guns  with  as  much  con- 
fidence as  if  they  were  the  "  railway  "  missiles  of  her  colossal  seamates, 
the  Oregon,  or  the  Texas.  One  of  the  officers  directing  the  guns  on  the 
Gloucester,  embodies  the  spirit,  the  movement,  the  actuality  of  the  con- 
test so  succinctly,  that  it  would  be  a  deprivation  to  omit  his  picture  of 
the  scene : 

"I  must  have  been  pulling  the  trigger  twelve  times  a  minute.     How 


226  PLUCKY  INDIVIDUALITY. 

many  of  the  shells  reached  the  mark  I  do  not  know ;  some,  certainly.  To 
catch  the  effect  of  a  shot  while  other  guns  are  belching  forth  smoke  and 
shell  all  around,  is  beyond  the  power  of  the  human  eye.  The  marvel  is 
how  under  such  trying  circumstances  we  managed  to  hit  anything  besides 
sky  and  water.  Like  the  roar  of  a  distant  storm,  came  the  boom  of  the 
heavy  guns  of  the  fleet  firing  at  the  four  cruisers.  I  am  not  certain  that 
I  even  heard  them ;  every  faculty  was  concentrated  on  the  Furor  and 
the  Pluton.  The  Indiana  had  been  at  our  side  at  the  start  and  had  fired 
her  secondary  battery  at  long  range  at  the  destroyers,  but  she,  like  the 
rest,  had  slipped  away  in  search  of  larger  prey,  leaving  us  to  fight  it  out 
with  the  two  redoubted  torpedo-boats,  the  terrors  of  the  naval  world.  By 
an  unprejudiced  outsider  we  would  hardly  have  been  considered  a  match 
for  one  of  the  little  black  vessels.  We,  however,  were  more  conceited, 
and  thought  ourselves  a  match  for  both  together." 

Luck,  the  phantastic,  almost  humorous  luck  that  attended  all  our  essays, 
presided  over  this  Gargantuan  combat.  A  shell  not  a  millionfold  as  fierce 
or  destructive  as  thousands  that  had  passed  into,  above  and  about  our 
happy  go-lucky  fleet,  fell  in  the  right  place  on  the  Spanish  destroyer,  and 
the  end  had  come.  She  could  be  seen  rising  in  a  dismantled  mass  on  the 
boiling  waters,  and  then  there  was  the  spray  of  a  gigantic  fountain,  and 
the  Gloucester,  much  to  her  own  surprise,  had  conquered  a  craft  that 
under  proper  conditions  ought  to  have  destroyed  her  as  soon  as  seen. 
This  was  the  Pluton.  Then  the  Furor  made  for  the  inexpugnable  Yankee, 
or  seemed  to,  for  as  it  was  afterward  learned,  the  wretched  vessels  were 
unable  to  control  themselves,  and  another  lucky  shot  ended  her  agonizing 
efforts  to  bring  her  deadly  weapons  into  use.  In  one  sense,  the  enterprise 
of  Wainwright  was  as  desperately  daring  as  Hobson's,  for  a  pleasure  craft 
turned  into  the  semblance  of  a  fighting  ship,  is  but  a  poor  resource  at 
best.  In  this  instance,  it  was  the  Paul  Jones  like  ardor  of  Wainwright 
and  the  impetuous  pluck  of  the  men  behind  the  guns,  that  decided  the 
result.  A  contest  which  evoked  far  more  comment  and  applause  on  the 
other  side  of  the  water,  where  war-making  and  slaughter  curiously  enough 
rival  the  finest  fruits  of  civilization  in  peaceful  forms.  In  the  navy  of 
this  and  other  countries,  Wainwright  is  secretly  regarded  as  the  "pluck- 
iest" individuality  discovered  among  the  noble  adventurers  of  our  sea 
campaign. 

Her  vengeful  work  done,  the  Gloucester  became  the  harbor  of  the  vic- 
tims of  the  entire  Spanish  fleet;  running  all  along  the  wreck-strewn  shore, 
the  indomitable  commander  gathered  up  the  debris  of  Cervera's  ships. 
The  wounded  were  carefully  fished  up  and  tenderly  cared  for  on  the  decks 


THE  MOMENTOUS  DRAMA.  227 

which  but  a  few  moments  before  had  been  spitting  death  upon  the  Span- 
iards. 

It  is  of  course  understood  that  no  one  pair  of  eyes  could  see  all  the  mo- 
mentously thrilling  drama  that  went  on  in  the  pellucid  sunshine  of  the 
Santiago  coast,  during  the  immortal  three  hours  the  ships  of  the  republic 
wrought  destruction  upon  the  most  vaunted  of  Spain's  armadas.  For, 
while  we  have  been  following  the  victorious  efforts  of  the  Iowa,  the 
Brooklyn,  the  Texas,  the  Oregon  and  the  Indiana  were  plying  the  same 
deadly  prowess;  manifesting  the  same  implacable  purpose  and  executing 
these  arbitrarily  imposed  parts  with  equal  address.  For  nearly  a  half 
century,  volumes  on  volumes  are  in  evidence  attempting  to  reproduce  the 
successive  phases  of  various  naval  battles — Aboukir,  Trafalgar,  Copen- 
hagen. The  student  of  war  history  almost  shrinks  before  the  bibliography 
of  the  naval  combats  of  the  Civil  War.  Yet  none  of  these  concentrated 
so  much  of  the  mastery  of  condition,  so  much  of  the  spirit  of  valor, 
grounded  in  science,  as  the  superhuman  three  hours'  work  at  Santiago — 
in  which  as  Commodore  Schley  finely  said — "there  was  glory  enough  for 
all " — without  any  of  the  aftermath  of  disputatious  elucidation  that  fol- 
lows the  common  efforts  of  great  men  and  daring  spirits. 

To  illustrate — what  impresses  itself,  on  readers  of  any  absorbing  action, 
is  the  contradiction  of  even  visual  testimony.  An  old  sailor  who  had 
been  in  the  navy  half  a  century — whose  time  expired  a  month  before  the 
combat  with  Cervera's  fleet,  who  in  pure  love  of  battle,  insisted  on  re- 
maining with  Commodore  Schley,  asserts,  that  he  saw  with  his  own  eyes, 
the  shot  from  the  Oregon  which  ended  the  torpedo  boat — the  Pluton. 
Now  official  reports  and  outside  corroboration,  assign  the  vital  work  of 
destruction  to  the  Gloucester!  The  ancient  mariner,  however,  avers  that 
a  thirteen  inch  shell  from  the  Oregon  "hit  the  middle"  of  the  Spanish 
craft  and  that  she  "  doubled  up  like  a  jack  knife."  The  same  picturesque 
Plutarch  describes  the  Oregon  as  a  "wonder."  His  garrulity  has  value 
among  the  human  documents  essential  to  the  study  of  the  men  and  the 
action.  He  declares  that  "every  drop  of  oil  on  the  Oregon  was  poured 
into  the  furnaces  and  the  flames  roared  from  her  smokestacks  "  during  the 
chase.  He  was  within  two  feet  of  Yeoman  Ellis  when  this  single  victim 
of  the  fight  was  killed.  He  heard  Schley  say  :  "  Ellis,  find  the  range  of 
that  ship."  Ellis  stepped  out  of  a  group  of  sailors  to  obey,  just  as  a  shell 
came  aboard,  which  "  took  his  head  off  his  shoulders  so  quickly  that  his 
body  did  not  fall  for  a  second."  Several  sailors  had  time  to  step  forward 
and  catch  the  body  before  it  started  to  fall !  This  mariner,  Burns,  insists 
that  the  public  may  not  know  who  whipped  Cervera,  but  the  officers  and 


228  SCHLEY   AND   HIS  MEN. 

men  of  the  fleet  know !  "  You  have  got  to  sail  with  a  man  to  know  him. 
When  Schley  was  congratulated  he  said :  4  Don't  congratulate  me,  con- 
gratulate my  crews.'  If  Schley  were  to  sail  through  hell  his  men  would 
follow  him  to  a  man.  He  doesn't  devote  himself  to  chasing  unarmed  ves- 
sels for  prize  money." 

Bearing  on  the  destruction  of  the  torpedo  craft,  another  eyewitness 
adds  to  the  riddle  which  promises  volumes  of  controversy.  Lieutenant 
Dawson,  of  the  Indiana,  wrote  home,  before  he  could  have  heard  of  any 
dispute  in  the  matter :  "  We  began  firing  about  9:40  and  headed  for  the 
leading  Spaniard ;  he  had  more  speed  than  we  had  on,  however,  and 
steamed  along  the  coast  to  the  westward,  firing  at  us  pretty  hard,  but 
hitting  nothing  but  water.  Then  came  the  second,  and  third,  and  so  on, 
all  firing  rapidly  but  wildly.  A  number  of  their  shells  whistled  close  to 
our  ears,  and  it  was  pretty  hot  for  some  time;  but  we  were  hit  only  once 
in  the  whole  battle ;  that  was  by  a  small  shell,  or  fragment  of  a  big  one, 
on  the  after  thirteen-inch  turret.  Our  shooting  was  good  and  we  could 
see  some  of  our  larger  shells  strike  the  Spaniards.  When  the  destroyers 
came  out  we  concentrated  most  of  our  fire  on  them,  as  we  were  behind 
the  others  ;  then  the  Gloucester  came  up  at  full  speed,  and  also  engaged 
the  two  destroyers  from  the  rear,  or  rather  their  port  side.  They  would 
have  demolished  the  little  Gloucester,  but  for  us,  for  they  had  fourteen- 
pounder  guns  against  her  six-pounders,  and  they  also  had  speed.  They 
were  particularly  dangerous  on  account  of  the  latter  quality,  and  because 
of  their  torpedoes,  so  we  used  all  our  guns  for  awhile,  big  and  little  against 
them.  Presently  one  showed  a  big  cloud  of  smoke  pouring  from  her ; 
she  was  struck  and  a  magazine  was  exploded.  Then  another  and  an- 
other, showed  her  boiler  blowing  up.  She  was  gone  now,  and  they  steered 
her  into  the  nearest  point,  and  abandoned  her.  The  other  suffered  the 
same  fate,  and  sank  alongside  the  beach,  in  a  little  cove  near  by.  Both  the 
4  destroyers '  were  destroyed,  and  all  hands  were  relieved." 

Supplementing  these  by  evidences  that  fell  under  the  eyes  of  "gunner" 
Murphy  of  the  Gloucester,  it  will  be  seen  that  history  finds  it  difficult  to 
discriminate,  to  dogmatically  assert  anything  beyond  specific  results. 
The  gunner  declares:  "The  two  great  destroyers  were  left  for  us  on 
board  of  the  Gloucester.  We  started  for  them  at  full  speed,  amid  a 
shower  of  shot  and  shell  from  the  forts  and  ships  and  torpedo-boats,  but 
we  returned  the  shot  and  shell  with  right  good  will.  I  was  firing  at  the 
rate  of  twenty  shells  a  minute  from  my  gun,  arid  I  know  I  must  have 
killed  a  good  many  men,  but  God  will  forgive  me,  for  it  was  my  duty. 
We  kept  firing  at  each  other  as  fast  as  we  could,  for  about  thirty  minutes. 


COMMANDER  RICHARD  WAIXWRIGHT. 


CAPTAIN  F.  J.  HIGGTNSON. 


CAPTAIN  F.  A.  COOK. 


CAPTAIN  F    E.  CHADWICK 


THE    MAGAZINES.  231 

By  this  time  all  the  other  ships  were  off  in  the  distance,  keeping  up  their 
own  fight,  and  left  us  to  fight  the  two  of  them  alone. 

"  One  of  the  torpedo-boats  headed  right  for  us  to  torpedo  us,  and  the  cap- 
tain gave  orders  for  very  rapid  fire,  and  instead  of  trying  to  get  out  of  their 
way  we  ran  right  up  toward  them  and  rained  shells  on  their  decks  in  such 
a  fashion  that  they  could  not  send  a  torpedo.  I  was  told  by  one  of  the 
prisoners  afterward,  that  they  tried  eleven  crews  at  the  torpedo  gun,  but 
they  were  swept  from  the  deck  by  our  shells  as  fast  as  they  got  up  there. 
He  said  our  shells  came  pouring  in  through  the  engines  and  all  about  the 
ship,  and  finally  one  exploded  in  and  blew  up  the  magazine.  Then  she 
began  to  sink  and  hoisted  the  white  flag.  Talk  about  a  crew  going  wild, 
you  ought  to  have  seen  us,  we  jumped  up  in  the  air  and  we  gunners  shook 
hands  with  each  other  and  yelled  ourselves  hoarse  and  threw  our  hats  in 
the  air.  Oh,  it  was  a  great  moment,  but  suddenly  the  other  destroyer 
came  heading  toward  us.  We  sighted  our  guns  with  that  exulting  feel- 
ing of  victory,  and  rained  such  a  hail  of  shells  on  her  decks  and  through 
her  everywhere,  that  we  forced  her  to  run  right  up  on  the  beach  and  hoist 
the  white  flag.  We  lowered  our  boats  to  rescue  all  we  could,  and  out  of 
the  two  crews  of  a  hundred  and  forty  men  there  were  only  sixteen  men 
left  alive  to  save.  Their  decks  were  a  terrible  sight  to  behold.  The  dead 
were  strewn  all  about  and  burning  up  with  the  ships.  It  seemed  each  of 
the  boats  had  about  one  hundred  holes.  When  we  returned  to  the  ship 
one  of  them  went  down  to  come  up  no  more.  We  captured  both  their 


An  episode  in  the  closing  moments  of  this  stupendous  combat  aroused 
a  good  deal  of  comment  throughout  the  press  of  the  country.  Captain 
Philip  of  the  Texas,  as  has  been  narrated,  when  the  firing  ceased,  called 
his  crew  about  him  to  make  acknowledgment  that  he  believed  in  God  ! 
His  action  was  viewed  variously  by  the  world.  The  general  conclusion 
was  that  as  Captain  Philip  had  deemed  it  expedient  to  make  the  acknowledg- 
ment, the  other  commanders  on  the  victorious  ships  were  without  his  belief  I 
The  world  had  mocked  the  old  king  of  Prussia  when  from  the  battlefields 
of  France  he  had  reported  the  continuing  intervention  of  God  in  the  daily 
slaughter  of  men.  Cromwell  and  the  Puritan  commanders  were  wont  to 
identify  God  with  the  sanguinary  triumphs  of  brothers  over  brothers. 
Military  commanders  have  not  unfrequently  interpolated  an  expression 
of  recognition  of  divine  favor  in  the  slaughter  of  enemies.  During  the 
Civil  War,  President  Lincoln  proclaimed  days  of  prayer  and  devotion  to 
acknowledge  the  interposition  of  God  both  in  victory  and  defeat.  But 
Captain  Philip's  words  were  new  in  warfare.  .  .  .  They  charmed 


232  "THOU  SHALT  NOT  KILL." 

certain  militant  churchmen  and  journalists,  who  looked  upon  the  scene  as 
impressively  illustrative  of  the  devout  spirit  in  which  the  war  was  waged. 

Naturally,  from  praise  of  Philip  there  grew  a  com  minatory  tone  toward 
the  captains  of  the  fleet  who  had  neglected  to  inform  the  sweltering  crews 
that  they  believed  in  God.  The  men  thus  inculpated  were  placed  in  a 
very  embarrassing  plight.  Usually  it  is  not  considered  part  of  a  man's 
duty,  either  in  peace  or  war,  to  make  proclamation  of  his  beliefs.  Indeed, 
to  the  man  really  indoctrinated  with  the  teachings  of  Christ,  there  is 
something  inexpressibly  repulsive  in  associating  divinity  with  the  bar- 
barity of  war.  The  pirates  in  old  times  in  the  Caribbean  Sea,  were  wont 
to  drop  on  their  knees  in  prayer  before  sallying  out  to  murder  the  victims 
thrown  in  their  way  by  the  winds  and  waves.  The  Sultan  of  Turkey 
offered  prayer  in  the  mosque  of  St.  Sophia  in  Constantinople,  whenever  a 
more  than  usually  destructive  slaughter  was  reported  from  Armenia. 
The  thinking  and  humane,  regard  war  as  criminal  at  best ;  they  eschew 
therefore  the  identification  of  deity  in  the  purely  selfish  and  baser  pas- 
sions of  the  races,  engendered  by  war.  Certainly,  if  General  Sherman's 
aphorism  "  war  is  hell,"  be  the  condensation  of  the  world's  judgment,  the 
moment  of  victory,  amid  the  shrieks  of  the  dying  and  mangled  seems 
a  hideously  unfit  time  to  invoke  the  embodiment  of  peace  on  earth 
and  good  will  to  men.  If  "  thou  shalt  not  kill "  be  a  commandment,  how 
can  we  invoke  the  utterer  of  the  injunction  to  witness  our  disregard  of 
the  mandate?  Indeed,  to  the  humane,  if  there  were  ever  a  time  when 
the  closet  seems  a  fitting  place  for  communion  with  the  Most  High,  it 
is  on  the  scene  of  battle  after  man  has  wreaked  his  worst  on  man. 

One  of  the  most  brilliant,  most  capable,  most  chivalrous  of  the  fleet 
captains  was  specially  singled  out  by  the  Tartuffe  Pharisees,  who  seized 
Captain  Philip's  eccentric  display  as  a  text.  This  officer,  Captain  Robley 
Evans,  is  endowed  with  every  quality  that  makes  man  lovable  to  his 
kind.  He  is  brave  as  the  ideal  of  valor,  modest,  consistent,  exemplary  in 
every  relation  in  life  and  as  a  warrior  counted  a  Bayard.  He  felt  called 
upon  to  defend  his  position  and  the  utterance  is  worth  preserving.  The 
editor  of  the  criticising  journal  having  sent  a  marked  copy  to  Captain 
Evans,  he  wrote: 

"I  am  somewhat  at  a  loss  to  know  whether  you  sent  it  for  the  purpose 
of  calling  my  attention  to  the  cuss  words  attributed  to  me  in  the  news- 
papers, or  to  Captain  Philip's  official  show  of  Christian  spirit  in  announc- 
ing to  his  men  on  the  quarter  deck  of  the  Texas  after  the  battle  of  San- 
tiago, that  he  believed  in  Almighty  God.  As,  however,  you  have  seen  fit 
to  drag  my  name  into  your  newspaper  I  hope  that  you  will  publish  this 


234 


CAPTAIN  EVANS'  STATEMENT. 


reply  that  those  who  have  read  your  issue  of  July  15  may  also  read  what 
I  have  to  say  about  it. 

"  I  have  never  considered  it  necessary,  and  I  am  sure  that  a  great  ma- 
jority of  officers  in  the  navy  do  not  consider  it  necessary,  to  announce  to 
their  crews  that  *  they  believe  in  Almighty  God.'  I  think  that  goes  with- 
out saying.  We,  each  of  us,  have  the  right  to  show  by  our  acts  how 
much  we  are  imbued  with  this  belief.  Captain  Philip  had  a  perfect  right 
to  show  this  to  his  men  as  he  did ;  it  was  simply  a  matter  of  taste. 

"  Now,  for  myself,  shortly  after  the  Spanish  cruiser  Vizcaya  had  struck 
her  colors,  and  my  crew  had  secured  the  guns,  the  chaplain  of  the  ship,  an 


NAVAL   BARRACKS   AT   ANNAPOLIS. 
Admiral  Cervera'a  residence  while  a  prisoner  of  war. 

excellent  man,  came  to  me  and  said,  '  Captain,  shall  I  say  a  few  words  of 
thanks'to  Almighty  God  for  our  victory?'  I  said:  '  By  all  means  do  so; 
I  will  have  the  men  sent  aft  for  that  purpose,'  and  was  on  the  point  of 
doing  so  when  it  was  reported  to  me  that  a  Spanish  battle  ship  was  stand- 
ing toward  us  from  the  eastward.  My  first  duty  to  God  and  my  country 
was  to  sink  this  Spanish  battle  ship,  and  I  immediately  made  preparations 
to  do  so.  When  it  was  discovered  that  this  ship  was  an  Austrian,  I  found 
my  ship  surrounded  by  boats  carrying  dying  and  wounded  prisoners,  and 


BRIG.-GENERAL  LEONARD  WOOD. 


MAJOH-GBNBBAL  R    B.  M.  YOUNO. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  H.  W.  LA  WTO  v. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  C.  BATES. 


LET  US  LAVISH  HONORS.  237 

others  of  the  crew  of  the  Vizcaya  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  fifty. 
To  leave  these  men  suffer  for  want  of  food  and  clothing  while  I  called  my 
men  aft  to  offer  prayers  was  not  my  idea  of  either  Christianity  or  reli- 
gion. I  preferred  to  clothe  the  naked,  feed  the  hungry,  and  succor  the 
sick,  and  I  am  strongly  of  the  opinion  that  Almighty  God  has  not  put  a 
black  mark  against  me  on  account  of  it.  I  do  not  know  whether  I  shall 
stand  with  Captain  Philip  among  the  first  chosen  in  the  hereafter,  but  I 
have  this  to  say  in  conclusion  that  every  drop  of  blood  in  my  body  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  3d  of  July  was  singing  thanks  and  praises  to  Almighty 
God  for  the  victory  we  had  won." 

Congress  awards  medals,  and  in  every  conceivable  form  distinguishes 
the  titular  chiefs  of  our  navies  and  armies,  but  it  is  a  heart-breaking 
reflection  to  count  the  oblivion  of  the  real  architects  of  victory.  A 
Wellington  or  a  Marlborough,  wasting  their  time  in  a  riotous  debauchery, 
up  to — even  during  the  opening  horrors  of  a  decisive  battle,  are  made 
princes,  awarded  pensions,  that  descend  to  imbecile  and  profligate 
progeny,  but  the  plain  citizen  who  marches  by  day  and  night,  who  bears 
as  he  can,  who  encounters  all  that  is  hideous  in  life,  in  a  campaign — 
receives  no  token.  He  is  "the  army,"  the  "  army  fought  well."  But  the 
horses,  the  guns  and  the  ordnance  are  likewise  "  the  army."  And  yet, 
who  stops  to  count  the  infinite  horrors  of  the  normal  life  of  the  sailor — 
the  soldier  ?  For  my  part  I  cannot  be  made  to  comprehend,  how  men 
can  be  induced  to  enlist  on  the  ship  of  to  day.  The  slave  crews  of  the 
Roman  triremes,  endured  a  life  that  makes  the  heart  throb,  but  their 
miseries  were  joys  compared  to  the  routine  of  the  tar  on  our  iron  wonders. 
And  what  wage  can  pay  a  man  for  this?  Let  us  then  lavish  honors;  let 
us  reverently  bow  and  give  him  of  our  best ;  let  us  make  him  know  that 
the  empty  conventions  of  rank  cannot  eclipse  our  heartfelt  admiration  of 
his  heroism— which  is  not  evoked  or  illustrated  during  the  hour  of  battle 
only,  but  every  instant  he  is  in  durance  on  the  engines  civilized  man  has 
invented  for  the  torture,  crucifixion  and  destruction  of  civilized  men. 

One  of  the  endearing  traits  in  Admiral  Schley,  is  his  constant,  almost 
religious  reference  to  the  fleet's  glories,  to  the  nameless  thousand,  buried 
in  the  torments  of  the  modern  ship.  One  of  his  standing  orders  is  con- 
stantly repeated  by  the  loquacious  tar — "  Keep  your  men  below  constantly 
informed  of  what  the  ship  is  doing  " — Schley  admonished  his  captains. 
So,  instant  by  instant,  during  the  battle  the  devoted  martyrs  pouring 
sweat — sometimes  blood — were  electrified  by  the  inspiring  word,  "  the 
Oquendo  is  giving  up ;  the  Vizcaya  is  knocked  out " ;  and  thus  on  to  the 
end  of  the  glorious  chapter.  Yet  if  this  grimy  brawn  and  muscle  had 
13 


238  THE  RANK  AND  FILE. 

faltered;  if  the  mere  human  had  given  away  to  the  infirmities  of 
flesh  and  bone,  the  Spanish  fleet  would  not  have  been  crushed.  The 
science  of  the  captains,  the  accomplishments  of  the  staff  would  have 
availed  nothing. 

To  the  intelligence  that  had  been  given  the  opportunity  to  examine  and 
contrast,  there  was  no  spectacle  so  sublime  as  the  interior — the  deeps  of 
any  one  of  the  fleet.  It  will  be  many  a  long  year,  please  God,  before  the 
world  will  see  this  republic  recurring  to  the  barbarism  of  war,  and  to  put 
that  hateful  time  off  it  is  well  to  know  minutely  what  the  cost  of  victory 
is.  It  is  well  to  know  the  Hadean  torments  that  the  men  who  win 
victory  undergo  on  those  beautiful  monsters,  that  we  admire  so  com 
placently  in  our  harbors.  The  air,  the  life-giving  unction  of  the  sea — the 
sun  itself — is  denied  to  the  men  who  make  victory  possible.  The  big 
eight-inch  turret  guns  could  not  have  done  their  deadly  shooting,  even 
with  the  trained  eyes  guiding  them,  had  not  the  men  below  sent  up  the 
ammunition  ;  and  the  vessel  could  not  have  kept  side  by  side  with  the 
enemy  had  it  not  been  for  the  engineer  and  fireroom  force,  working 
below  the  deck  like  demons.  The  men  in  the  turrets  of  five  inches  of 
steel  see  as  little  as  the  men  below  deck,  save,  that  once  in  a  while  they 
get  a  glimpse  of  the  object  fired  at. 

When  the  ships  of  Cervera  were  sighted  coming  out  on  that  memorable 
July  morning,  the  eight-inch  and  five-inch  guns  on  Admiral  Schley's  ship 
were  all  loaded,  and  in  each  turret  within  two  minutes  after  the  summons, 
eleven  men  stood  half  naked  awaiting  the  word  to  fire.  The  chief  of  the 
turret,  a  lieutenant,  in  the  hood,  his  eye  to  the  telescope,  gets  the  line  of 
his  gun  on  the  harbor,  and  awaits  the  signals.  "  Five  thousand  yards 
cries  an  orderly  in  a  turret  opening  and  the  gun  goes  up  to  the  proper 
elevation,  as  the  lieutenant  in  the  hood  orders  the  elevating  gear  turned. 
The  No.  1  man  at  the  guns  connects  the  electric  wire  to  the  primer,  with 
the  hood's  handfiring  apparatus,  and  all  is  waiting.  "  Commence  firing" 
comes  the  order,  and  the  shot  is  sped.  The  turret  lieutenant's  hand 
closes  on  the  electric  apparatus  and  the  gun  jumps  back  a  foot  or  more  as 
a  hundred  and  ten  pounds  of  exploding  powder  drives  a  two  hundred  and 
fifty  pound  shell  from  the  muzzle  of  the  piece  at  a  rate  of  2,080  feet  per 
second.  Then  before  the  roar  has  ceased  the  hand  of  the  man  in  the 
turret  touches  the  electric  lever  and  the  700  tons  of  steel  move  with 
velocity  and  almost  noiselessly  around  until  the  other  gun  of  the  twin  is 
in  the  same  position  as  the  first  one  has  been. 

Slowly  the  muzzle  comes  up  to  the  directed  elevation ;  once  more  the 
fingers  close  ori  the  electric  handle,  and  another  two  hundred  and  fifty 


"COXEY'S  ARMY."  239 

pounds  of  steel  shoot  away  on  its  death  errand.  Hardly  had  gun  No.  1 
belched  forth  its  defiance  to  the  Spanish  ships,  when  the  five  men  behind 
it,  until  now  as  impassive  as  marble  figures,  spring  into  life.  No.  2  opens 
the  breech,  washes  off  the  mushroom  and  gas-check  with  a  sponge,  oils 
the  breech  plug,  extracts  the  exploded  primer,  and  sees  the  vent  cle»C- 
No.  4  seizes  the  long  bristled  sponge  wet  with  water  and  assisted  by  No 
3  sponges  the  gun,  lays  aside  the  sponge  and  seizes  the  rammer  ready  to 
drive  home  the  new  charge.  While  they  are  working  there  appears  at 
the  top  of  the  ammunition  hoist  new  shells  and  new  ammunition,  and  the 
officer  in  command  of  the  turret  cries,  "  load."  No  5  raises  the  ammu- 
nition corner  of  the  hoist,  and  with  the  assistance  of  No.  5  of  the  other 
gun,  grasps  the  handles  upon  the  carriage  and  swings  it  to  the  rear  of  the 
gun.  The  projectile  is  first  on  the  lift,  and  No.  3  adjusts  the  primer 
while  No.  4  assisted  by  No.  6  rams  home  the  two  hundred  and  fifty  pound 
projectile.  Then  in  quick  succession,  No.  4,  No.  5,  and  6  ram  in  the  two 
charges  of  powder  in  packages  of  fifty-five  pounds,  each  done  up  in  serge 
or  muslin,  and  in  grains  weighing  an  ounce  and  a  quarter  each.  No.  2 
closes  the  breech,  No.  1  again  connects  the  wire,  and  the  gun  is  ready  to 
fire.  All  this  takes  just  four  minutes,  and  with  two  guns,  the  turret  is 
shooting  once  every  two  minutes. 

Down  below  the  water  line  of  the  ship,  beneath  the  protective  deck, 
that  in  so  many  battles  has  proved  the  lid  to  the  coffin  of  hundreds,  is  a 
naked  perspiring  crowd,  of  titans,  their  eyes  closed  to  the  scene  of  battle, 
but  there  senses  alive  to  the  fact  that  torpedo  or  shell  below,  or  through 
the  armor  means  instant  death.  The  third  of  July  they  sent  up  to  the 
various  turrets  and  guns  over  70,000  pounds  of  ammunition.  The  men  de- 
tailed in  the  handling  rooms  are  from  the  fifth,  or  powder  division,  com- 
posed of  those  not  detailed  as  gun  crews,  such  as  carpenters,  and 
gunner's  mates,  servants,  idlers  of  all  kinds,  and  the  relief  watch  of  the 
engineer's  division.  This  medley  of  men  is  of  many  nationalities,  and  is 
known  on  board  the  Brooklyn  for  example  as  "  Coxey's  Army."  It  is 
commanded  by  the  senior  deck  officer,  Dr.  Griffin,  with  four  or  five  other 
officers  as  assistants,  each  assistant  having  charge  of  a  section  of  about 
forty  or  fifty  men,  the  whole  division  taking  charge  of  all  the  magazine 
holds  and  all  spaces  between  decks  during  action.  At  the  clang  of  the 
alarm  for  "general  quarters,"  the  men  rush  for  their  stations,  struggling 
through  a  small  steel  hatch  in  the  protective  deck,  and  down  a  narrow 
:ind  almost  vertical  ladder  to  the  magazines  and  shell  rooms  below.  The 
officer  in  charge,  Dr.  Griffin,  hurries  to  the  cabin  for  the  magazine  keys, 
grabs  a  small  leather  bag  containing  them,  from  the  hand  of  the  marine 


240  "QUICK,  LADS,  LIVELY  NOW." 

orderly  on  duty  at  the  door  of  the  Captain's  cabin,  and  rushes  after  his 
men,  distributing  the  keys  as  rapidly  as  he  can  to  those  already  standing 
at  the  box-like  tops  of  the  magazines,  the  bolts  of  which  had  already 
been  loosened.  The  ammunition  bearers  are  quickly  let  out,  the  men 
standing  with  their  hands  on  a  small  lever  ready  to  turn  on  the  current 
of  the  electric  hoists,  as  soon  as  the  hatches  are  off.  When  everything  is 
seen  to  be  clear,  the  endless  chains  of  the  hoist  start  with  the  whir  of  a 
motor,  and  roll  their  loads  of  rapid  fire  ammunition  to  the  decks  above, 
where  men  are  stationed  to  receive  it. 

Down  the  chute  of  the  ten-inch  gun  turret,  as  an  accompaniment  to 
the  deep  rumble  of  the  turret  itself,  as  it  slowly  swings  from  amidships 
to  the  port  or  starboard  comes  the  command,  "  Full  charge,  common 
shot?"  from  the  officer  in  command  of  the  turret.  The  answer  quickly 
goes  back,  "  Aye,  aye,  sir,"  and  as  a  response  to  a  lower  tone  of  voice, 
"  Quick,  lads,  lively  now,"  up  come  the  long  powder  tanks  and  heavy  250 
pound  shell  to  the  base  of  the  turret.  There  the  shell  is  seized  in  tongs 
by  two  nimble  apprentices,  raised  and  rammed  home  in  the  car ;  the  tops 
of  the  long  copper  powder  tanks  taken  off  and  the  powder  in  two  sections 
placed  in  the  other  compartments  of  the  car,  the  signal  given,  and  both 
cars  quickly  rise  to  the  breech  of  the  turret  guns  and  are  sent  back  al- 
most as  swiftly,  emptied.  All  this  preparation  of  getting  ready,  occupies 
a  space  of  four  minutes  after  all  the  men  and  the  hatches  are  lowered 
and  secured.  The  heat  varies  in  this  steel  cage  from  120  to  146  degrees 
Fahrenheit  and  soon  causes  the  men  to  strip  to  the  waist  and  settle  down 
to  their  work  in  an  air  tight  box  obeying  orders  with  alacrity,  not  know- 
ing the  cause  of  the  outbreak,  whether  target  practice,  bombardment, 
the  Spanish  fleet,  or  a  false  alarm.  On  this  crucifixion  of  body  and  nerves 
comes  the  report  of  the  first  gun,  followed  in  quick  succession  by  another, 
telling  of  the  deadly  purpose.  Down  the  hoists  and  chutes  rush  the 
powder  and  smoke  to  add  to  the  already  high  temperature  of  the  hand- 
ling room,  followed  by  the  hot  saltpetre  water,  from  the  sponging  of  the 
guns,  making  the  decks  slippery  and  burning  blisters  on  the  bare  backs 
of  the  men  underneath,  who,  groping  and  choking,  feeling  their  way 
through  the  dense  smoke,  go  silently  and  obediently  about  their  work, 
with  but  one  thought  and  aim  in  view,  to  keep  those  continually  empty 
hoists  and  cars  filled  with  powder  and  projectiles,  not  knowing  how  the  bat- 
tle is  going,  until  a  cheer  is  finally  heard  from  deck,  their  spirit  brightens 
and  an  old  hand  at  the  work,  exclaims,  *'  I  guess  they  must  have  hit  'em 
that  time." 

But  all  this  and  a  thousand  pages  more  as  explicit  and  circumstantial, 


"WAR  IS  HELL.' 


241 


do  not  tell  the  tale  of  the  mute  inglorious  heroes  who  bring  about  the 
supreme  national  joy  we  call  victory.  For  in  the  fabrication  of  the 
beautiful  ships  we  take  such  pride  in,  man  is  degraded  to  his  lowest  state 
— the  machine.  Go  into  the  ship  yards,  the  armor  furnaces,  any  or  all  of 
the  primary  conditions  of  a  modern  war  vessel  and  it  will  be  easy  to  com- 
prehend that  »•  War  is  hell."  Money  could  not  pay,  glory  could  not  lure, 
the  man,  to  such  a  service  as  the  war  of  to-day  implies ;  yet,  the  republic 
can  at  any  hour  summon,  and  innumerable  millions  are  ready.  It  is  this 
aspect,  that  arrests  the  attention  of  the  philosophic.  Had  President  Mc- 
Kinley  called  for  six  million  volunteers  instead  of  200,000 — they  would 
have  been  forthcoming,  and  in  the  stress  and  storm  of  incompetency, 
greed  and  diabolism,  the  placid  folk  would  have  borne  and  foreborne, 
fought  and  died — because  every  man  of  our  seventy  millions  has  a  right 
in  himself,  and  when  he  fights — fights  as  he  believes  for  his  hearthstone. 


A   CORNER   IN   MORRO   CASTLE. 


IV. 

npHERE  are  few  problems  more  perplexing  to  the  annalist,  than  solving 
J[  the  causes  of  the  effect  of  phenomena — similar  in  circumstances  but 
disproportionate  in  the  forces  involved.  The  most  difficult  of  all  is  to 
account  rationally  for  the  effect  and  results  of  certain  battles.  The  com' 
paratively  few  shots  fired  at  Concord,  Lexington,  and  Bunker  Hill,  are 
known  to  everybody  who  has  any  familiarity  with  the  origin  of  the  repub- 
lic, while  the  greater  and  more  decisive  battles  of  Saratoga  and  Trenton 
are  known  only  to  the  student.  Similarly  in  the  Civil  War,  everybody 
knows  of  the  firing  on  Sumpter  and  Bull  Run,  while  very  few  know  even 
vaguely  of  the  frightful  combats  of  Antietam,  Malvern  Hill,  or  Fred- 
ericksburg. 

It  is  probably  ascribable  to  the  condition  of  the  public  mind — the 
"  psychologic  moment  "  as  Bismarck  once  described  it — that  the  first  en- 
gagements in  Cuba — resulting  from  the  somewhat  heedless  landing  of  a 
battalion  of  marines,  stimulated  as  much  agitation  all  over  the  land,  as  a 
pitched  battle,  with  the  losses  reaching  into  tens  of  thousands.  The  ex- 
pedition was  undertaken  to  appease  journalistic  clamor — primarily — 
though  ostensibly  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  seizure  of  the  city  and 
harbor  of  Santiago,  where  Cervera's  fleet  had  found  shelter.  The  narra- 
tive of  the  landing  of  the  marines,  their  strangely  inhuman  exposure  to 
the  ambuscaded  guerillas,  on  a  densely  wooded  plateau,  was  received  by 
the  country  with  something  of  the  incredulous  anger,  that  followed  the 
massacre  of  Ball's  Bluff,  while  the  rebellion  was  in  its  first  stages.  With 
great  armies  in  campaigns,  the  incident  would  have  passed  unobserved, 
but  the  daily  buUetins  following  the  inexplicable  manceuver,  gave  the 
country  painful  apj.'r>nension.  It  seemed  an  augury  of  fatally  feeble 
council  at  headquarters,  and  the  press  which  clamored  most  vociferously 
for  action,  was  most  vehement  in  scarifying  those  responsible  for  the 
butchery.  The  incident  was  of  no  consequence  save  in  so  far  that  it 
compelled  the  impugned  strategist  in  Washington,  to  a  diversion.  It  was 
apparently  felt  that  the  army  must  do  something,  or  the  country  would 
revolt  from  the  agencies  in  control.  In  a  military  sense,  the  possession 
of  Guantanamo  and  its  waters,  would  add  nothing  to  the  effectiveness  of 
a  campaign  against  Havana. 

(243; 


244 


HOME   STRATEGISTS. 


But  there  were  reasons  of  a  military  character,  that  forbade  the  attack 
upon  the  capital  of  the  island,  before  the  fever  season  had  come  to  an 


LOADING   A   TRANSPORT   FOR   SANTIAGO. 

end.     Santiago  was  less  liable  to  the  ravages  of  the  plague,  and  it  was 
suddenly  determined  to  despatch  the  only  force  available  for  active  opera- 


HOME  STRATEGISTS.  245 

tions  to  that  point  and  attempt  the  reduction  of  the  city.  For  weeks  the 
tension  was  grotesquely  out  of  proportion  to  the  forces  involved.  Euro- 
pean opinion  flashed  back  to  our  millions  daily  by  the  cable,  made  much 
of  the  adventure — which  as  the  concurrent  expression  ran,  verified  the 
prophesies  of  our  inimical  critics.  We  were  admitted  to  have  men  of  ap- 
proved bravery,  but  they  were  sacrificed  by  blind  misuse.  Then,  after  in- 
explicable miscalculations,  the  flower  of  our  army — the  legions  of  the  re- 
gulars— destined  once  more  to  illustrate  their  unrivaled  efficiency,  sailed 
to  invest  Santiago. 

Naturally,  with  press  boats  swarming  in  the  vicinity  of  every  semblance 
of  an  expedition,  rumors  in  ten  thousand  bewildering  notes  of  exaltation, 
apprehension,  vainglory,  and  twaddle,  preceded  every  stir.  Volumes  of 
description,  fixing  the  forces  to  the  minutest  detail,  were  sent  broadcast. 
Pictures  of  stupendous  armadas,  stretching  for  thirty  miles  over  the 
Caribbean  waters  with  towering  battle  craft,  flanking  the  line,  were  read 
from  Maine  to  Oregon,  hours  before  it  was  known  where  this  wandering 
mass  meant  to  strike.  Not  less  stirring  pictures  filled  the  press,  when  the 
ships  came  to  a  halt  under  the  guns  of  Admiral  Sampson's  fleet  fronting 
Santiago.  Then  the  home  strategist  knew  what  was  coming.  Shafter's 
army  was  to  conquer  the  enemy  by  merely  landing;  it  was  to  present  a 
mass  of  marching  men  to  the  beleaguered  Spaniards,  and  conquest  would 
follow.  But  men  alone  do  not  make  an  army — courage  alone  cannot 
conquer  Mauser  rifles.  A  full  week  of  alternating  hope  and  despair 
followed. 

Santiago,  properly  garrisoned  and  intelligently  defended,  is  as  strong  as 
Havana.  When  General  Shafter's  army  scrambled  over  the  deadly  hills, 
through  the  vengeful  cactus,  it  was  a  more  imposing  citadel  than  the 
Saragossa  that  held  Napoleon's  best  corps  at  bay  for  nearly  a  year;  it  was 
tenfold  stronger  than  the  cities  carried  only  by  seige  operations  in  any 
European  war  of  the  last  hundred  years.  And  though  the  science  of  in- 
vention has  increased  the  destructiveness  of  arms,  General  Shafter's 
superiority  in  resources  were  more  than  offset  by  the  Spanish  possession 
of  the  Mauser  rifle,  one  of  first  form  of  that  mysterious  arm,  that  won 
Prussia  her  primacy  in  Europe.  The  audacious  decisiveness  of  the  fleets 
had  demoralized  popular  judgment.  It  was  held  intolerable  that  Shafter 
should  let  a  day — two  clays  pass,  without  unfurling  the  Federal  flag  over 
the  Spanish  strong  place !  The  soldiery  themselves  seem  to  have  caught 
this  spirit;  without  any  of  the  precautions  that  precede  advance  in  an 
enemy's  country,  the  darlings  of  the  public,  the  Rough  Riders,  or  rather 
the  squadrons  accompanying  the  expedition,  were  vaguely  despatched  to 


246  PUBLIC  CLAMOR  FOR  HASTE. 

"  do  something."  The  weather  was  a  mingling  of  the  fumes  of  a  furnace 
and  the  humidity  of  a  steam  bath. 

Goaded  by  the  clamors  of  the  press,  the  cabinet  and  its  war  council 
finally  yielded  to  the  outcry.  The  country — or  rather  the  strategists  at 
large,  so  to  speak,  reckoned  on  an  attack  upon  Havana.  That  was  the 
chief  city  of  the  island.  It  was  likewise  the  citadel  of  the  Spanish 
strength,  the  symbol  of  its  authority  in  the  West.  It  held  the  chief  of 
the  Spanish  armies,  and  its  capture  would  mean  the  end  of  the  war.  But 
it  was  believed  that  Captain-general  Blanco  had  at  his  disposal  from 
100,000  to  150,000  well-armed  and  effective  soldiers.  The  fortifications 
had  been  strengthened  by  all  the  available  modern  appliances.  The  city 
was  reckoned  invulnerable  to  the  fleet  through  its  deadly  array  of  land 
batteries,  even  admitting  that  Sampson  had  as  heroic  a  contempt  for 
mines  and  submarine  defences  as  Farragut  used  to  show. 

But  even  the  most  vehement  advocates  of  instant  action  did  not  go  so 
far  as  to  urge  the  entrance  of  the  navy  into  a  channel  made  memorable 
by  the  destruction  of  the  Maine.  A  landing  might  be  secured  within 
striking  distance,  where  by  the  aid  of  the  fleet  the  new  army  might  preen 
its  wings  for  victorious  flight  to  the  capital !  It  was  set  forth  too,  that 
the  insurgents  would  prove  a  tower  of  strength  to  the  invading  columns; 
that  familiar  with  every  wood  road  and  mountain  path,  they  would  be 
able  to  lead  our  forces  to  the  decisive  points,  saving  them  the  wearing 
reconnoissances  which  inure  men  for  the  shock  of  battle.  From  the 
opening  of  hostilities  there  had  been  an  incomprehensible  cessation  of  the 
glorification  of  the  "patriots,"  which  had  been  the  daily  dole  of  the  jingo 
presses.  Though  the  Spaniards  were  naturally  compelled  to  lessen  their 
forces  at  important  strategic  points,  there  were  no  more  lurid  pictures  of 
"  patriot  victories  " — in  fact  the  instant  war  was  declared,  the  lover  of 
Cuban  liberty  forgot  the  Cubans  as  completely  as  the  mummer  forgets 
his  mask  when  the  play  is  done. 

There  was  something  like  stupefaction  when  the  news  flashed  home- 
ward that  the  first  serious  landing  on  Cuban  soil  had  been  made  at  an 
obscure  hamlet  on  the  coast  near  Santiago.  For  a  week  or  ten  days  the 
name  Camp  McCalla  at  the  head  of  the  despatches,  warned  the  reader  that 
large  drafts  were  making  on  his  credulity.  The  despatches  narrating  the 
landing  of  600  marines,  with  two  days  and  nights  of  out-post  incivilities 
on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  surpassed  in  volume  and  comminatory  invective, 
all  that  was  ever  said  or  sung  of  the  army  in  Flanders.  Just  why  the  six 
hundred  were  landed  at  the  point  chosen,  what  service  they  could  perform 
other  than  displaying  the  flag  of  the  republic  and  distressing  the  amour 


248  CAMP  McCALLA. 

propre  of  the  scantily  clad  Spaniard  by  their  lavish  raiment,  neither  official 
report  nor  press  prescience  ever  revealed.  But  the  incident,  though  triv- 
ial, made  a  significantly  distinct  impression  on  the  public  mind,  clearly 
shown  in  the  temper  of  the  speech  of  the  multitude  as  reflected  in  the 
press,  and  the  public  places  where  talk  is  wont  to  be  free  in  times  of 
public  excitement. 

Bombardments  by  the  fleet  at  divers  points,  were  made  much  of,  by 
the  newspapers.  The  corps  of  skilled  writers  who  had  been  impressed 
into  the  service  of  journalism,  losing  the  sense  of  perspective  in  the  ex- 
egencies  of  news,  magnified  what  was  little  more  than  target  practice  into 
momentous,  long-studied  parts  of  a  general  whole.  Perhaps  the  most  in- 
comprehensible of  the  many  diversions  of  this  nature,  was  the  strange  at- 
tempt at  Guantanamo.  The  harbor  is  capacious,  but  unless  the  point 
were  designed  for  a  base,  there  seemed  no  possible  use  in  sacrificing  a  life 
to  hold  the  shores,  or  any  point  of  them.  Yet  for  ten  days  the  country 
was  kept  in  sickening  tension  over  bewildering  reports  of  desperate  valor 
on  the  part  of  a  band  of  600  marines,  set  ashore — no  one  knew  exactly 
for  what  purpose,  nor  does  any  one  know  to  this  day.  It  was  given  out, 
with  apparent  authority,  that  the  movement  was  an  idea  of  Admiral 
Sampson's,  who  for  prudential  reasons  was  making  sure  of  a  refuge  for  his 
fleet,  in  case  his  ships  were  separated  by  the  sea  blizzards  that  sweep  the 
Cuban  littoral  in  those  waters.  The  harbor  of  Guantanamo,  though  not 
spacious,  would  afford  the  fleet  ample  security  in  the  event  of  disaster 
before  Santiago.  The  marines  have  of  late  }'ears  become  an  interesting 
body  to  the  whole  people.  The  naval  reserve,  indeed  shares  with  the 
veteran  tars,  the  liking  and  admiration  of  the  whole  people.  Their  trim 
ranks,  their  jaunty  ways,  their  engaging  and  artless  ardor  for  war,  have 
been  the  mingled  raillery  and  delight  of  the  multitude  since  the  Civil 
War  proved  that  they  are  as  intrepid  as  they  are  ingenuous.  That  a 
body  of  these  should  be  sent  on  shore  to  confront  the  lures  and  artifices 
of  a  solidiery  practiced  in  years  of  the  guile,  ambuscade  and  skirmish, 
struck  the  least  censorious  as  an  inhuman  heedlessness  on  the  part  of  the 
responsible  strategists.  Tens  of  thousand  of  men,  infinitely  more  useful, 
even  though  not  trained  soldiers,  were  eating  their  hearts  out  with  im- 
patience, in  the  scores  of  rendezvous,  who  would  have  delighted  in  the 
danger  of  camp  McCalla;  men  who  would  have  prevented  the  useless 
slaughter  of  the  first  nights  and  days  succeeding  the  landing.  Skirmish- 
ing in  the  tangled  woods,  and  safe  guarding  exposed  camps,  are  a  part  of 
war  that  a  body  of  marines  is  grotesquely  unfitted  for.  Standing  up  in 
open  fight  and  firing  with  regularity  and  precision,  no  infantry  or  cavalry 


250  MUTILATION  BY  MAUSER  BULLETS. 

could  hold  their  own  better  in  a  tight  place,  but  flung  upon  a  covert,such 
as  the  ground  at  camp  McCalla  proved,  the  marines  were  at  a  criminal 
disadvantage.  The  effect  on  the  country  therefore,  of  the  first  sanguinary 
encounter,  was  not  unlike  the  heartbreaking  revolt  that  followed  the 
slaughter  at  Big  Bethel,  or  the  disaster  at  Balls  Bluff— in  1861-1862. 
The  harrowing  tale  of  perfectly  useless  slaughter,  filled  the  telegrams  for 
nearly  a  week  ;  day  and  night  the  young  marines  were  held  in  a  prepos- 
terous cul  de  sac  of  exterminating  fire.  They  could  not  secure  an  hour 
for  sleep  during  the  night,  nor  rest  during  the  day.  Invisible  enemies 
were  on  every  side  of  them — save  the  sea.  Indeed,  the  nearness  of  the 
gunboats  alone  saved  the  squandered  battalions  from  capture  or  decima- 
tion. It  was  more  the  sentiment  of  the  nation,  watching  this  prelude, 
that  gave  the  daily  bulletin  of  misadventure  space  and  importance,  than 
the  actual  losses  suffered.  But  for  that  matter,  the  engagement  was  pro- 
longed, wrenching  the  heart-strings  of  the  million.  To  intensify  the  ex- 
aggerated forebodings  filling  the  public  mind,  historians  of  the  dailies  and 
weekly  presses  added,  to  give  a  more  livid  caste  to  the  agony,  that  the  re- 
covered bodies  of  the  dead  showed  that  they  had  been  mutilated!  Then 
the  "  patriotic  "  presses  rose  to  their  shrieking  best  or  worst.  Spain  should 
weep  in  blood  the  miscreant  inhumanity  of  her  atrocious  soldiery.  All  the 
stage  horrors  of  the  inquisition  were  made  to  reverberate ;  the  adminis- 
tration was  commanded  to  do,  and  do  at  once, the  most  desperate  and  des- 
picable things.  We  had  captured  no  end  of  astonished  sea-faring  folk 
sailing  the  seas,  unconscious  that  war  had  been  declared.  Why  not,  it 
was  hotly  demanded — put  these  in  noisome  and  dreadful  cells — feed  them 
on  the  most  wretched  of  fare,  iron  them  with  manacles!  Indeed  it  was 
urbanely  suggested  that  it  would  be  a  just  retaliation  to  hang  a  few  score 
of  the  compatriots  of  the  wretches  who  had  namelessly  desecrated  our 
dead  marines.  When  the  cold  eye  of  science  examined  the  alleged  mutila- 
tions, and  left  no  doubt  that  the  hideous  wounds,  resembling  mutilations 
were  the  normal  effects  of  the  Mauser,  no  intimation  of  this  ever  appeared 
in  the  "patriotic"  press.  To  this  day,  very  likely,  seven  in  ten  who  read 
the  first  ghastly  reports,  and  the  inflammatory  comments  of  the  press, 
believe  that  the  Spanish  soldiery  glutted  their  unspeakable  vengeance  on 
the  dead.  It  was  set  forth  in  almost  plaintive  indignation  that  the  Span- 
iards had  "sneaked"  upon  the  invaders  and  fired  upon  them,  without  a 
•word  of  warning.  When  the  confiding  marines  left  their  weapons  stacked, 
and  disposed  themselves  to  breakfast,  the  faithless  enemy  beset  them  with 
volleys,  from  the  neighboring  coverts  of  chapparal,  and  held  them  at  a  dis' 
advantage.  Indeed,  it  might  have  been  supposed  from  the  comments  on 


A   CORRESPONDENT'S  STORY. 


251 


the  early  episodes  of  the  war,  that  the  mere  apparition  of  "Old  Glory" 
should  have  been  the  signal  for  the  dispersion  of  the  Spanish  troops.  It 
was  set  down  to  the  malignity  of  the  malevolent  Spaniards  that  the  cacti 
grew  in  ingovernable  luxury;  that  it  was  deadly  to  touch  and  impossible 
to  penetrate,  save  by  the  initiated.  That  the  point  of  vantage  chosen  in 
the  ardor  of  the  first  conquest,  was  ideally  adapted  to  surprise  and  onset 


SPANISH   SOLDIERS   IN   AMBUSH. 

from  all  sides  save  the  bay,  where  the  guardian  gunboats  offered  retreat, 
if  not  protection.  Yet  this  untenable  camp  and  the  gratification  of  keep- 
ing the  flag  flying  over  the  rebellious  soil,  had  in  three  days  lost  the  navy 
more  men  than  Dewey's  conquest  at  Manila.  In  the  rare  intervals  given 
by  the  enemy,  the  six  hundred  discussed  the  origin  of  the  blunder,  for 
from  the  first  comprehension  of  the  trap,  the  quick-witted  marines  knew 
that  some  one  had  blundered.  Vague  assurances  came  that  the  point  was 
vital  to  the  success  of  the  invasion;  that  ten  thousand  regulars  were 
speeding  over  the  waters  to  release  them,  to  extend  the  hard -won  con- 
quest. A  correspondent  of  a  Boston  journal,  who  shared  in  the  sangui- 
nary travesty,  gives  such  humor  as  is  to  be  extracted  from  the  incident: 
"It  is  easier  here  than  in  the  North,  to  sympathize  with  those  who  demand 
quick  action  of  the  army.  It  becomes  a.  personal  matter  with  correspond- 
ents. For  weeks  they  have  been  tossed  from  one  Caribbean  port  to  an- 


252  BURYING  THE  DEAD. 

other,  over  the  most  distressing  of  seas,  in  a  steamer  built  for  still  waters 
supplied  as  they  are  vividly  aware,  with  a  hydrographic  forecast  which 
says  that  six  hurricanes  are  due  this  month  in  these  latitudes.  They  go 
ashore.  Field  pieces  are  being  taken  up  the  steep  hill  to  the  camp  on  top, 
and  they  grasp  hold  of  the  lines  and  pull  with  the  rest.  It  is  hot  work: 
at  the  top,  the  major  greets  them,  or  the  colonel ;  his  brown  uniform  is 
saturated  with  perspiration,  bullets  are  flying,  and  the  tents  are  being 
struck  and  hurried  to  the  lea  of  the  ridge ;  and  as  one  worn  guard  line  is 
relieved  by  another  not  yet  rested,  men  drop  utterly  played  out,  face 
upward  on  the  bare  hill,  and  immediately  as  if  stricken,  fall  deeply 
asleep.  Some  ask  for  cigarettes ;  some  eagerly  tell  of  mutilations  prac- 
ticed upon  American  dead  by  the  ambushed  guerrillas — the  Cuban  niggers 
— who  side  with  Spain.  'Publish  that,'  they  say,  'and  let  the  world 
know  the  sort  of  men  we  are  fighting.'  It  is  too  horrible  for  print. 
Sympathies  are  excited,  however,  before  the  word  of  the  colonel  and  of 
the  surgeon  testifies  that  there  were  no  mutilations.  There  is  a  funeral 
presently.  Four  bodies  are  sewn  in  canvas  and  placed  in  a  trench  on  a 
hillside,  and  over  the  open  grave,  the  first  of  our  men  in  Cuban  soil,  the 
chaplain  reads  the  brief  commitment,  and  a  full  company  fires  two  volleys 
in  final  leave  taking.  Then  that  afternoon  the  place  all  around  is  clamor- 
ous with  volleys  not  religious,  but  discharged  with  blasphemous  signs  of 
anger.  *  Where  is  the  enemy  ?  *  the  officers  ask.  *  Twenty-seven  thou* 
sand  regulars  will  be  here  to-night  or  to-morrow,'  is  the  answer,  and  it  ia 
repeated  to  the  wan-eyed,  hungry  men  for  their  encouragement.  They 
are  incredulous  and  will  not  cheer.  But  '  to-night'  arrives,  and  still  no 
transports  on  the  horizon,  no  reinforcements  from  insurgents,  although 
they  too  are  hourly  expected.  Darkness  settles  down  upon  the  hills  and 
ambushed  hollows.  From  three  sides  and  seven  places  come  shots  from 
the  invisible,  indistinguishable  enemy,  and  the  Colt  quick  firers,  which  have 
no  stop-mechanism,  but  pour  in  their  hose  stream  of  nickelled  bullets, 
until  their  chambers  are  empty,  they  play  upon  every  spot  lighted  by  a 
Mauser  flush.  Little  help  is  afforded  by  the  searchlight  of  the  Marble - 
head,  twice  we  have  to  wigwag  to  her  that  she  is  revealing  the  American 
position,  and,  however  lovely  the  stars  and  stripes  on  camp  McCalla  ap- 
pear, everybody  knows  that  the  pleasure  is  not  equal  to  its  possible  cost. 
Suddenly,  near  the  central  earthworks,  a  man  tumbles  forward.  »» My 
God !  '*  is  all  he  says,  and  when  his  features  are  made  out  by  the  powder 
flashes,  he  is  recognized  as  Goode,  the  sergeant-major,  blood  flowing  from 
a  mortal  hurt  in  the  abdomen.  Some  men  get  wounded — the  enemy  is 
farther  away  and  the  Mauser  bullets  do  not  tear  so  much  as  the  night  be- 


COLONEL  THEODORE  KOOSEVELT.  MAJOR-GENERAL  H.  S.  HAWKINS. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  WM.  LUDLOW.  MAJOR-GENKRAL  ADNA  K.  CHAFFKE. 


THE  WINSLOW  AT  CARDENAS.  255 

fore.  Skies  turn  pale ;  on  the  face  of  the  men  crouched  in  a  rim  round 
the  hill  crest,  rifles  covering  every  approach,  there  is  a  smoky,  grimy, 
done-up  look.  Another  guard  is  changed  ;  the  young  officers'  chorus, 
*Oh  promise  me'  and  inquire,  'did  you  say  we  had  an  army?  Show 
it ?  "  In  comes  Neville  with  his  scouts — one  missing,  three  wounded. 
Of  the  missing  one  it  is  said  that  he  is  only  slightly  hurt,  but  that  still 
believing  Spain's  guerrillas  had  visited  strange  cruelties  upon  men  dis- 
abled, he  had  jumped  over  the  cliff  into  the  sea,  crying  'The  hellions 
shan't  get  me!'  They  did  not  get  him  but  his  'own  people'  did  at 
last,  and  there  was  again  an  open  grave  and  prayers  and  two  blank 
volleys,  and  flags  in  the  bay  sunk  to  half  mast." 

More,  it  seemed,  to  keep  the  public  diverted,  than  to  compass  any 
material  part  in  the  contemplated  campaign,  spasmodic  naval  attacks  were 
made  at  various  obscure  points  of  the  Cuban  coast.  These  were  invaria- 
bly attended  by  the  same  phenomenal  ardor  on  the  part  of  the  assailants, 
that  signalized  the  more  important  engagements.  But  the  price  paid  was 
in  dolorous  disproportion  to  the  end  gained.  The  work  of  blockading, 
is  perhaps  the  most  wearingly  irksome  of  all  the  duties  assigned  seamen. 
It  involves  the  alert  readiness  of  actual  battle,  without  the  excitement  of 
combat.  The  ship  is  obliged  to  be  kept  on  the  qui  vive ;  the  men  can 
secure  but  fitful  rest.  The  tension  in  the  end  enervates  to  such  an 
extent  that  prudent  commanders  are  prompted  to  take  precarious  risks. 
Among  the  blockading  divisions,  we  had  a  restless  little  squadron  off 
Cardenas,  an  insignificant  harbor  of  consequence  only  through  its  rela- 
tions with  Matanzas  and  Havana.  In  the  recesses  of  its  bay,  a  fleet  of 
Spanish  gunboats  found  secure  shelter.  The  commander  of  the  block- 
aders  yearned  to  try  his  guns  on  the  evasive  craft,  and  to  this  end,  sent 
the  Winslow,  an  active  but  fragile  vessel,  to  lure  the  enemy  within  reach 
of  the  fleet's  batteries. 

Two  small  crafts  accompanied  the  Winslow — which,  catching  sight  of 
a  Spanish  gunboat  near  the  dock  made  sure  that  it  could  be  assaulted  and 
cut  out.  The  attacking  trio  rushed  onward  in  ominous  quietude  until  at 
a  point  in  the  middle  of  the  harbor,  the  Winslow  ran  Into  a  covey  of 
buoys.  The  purpo.se  of  these  for  an  instant  absorbed  the  attention  of  the 
rash  commander  Lieutenant  Bernadou.  But  there  was  not  much  time  for 
speculation.  A  withering  blast  of  shells  began  to  fall  on  the  deck  of  the 
vessel.  The  buoys  were  a  cunning  device  to  fix  the  range  for  the  enemy's 
batteries  on  shore.  The  massacre  was  prompt  and  relentless :  the  wretched 
craft  was  completely  in  the  Spaniards'  power  and  in  any  other  hands  than 
those  working  her  she  would  have  surrendered  at  once.  One  missile  fall- 
14 


256 


ENSIGN  BAGLEY  KILLED. 


ing  square  on  the  deck  killed  Ensign  Bagley,  wounded  the  commander, 
and  so  disabled  the  machinery  that  the  little  craft  was  helpless.  But  the 
devotion  of  the  companion  crews  was  equal  to  the  emergency,  the  crip- 
pled ship  was  aided  out  of  the  harbor.  The  Spaniards  were  delirious 
with  rapture.  They  had  compelled  the  withdrawal  of  an  invading  fleet. 
Madrid  beflagged  itself  on  the  report,  and  for  an  instant  drank  all  the  in- 
toxicating joy  of  a  conquest. 

It  was  not  reassuring  to  the  country  to  learn  when  the  extent  of  the  dis- 
aster became  known,  that  the  Navy  Department  had  strongly  disapproved 
of  these  sanguinary  escapades.  That  the  commanders,  left  largely  to  their 


LOADING   A   TORPEDO. 

own  discretion  were  responsible  for  them  ;  that  they  had  no  part  or  pur- 
pose in  the  general  scheme  of  invasion.  The  effect  was  painful  to  the 
country,  for  it  revealed  the  almost  naive  ignorance  of  the  generality  in 
the  calamitous  gravity  of  war.  Clearly  it  had  been  the  universal  belief 
that  we  were  to  assail  the  armies  and  fleets  of  Spain  with  no  hurt  to  our 
men  or  ships !  The  incident  gave  the  first  well-grounded  apprehension 
that  matured  plans  were  not  controlling  the  operation  of  the  fleets  and  to 
that  extent  prepared  the  public  mind  for  graver  disasters.  But  with  the 


YOUNG  BAGLEY  CELEBRATED. 


257 


evidence  of  hierarchical  uncertainty,  the  conviction  became  equally  firm 
that  the  men  might  be  trusted  to  make  up  for  the  ineptitude  of  the  com- 
manders, for  the  fortitude  and  constancy  of  the  Winslow's  crew,were  in 
stimulating  keeping  with  the  Avonder  work  in  Manila  bay.  These  first 
teutatives  of  war  were  saluted  with  the  reverent  sympathy  and  ennobling 
testimonies  that  seem  to  come  instinctively  to  a  great  people,  in  heart- 
touching  episodes.  Young  Bagley  was  celebrated  in  the  press,  in  Congress, 
everywhere  that  the  quality  of  chivalry  appeals  to  the  sensibilities  of  men. 


LAUNCHING   A   TORPEDO. 

The  Winslow  was,  perhaps,  not  one  of  the  consummate  efforts  of  the  tor- 
pedo-boat species  and  her  swift  disablement  went  to  confirm  the  growing 
conviction  of  experts,  that  this  class  of  destroyers  have  enjoyed  a  delusive 
renown.  For  in  the  Manila  combat,  and  the  subsequent  trial  at  Santiago, 
the  most  ordinary  prudence  with  even  inferior  craft,  were  found  equal  to 
the  certain  destruction  of  these  hitherto  dreaded  inventions.  The  ques- 
tion is  by  no  means  disposed  of  however,  by  the  experience  of  this  war — 
for  our  deadliest  craft  were  not  called  upon  where  their  resources  could 
be  fully  tested.  The  Winslow  was  on  a  gridiron  so  to  speak,  doomed  the 
instant  she  reached  the  point  prearranged  for  the  concentration  of  the 
Spanish  fire. 


258  DEBARKATION  OF  SHAFTER'S  ARMY. 

The  .army  was  debarked  with  every  evidence  of  improvised  material. 
By  the  favoring  chance  of  clear  weather  at  the  very  time  sturms  were 
the  rule,  the  soldiers  were  carried  through  the  surf  to  the  shore  in  front 
of  a  hamlet  variously  called  Daiquiri  and  Daiquiri.  No  intimation  had 
been  given  of  the  point  selected  for  the  landing  of  the  army,  and  there 
was  a  fever  of  wild  conjecture  until  Cervera's  presence  in  Santiago  bay 
suggested  the  value  of  that  town  for  a  military  enterprise.  The  point 
selected,  offered  many  advantages  for  the  base  of  an  army  of  invasion  bent 
on  a  prize  so  tempting  as  the  fleet  of  Cervera  and  the  army  of  occupation. 
Furthermore,  the  town  had  the  very  appreciable  advantage  of  cable  com- 
munication with  the  continent,  for  the  French  line  had  its  terminus  there. 
But  there  the  invitation  ended — indeed  nothing  could  well  be  more  un- 
inviting for  the  display  of  grand  tactics  or  Napoleonic  strategy,  than  the 
hideous  sixteen  miles  of  nature  at  its  wildest,  between  Siboney  and  San- 
tiago. The  land  rises  sheer  from  the  sea,  and  buttresses  two  colossal 
ridges  of  the  mountain  plateaux,  extending  all  along  the  coast,  save 
where  broken  by  spectral  streams  or  yawning  chasms.  To  make  the 
roads  passible  for  artillery,  the  whole  army  would  be  forced  to  turn  into 
pioneer  corps.  Sherman's  corduroying  campaign  in  the  Carolinas  seemed 
an  ordinary  task  compared  to  that  confronting  the  men  who  were  anxious 
only  to  fight,  according  to  the  daily  asseveration  of  the  newspaper  Zenoph- 
ons! 

It  would  exhaust  chapter  on  chapter  of  even  this  generous  volume,  to 
set  forth  the  multifarious  needs  of  15,000  men  moved  by  ships,  and  from 
ships  to  a  shore  to  all  needs  barren,  for  though  the  Spaniards  nowhere 
and  at  no  time  discovered  the  genius  of  preparation,  they  were  made  fore- 
seeing in  spite  of  themselves,  by  the  chronic  denudation  of  the  country. 
The  arrival  at  a  decisive  point  of  encounter  inflamed  the  devouring  greed 
of  the  press  for  action  I  The  wretched  commander  found  the  cable  a 
curse — he  was  now  within  recriminative  touch  of  the  aulic  council  in 
Washington — but  this  he  could  have  placated.  The  press  could  not  be 
lulled ;  it  was  clamorous  for  action.  So,  foodless,  without  guns  of  the  de* 
cisive  character  implied  by  aggressive  warfare,  the  heads  of  the  columns 
were  hurried  forward  toward  the  enemy.  Veterans  of  the  civil  war  heard 
the  flamboyant  acclamations  of  the  press,  the  subdued  approval  of  the  hier- 
archies in  Washington,  with  foreboding.  We  had  seen  futilities  ot  the 
same  sort  during  the  Civil  War.  Virginia  was  a  thrice  told  tale  of  the 
adventures  of  Milroy,  Hunter,  Pope,  Siegel, — passing  prodigies  in  war 
making,  who  mistook  a  few  thousand  willing  men  for  perfected  armies. 

While  the  mass  was  gathering  itself  together  gaily  and  confidently,  the 


i 


vl 

11 

A 


I 


260  THE  ROUGH  RIDERS  SET  OUT. 

two  squadrons  of  the  Rougli  Riders  that  accompanied  the  expedition  set 
out  adventurously  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy  and  Santiago.  There 
seems  to  have  been  no  thought  of  the  rudimentary  operations  of  invasion 
— a  careful  reconnoissance  of  the  country  the  army  must  pass  over. 
There  were  bands  of  Cubans  at  the  service  of  the  general  staff — men 
who  presumably  knew  the  routes  or  the  surfaces  capable  of  being  made 
available  for  forward  movements.  But  until  a  heavy  cost  had  been  ex- 
acted, their  knowledge  was  not  utilized.  When  the  sagacious  Sherman 
made  his  memorable  excursion  to  the  sea,  his  army  was  spread  out  like 
a  vast  fan,  the  tips  separated  at  times  by  a  distance  of  a  hundred  miles ; 
before  these,  rode  concourses  of  cavalry  so  far  in  advance  that  if  an  enemy 
blocked  the  way  at  any  point,  the  fan  could  fold  up  and  be  in  superior 
force  wherever  the  obstruction  presented  itself.  This  elementary  prin- 
ciple seems  to  have  been  ignored  or  forgotten.  The  Rough  Riders,  brave 
to  temerity,  took  no  precaution  to  scour  the  thickets  either  immediately 
in  front,  in  the  path  they  were  following,  or  the  lateral  spaces  on  either 
hand.  Even  a  less  enterprising  foe  than  the  Spaniard  would  have  been 
inspired  to  sanguinary  surprises  by  such  unqualifiable  laxity. 

Pushing  gaily  through  the  dense  growth  of  chapparal — a  hedge  fash- 
ioned by  nature  more  obstructive  than  the  chevaux  de  frise  of  the  mili- 
tary engineer,  the  thin  column  was  beset  when  out  of  reach  of  support, 
by  bands  of  invisible  ambuscaders.  The  volleys  crackling  from  dense 
curtains  of  green,  where  no  smoke  gave  a  clue  to  the  point  of  danger, 
forced  the  only  tactics  in  such  a  case — a  futile  charge.  The  Rough  Riders 
proved  that  they  were  of  the  stuff  fine  soldiers  are  made  of.  They  did 
not  break  in  a  panic,  as  better  disciplined  soldiers  have  done  when  caught 
at  the  same  disadvantage.  The  scion  of  a  family  of  distinction  was  one 
of  the  first  victims.  When  the  news  reached  New  York,  tenfold  impor- 
tance was  given  the  skirmish — indeed  there  was  an  outburst  of  larmoyant 
sympathy,  such  as  salutes  mishaps  to  royalty  in  older  societies.  That 
the  elect  of  all  the  troops,  the  Rough  Riders,  should  have  been  victims  of 
inconsiderate  haste  in  moving,  seemed  doubly  derelict  to  the  million  who 
were  regarding  the  war  as  an  opera  box  spectacle. 

But  it  must  be  said  for  the  men  of  the  regiment  engaged,  they  never 
took  themselves  so  seriously.  They  in  fact  did  not  quite  realize  what  the 
meaning  of  soldier  was.  They  had  the  vague,  inborn,  unquestioned 
patriotism  implied  in  George  Eliot's  noble  line :  "  That  hour  (to  the  sol- 
dier) is  regal  when  first  he  goes  on  guard  !  "  The  athletes  and  hunters, 
the  cow  boys  and  social  amphytrions  enlisted,  just  as  they  would  have 
joined  a  polo  club  or  a  "  Wild  West  "  hunt,  or  any  opportunity  for  manly 


THE  ROUGH  RIDERS'  FIGHT.  261 

adventure.  They  accepted  readily  the  direful  monotony  and  half  menial 
camp  duties,  incident  to  soldiering,  with  good-natured  tolerance,  but 
they  seemed  to  think  that  when  battle  was  in  prospect,  they  were  free  to 
seek  it  wherever  it  was  to  be  found.  Hence  they  met  the  bloody  reprisal 
with  buoyant  equanimity.  Colonels  Wood  and  Roosevelt  discovered  the 
qualities,  admiring  friends  had  preconceded  them.  They  faced  the  bul- 
lets from  the  vernal  palisades,  as  if  that  particular  form  of  self-sacrifice 
had  been  their  daily  habit.  But  the  country,  while  deliriously  proud  of 
the  men,  was  not  disposed  to  look  kindly  upon  the  conditions  that  brought 
about  the  ordeal  of  the  favorites,  particularly  as  nothing  tangible  seemed 
gained.  Again  the  shriek  of  "mutilation  "  was  raised  and  the  fine  flower 
of  society  demanded  reprisal.  A  strict  examination  revealed  that  science 
and  nature,  were  the  malefactors.  It  was  the  inhuman  Mauser  bullet 
that  made  the  dead  unrecognizable,  or  made  the  gashes  seem  the  furious 
slashes  of  insensate  hate.  But  there  was  a  still  ghastlier  agency  in  dis- 
figuring the  dead — even  the  wounded — an  agency  that  no  care  could  pre- 
vent or  waylay,  no  prescience  turn  aside. 

Under  the  glistening  chapparal,  among  the  razor  edged  wall  of  the 
cactus,  in  the  dark  lush  foliage,  lurks  and  preys  a  malevolent  little  mon- 
ster called  the  "land  crab."  The  odor  of  human  blood  electrifies  the  scaly 
members  of  this  obscene  marauder.  No  sooner  had  the  Mauser  completed 
its  maiming  work,  than  the  land  crab,  "  devils  claw  "  the  natives  call  it, 
claws  its  way,  with  incredible  velocity  to  the  prostrate  body.  In  a  flash 
its  wiry  tentacles  are  pinching  out  particles  of  flesh  from  the  exposed 
places.  These  in  every  case  were  the  mutilators  of  the  dead — Spanish  as 
well  as  Yankee.  Nor  was  the  branding  summer  sun  a  less  merciless 
agent  of  torture.  It  fell  in  festering  heat  upon  the  unacclimated  skin  of 
the  invader;  it  parched  his  flesh,  it  blurred  his  aching  eyes  and  blinded 
him,  as  he  groped  feverishly  in  the  assassin  thickets ;  for  assassin  they  were. 
The  mere  touch  of  the  flesh  upon  certain  cacti,  the  inhaling  of  certain 
blooms,  stung  the  flesh,  poisoned  the  blood  and  disturbed  the  action  of 
the  cerebral  system.  In  the  foetid  gloom  of  the  thicket,  squirmed  and 
hissed  a  vipery  brood  of  uncanny  and  monstrous  things,  their  eyes  glowing 
in  spots, like  a  firmament  of  tiny  stars,  and  even  where  these  repulsive  and 
loathly  things  were  not  present,  the  hint  of  them  insidiously  spread  by  the 
Cubans,  filled  the  mind  of  the  exploring  soldiery,  with  that  terror  of  the 
unseen  to  which  the  ordeal  of  battle  is  mere  football  or  polo. 

In  the  end,  when  the  column  had  endured  such  agonies — the  mind 
shrinks  from  further  relating — when  a  score  or  more  had  been  slain,  the 
point  was  made  secure  by  a  strong  earthwork  circumvallating  the  pla 


262  INGENUITY   OF  THE  SOLDIERS. 

teau.  Spasmodic  attacks  and  venomous  defence  alternated  until  the 
whole  force  Shufter  had  at  his  disposal  reached  the  topmost  height,  form- 
ing a  vast  natural  bulwark  about  the  lower  plateau — upon  which  the  city 
of  Santiago  spreads  in  a  confused  net  work  of  alleys  to  the  waters  edge. 
The  Spaniards  always  under  cover,  had  little  to  fear  from  the  most  frenzied 
rushes  of  our  soldiers,  and  frenzied  is  really  the  only  term  to  qualify  the 
strange  onset  that  followed  the  fitful  arrival  of  the  divisions  concentrated 
about  the  beleagured  city. 

In  all  warfare  where  an  army  attacks,  the  first  work  is  the  planting  of 
guns  to  concentrate  a  destructive  fire  on  the  point  chosen  for  assault  by 
the  line-  As  has  been  seen,  the  work  from  the  base  of  operations  at  Sib- 
oney  was  impracticable,  military  men  said,  for  the  infantry.  The  hauling 
of  artillery,  capable  of  breaking  the  Spanish  defences,  implied  days  at  least 
of  very  hard  road — making  by  every  available  man  in  the  army.  In  this 
dilemma  the  Federal  commander  thought  that  the  Cubans,  who  were  not 
exactly  distinguished  as  soldiers,  could  be  made  available  as  pioneers — 
sappers  and  miners,  as  the  road  makers  are  called.  But  the  lofty  pride  of 
the  "patriots"  refused  all  such  service.  They  were  willing  to  march 
and  fire,  when  the  troops  of  the  republic  were  in  sufficient  force  to  assure 
them  from  a  charge  by  the  enemy ;  they  were  ready  likewise  to  hover 
where  death  mowed  down  the  Spaniards,  ply  the  machete  on  the  wounded , 
disfigure  the  dead  and  despoil  all — but  they  could  not  be  brought  to  the 
work  of  clearing  the  roads  or  aiding  the  success  of  the  expedition. 

As  in  the  Civil  War,  so  in  this  brief  promenade  in  Cuba.  The  Yankee 
soldier  proved  himself  as  full  of  ingenuity  in  overcoming  natural  ob- 
stacles as  he  has  always  shown  himself  equal  to  the  deadliest  dangers. 
The  roads  were  made  passable,  the  bulk  of  the  army  was  within  striking 
distance  within  a  week  of  the  debarkation.  Then  the  vivacity  of  the  sol- 
diers either  anticipated  orders  or  exaggerated  them,  a  series  of  desper- 
ately bloody  combats  went  on  at  every  point  of  impact  with  the  enemy. 
These  were  signalized  by  an  almost  romantic  disregard  of  death,  on  the 
part  of  the  soldiers,  and  an  almost  equal  absence  of  intelligent  directions 
on  the  part  of  the  directing  commander.  The  men  charged  up  artfully 
defended  acclivities,  swarmed  over  barbed  wire  obstructions,  through 
stone  walls,  through  dykes  and  over  earthworks — bent  only  on  pushing 
forward — no  matter  how  invincibly  defended. 

While  "storied  urn  nor  animated  bust"  cannot  bring  back  the  fleeting 
breath,  the  eyesight-ecstasies  of  the  plain  soldier  may  be  accepted  as  in 
ft  senct;  a  mirror  of  the  momentous  crises,  when  bravery  wrought  its  con- 
quest. Sergeant  Oursley  of  the  Third  Regulars,  unconscious  that  he  was 


BATTLE  OF   LA   QUASIXA.  2G3 

to  the  resources  of  scientific  narrative,  charged  his  mind  with  this 
moving  picture  of  the  advance: 

"  At  Daiquiri  we  had  a  little  skirmish  with  a  small  body  of  the  enemy, 
but  it  did  not  amount  to  much.  From  there  we  moved  on  to  Damayo,  where 
the  remainder  of  our  troops  landed.  It  was  as  fine  an  army  as  one  could 
wish  to  see ;  all  of  us  were  of  the  Regular  Army,  except  the  Seventy-first 
New  York,  the  Second  Massachusetts,  and  the  Rough  Riders.  It  was 
rather  tough  on  the  volunteers,  fresh  from  their  offices  and  workshops, 
and  some  of  them  were  overcome  by  the  heat.  It  was  no  uncommon 
sight  to  see  a  man  discarding  his  clothing,  even  his  trousers ;  blankets 
were  strewn  by  the  thousands  all  along  the  line  of  march.  There  is  a 
thick  growth  of  underbrush  and  cacti  and  no  roads,  nothing  except  small 
narrow  and  winding  paths,  so  that  marching  in  line  was  impossible,  and 
we  moved  forward  much  of  the  way  in  single  file.  All  of  the  cavalry 
dismounted,  and  it  is  probably  the  only  country  where  a  cavalry  charge 
could  not  be  effectively  made.  Notwithstanding  all  the  disadvantages, 
however,  our  boys  brought  up  in  line  very  well.  There  is  a  range  of  hills 
along  the  coast,  and  another  just  above  Santiago,  which  runs  at  right 
angles  to  these ;  it  is  upon  these  hills  that  the  Spaniards  have  thrown  up 
their  breastworks  and  where  they  lay  intrenched,  largely  hidden  by  the 
bushes,  shrubs  and  small  palms* 

"  On  the  morning  of  June  24th  the  Rough  Riders  set  out  to  take  up  a 
position  in  advance  of  the  others,  and  in  fact,  ventured  far  out  beyond  the 
skirmish  line.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  those  fellows,  brave  and  fearless  as 
they  are,  and  deserving  of  great  praise  and  credit,  actually  conceived  the 
idea  they  could  take  Santiago,  themselves,  and  then  return  and  tell  the  rest 
of  the  army  how  it  was  done!  They  were  overdaring  and  advanced 
farther  ahead  than  they  were  ordered  to  go.  It  was  about  seven  o'clock 
in  the  morning  when  the  two  forward  troops  were  moving  slowly  ahead, 
that  they  were  suddenly  fired  at  from  one  of  the  outer  trenches,  hidden 
from  view  by  the  underbrush,  where  the  enemy  were  concealed.  They 
were  taken  by  surprise,  but  stood  their  ground  uncommonly  well, 
although  their  relief  was  fully  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  the  rear  and  their 
support  still  further  behind.  Colonel  Wood  and  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Roosevelt  went  at  once  to  the  front  and  were  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight. 
It  is  little  less  than  a  miracle  that  either  escaped  with  his  life.  Roosevelt, 
when  the  first  volley  was  fired,  quickly  dropped  his  sword  and  side  arms, 
and  picking  up  a  rifle  stood  by  the  boys  and  fired  shot  after  shot  with 
them  as  long  as  the  skirmish  lasted.  He  is  idolized  by  his  men,  and  his 
daring  on  that  day  still  further  endeared  him  to  them.  The  two  Ameri- 


THE  FIRST  TO  FALL.  2C< 

can  troops  of  cavalry  had  been  allowed  to  advance  to  withir?  lwfc»,ty  five 
yards  of  the  entrenchments  before  the  Spaniards  fired  their  first  volley, 
and  the  wonder  is  that  at  so  short  a  range,  they  were  not  all  killed.  The 
only  explanation  is,  that  the  Spaniards  all  shoot  high,  and  the  fact  that 
they  are  all  big  cowards.  [But  if  they  were  cowards,  then  there  was  no 
glory  in  conquering  them!]  They  fire  a  volley  and  then  turn  and  mn 
back  to  their  next  intrenchment.  When  they  had  fired  their  first  volley 
at  the  two  troops  of  Rough  Riders  the  Spaniards  moved  to  the  right,  be- 
hind another  line  of  breastworks,  and  began  a  cross-fire  upon  our  men. 

"  It  was  in  this  first  fire  in  their  new  position  that  Captain  Capron  was 
mortally  wounded ;  he  was  the  first  army  officer  to  fall  in  the  Spanish 
war.  Sergeant  Hamilton  Fish  died  first,  for  he  lived  but  ten  minutes 
after  he  was  shot.  While  mortally  wounded  Captain  Capron  supported 
himself  by  placing  his  left  arm,  which  was  shot  in  two  places,  about  a  small 
palm  tree,  and  drawing  his  big  pistol  used  it  with  effect,  killing  or  wound- 
ing a  Spaniard  each  time  he  fired,  so  close  was  the  range !  [How  could 
this  be  verified  ?  ]  Just  before  the  enemy  fled  they  turned  and  fired  a 
volley  at  the  officer  and  he  fell  dead,  with  seven  bullet  wounds  in  his 
body.  The  first  to  come  to  the  relief  of  the  Rough  Riders  were  companies 
from  the  First  and  Ninth  cavalry.  In  all  there  were  not  more  than  nine 
hundred  men,  but  for  one  hour  and  fifty  minutes  they  withstood  the  fire 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  finally  succeeded  in  driving  them,  fully  4,000 
strong,  back  into  the  second  line  of  intrenchments !  Our  company 
reached  the  scene  just  before  the  firing  ceased,  and  none  of  our  men  were 
injured,  although  we  poured  several  volleys  into  the  line  of  the  retreating 
enemy.  We  bore  our  dead  and  wounded  back  to  the  rear,  and  all  of 
those  killed,  except  Captain  Capron,  were  buried  within  a  hundred  yards 
of  where  they  fell  fighting.  In  the  intrenchments  we  found  forty  dead 
Spaniards,  and  half  as  many  more  scattered  a  short  distance  away.  Some 
of  them  died  after  the  firing  had  ceased,  and  were  so  far  beyond  help  that 
we  made  no  attempt  to  do  anything  for  them.  These  we  buried  where 
they  fell,  nearly  sixty  of  them  in  all.  Had  the  Spaniards  been  good 
marksmen,  they  might  have  annihilated  the  whole  division,  so  close  was 
the  range." 

Volumes  have  already  been  written  on  this  episode  and  volumes  will 
still  be  written,  but  Sergeant  Oursley  embalms  the  actualities  of  the 
scene  from  one  point  of  view.  The  squadrons  of  Rough  Riders,  buoy- 
antly heedless  of  the  first  precautions  of  war,  ventured  far  beyond  their 
place  and  were  made  to  pay  a  grievous  penalty.  They  knew  no  fear, 
and  they  met  the  consequences  like  veterans.  That  is  all  that  can  be 


266  SOMEBODY  BLUNDERED. 

said.  It  was  a  plunder.  In  war  a  blunder  is  a  crime.  But  in  this  case 
the  crime  was  condoned,  the  blunderers  were  enshrined  as  heroes.  It  is 
due  however  to  the  directing  folk  of  the  Rough  Riders  and  the  com- 
mander in  charge,  the  sagacious,  cool  headed  and  experimented — to  use 
the  French  word,  eloquent  of  what  I  mean,  General  Wheeler,  to  say,  that 
the  Rough  Riders  had  been  given  minute  orders  in  the  foray.  They 
were,  according  to  the  consign  given  them,  neither  surprised  nor  discom- 
fited by  the  sudden  downpour  of  Spanish  bullets.  They  knew  that  the 
path  was  to  be  contested ;  that  the  Spaniards  would  have  given  upt 
Santiago  itself,  had  they  not  made  known  their  presence  just  where  they 
did.  All  this  may  be  conceded,  it  is  no  doubt  true,  that  the  five  hundred 
Rough  Riders  were  sent  just  as  they  went  and  fought  just  as  they  were 
expected  to,  but,  the  millions  who  fought  in  similar  enterprises  during 
the  Civil  War,  recall  that  wherever  the  enemy  was  expected  to  do  all 
that  an  enemy  should,  clouds  of  skirmishers  were  spread  out  like  the 
tentacles  of  a  colossal  devil  fish,  a  mile  in  front  of  the  main  body — so 
that  when  the  shock  came — only  sparse  groups  could  be  hurt  by  the  first 
volleys.  This,  on  testimony  of  the  most  vehemently  impulsive  of  the 
admirers  of  the  Rough  Riders,  was  not  done.  That  a  mere  handful  of 
these  joyous  troopers  was  made  to  pay  the  reckless  gallantry  of  their  of- 
ficers, is  due  quite  as  much  to  the  impenetrable  veil  of  foliage,  as  the 
ineptitude  of  the  Spaniards — who  of  course  never  dreamed  that  a  sane 
commander  was  entrusting  a  mission  so  formidable  to  so  few  men.  And 
this  incident  illustrates,  what  I  have  recurrently  pointed  out;  that  a 
stupendous  blunder  in  battle,  is  often  as  effective  as  the  most  dazzling 
Napoleonic  conception.  Linares  took  it  for  granted  that,  at  least  a  divi- 
sion of  the  invading  army  was  advancing  on  him  ;  he  took  it  for  granted, 
as  he  was  bound  to  do,  that  the  front  attack  was  but  a  feint,  and  that  his 
flanks  were  in  due  time  to  be  struck  by  the  superior  forces,  his  reconnoi- 
tering  groups  had  seen  pouring  out  tumultuously  from  Sibone)>. 

Hence,  instead  of  cowards,  the  Spanish  column  that  halted  to  force — 
or  as  the  tacticians  say — demask,  the  enemy's  intentions,  were  just  the 
sort  of  men,  a  profoundly  wise  commander  depends  on.  It  would  be  a 
poor  testimony  to  the  sacrifice  and  devotion  of  the  men  who  endured — 
more  than  the  horrors  of  the  Moscow  deroute,  to  charge  the  wretched 
Spaniards  with  cowardice.  Indeed,  one  lively  sentimentalist,  who  was 
present  and  recounts  the  fateful  struggle,  that  won  Santiago,  makes 
lament,  that  he  could  not  have  been  a  Spaniard,  for  to  him  the  sublime 
immolation  of  the  enfeebled  ranks  that  stood  and  died,  in  hunger,  in 
despair,  in  the  lack  of  all  the  incentives  that  make  men  heroic — was  the 


SPANISH    HEROISM. 


267 


most  captivating  role,  known  in  war.  For  while  every  man  in  the  in- 
vading army  knew  that  our  end  would  be  gained,  if  it  took  a  million 
lives,  the  Spaniards  knew  that  no  matter  how  many  assaults  he  repulsed, 
in  the  end  the  flag  of  Spain  must  go  down.  He  knew  that,  no  matter 
how  masterfully  commanded,  no  matter  how  scientifically  administered, 
the  commissariat  and  supply,  the  time  must  come  when  neither  bread  nor 
bullets  would  be  obtainable.  It  was  heroism,  then,  for  the  Spaniards  to 
stand  the  volleys  from  the  determined,  hilarious-jocose  conquerors,  who 
were  really  playing  war  as  they  would  have  played  polo  or  baseball — 
hardly  realizing  the  gravity  of  the  situation — either  in  a  moral  or  mili- 
tary sense. 


FIELD   GUN   CARRIED   BY  MULE. 


PART  II. 

IT  was  not  the  fault  of  the  newspapers,  that  every  man  and  woman, 
every  boy  and  girl  in  the  republic,  were  not  crowded  on  the  sand 
wastes  of  Florida,  on  that  memorable  14th  of  June,  when  the  expedition 
for  the  conquest,  that  as  it  turned  out,  meant  Cuba,  meant  peace. 
For  months,  or  to  be  determinate,  from  the  instant  the  volunteers  gathered 
on  the  sand  dunes  of  the  Florida  peninsula,  the  country  fastened  its  eyes 
on  the  corps, very  much  in  the  "opera  box"  attitude  as  it  seemed  to  the 
European  presses.  To  this  grand  and  trying  tryst  came  the  light  and 
heavy  artillery  of  the  press — to  narrate  the  daily  and  hourly  doings  of  the 
restive  argonauts.  Imposing  hotels  designed  for  the  pleasuring  of  winter 
tourists  had  been  transformed  into  casernes  for  the  keeping  of  the  impos- 
ing army  of  officers,  military  attaches,  historians  and  what  not,  invariably 
found  at  the  decisive  point,  where  mobilizing  armies  take  their  point  of  de- 
parture. The  tawny  coasts,  the  dreary  stretches  of  sand,  the  exotic  foli- 
age of  southern  Florida,  were  in  a  few  weeks  as  well  known  to  the  eager 
kinsmen  of  the  assembled  soldiers,  as  the  White  House  in  Washington  or 
Grant's  Tomb  at  Riverside  Park.  Columns  of  the  writing  called  "pic- 
turesque "  that  would  fill  the  expansive  volumes  of  the  completest  ency- 
clopaedia ever  written,  were  telegraphed  and  mailed  northward  from  day 
to  day,  by  the  brigade  of  novelists,  critics  and  general  litterateurs  im- 
pressed into  the  service  of  the  new  journalism.  In  spite  of  a  censorship, 
smacking  disagreeably  of  old  world  "  methods,"  even  arrogance,  the  people 
to  the  uttermost  ends  of  the  republic  knew  from  day  to  day  the  numbers, 
condition,  the  status  of  the  armada,  concentrated  at  the  most  convenient 
striking  distance  to  Cuba.  The  niinutest  details  of  the  joys  and  sorrows, 
the  plaints  and  pleasures  of  the  waiting  heroes,  were  a  household  tale  in 
the  million  families  where  a  son,  a  brother,  a  husband  or  father,  made  one 
of  the  cherished  crusaders,  dedicated  to  the  cause  of  humanity,  as  de- 
clared by  the  Congress  of  the  republic.  Even  in  the  rhapsodic  roinaunts 
of  the  "fine  writers"  there  were  premonitory  notes  of  jarring,  ominously 
adumbrating  the  dolorous  miscalculations  so  soon  to  be  verified.  There 
was  a  shiver  of  apprehension  when  some  of  the  more  observing  litterateurs 
gave  out  the  note  of  warning,  that  the  machinery  of  moving  the  supplies 
of  the  mass  was  in  hands  not  able  to  handle  the  diverse  instrumentalities 

(269; 


270 


THE  SOLDIERS   EAGER   FOR  ACTION. 


of  the  movement.  The  dazzling  corps  of  political,  social  and  official 
favorites,  entrusted  with  feeding,  speeding  and  safeguarding  the  needs  of 
the  fighters,  were  even  in  the  peaceful  purlieus  of  war,  proving  inade- 
quate to  that  uttermost  of  all  needs — the  commissariat.  Depressing  hints 
of  an  ineffective  medical  train,  inkled  northward  and  lent  new  vigor  to 
the  Red  Cross  activities,  already  supernaturally  zealous  in  its  ministry. 
But  the  note  that  struck  loudest  and  bore  most  encouragingly  upon  the 


25TH   U.   S.   INFANTRY,    (COLORED)   PACKING   UP  IN  A  HUERY. 

country  was  the  feeling  of  the  ranks  for  action.  They  panted  for  war, 
now  that  they  had  outgrown  the  novelty  of  its  forms  and  pageantry.  They 
demanded  the  shock  of  battle,  the  march,  the  tumult  and  glory  of  war.  And 
yet,  when  the  order  was  reluctantly  given  to  Shafter  to  set  out  on  the  14th  of 
June,  the  sixteen  thousand  men  were  not  ready  in  the  sense  that  the 
o:  panizers  of  armies,  the  architects  of  victory  mean  by  ready.  The  troops 


MAJOR-GENERAL  WILLIAM  R.  SHAFTFR. 


ON  THE  TRANSPORTS. 


273 


had  been  sweltering  and  repining  on  the  transports  seven  days,  when  the 
start  was  definitely  made.  Every  man  of  the  cramped  mass  knew  the 
fleet  by  sight :  every  man  invented  a  pastime  to  lull  the  hours  and  cheat 
disease  of  its  prey.  But  within  a  day  of  embarkation, an  army  with  ban- 
ners, could  not  have  been  more  terrible  to  the  imprisoned  host  than  the 
decks  and  deeps  of  the  vessels.  Life  at  sea  is  trying  at  best;  language 
fails  to  describe  its  torments,  when  men  are  packed  together,  leaving 
barely  space  to  stretch  out  in  compact  lines  on  every  superficial  foot  of 
deck  and  cabin.  But  it  was  of  excellent  augury  for  the  metal  of  the  cru- 


TJ.  S.  INFANTRY  EMBARKING  FOR  CUBA. 

saders,  that  Yankee-like,  they  made  these  discomforts  subjects  for  joke, 
the  deprivations,  hilarious  sarcasms.  Yet  historically  this  continent  had 
never  witnessed  a  spectacle  so  imposing  as  the  sweep  of  this  armada  from 
the  Florida  sand  dunes.  It  would  have  well  repaid  a  jo'urney  to  witness, 
for  even  the  facile  pens  of  the  literary  corps, could  not,  like  the  Egyptian 
wizard,  reproduce  from  a  well  of  ink,  the  majestic  panorama  of  the  sea 
pageant,  the  mile  on  mile  of  ships  brilliant  in  color,  animated  by  eager 
forms  moving  in  rhythmic  unison  over  the  opaline  waters,  through  the 
endless  expanse  of  tranquil  sea.  The  head  of  the  fleet  faded  in  the  pur- 
ple mists  of  the  horizon,  while  the  rear  was  emerging  from  the  squalors  of 
Tampa.  As  a  chain  is  only  as  strong  as  its  weakest  link,  a  fleet  of  trans- 
ports is  only  as  swift  as  its  slowest  craft;  hence  the  journey  Cubaward 
15 


274 


AN  IMPOSING  SPECTACLE. 


never  exceeded  seven  miles  an  hour.  Hearts  beat  high  as  the  majestic 
line  moved  in  the  solemnity  of  the  sea,  straight  southward.  Every  soldier 
in  the  armada  had  studied  his  map  of  Cuba,  and  every  man  knew  that  the 
direction  of  the  fleet  must  bring  the  adventurers  to  the  port  of  Havana. 
That  exhilarating  anticipation  made  the  hours  pass  with  inebriating 
swiftness,  for  to  the  most  ardent  that  terminus  meant  battle  in  its  fiercest 
form.  .Night  fell  and  the  pageant  was  eclipsed.  Lights  were  forbidden. 
Under  the  luminous  radiance  of  the  tropic  stars,  the  wondrous  beauty  of 
the  sea  was  still  visible;  the  eager  thousands  hung  over  the  rails  to  note 
what  came  to  pass.  The  borealis  play  of  lightning  that  illuminates  the 
southern  skies  added  to  the  enchanting  mystery  of  the  scene.  The  least 
sentimental  felt  the  glow  of  rapture  the  poets  profess,  over  beauty  so 
perfect,  so  whimsically  in  contrast  with  the  mission  of  the  spectres  speed- 
ing over  the  soft  summer  sea. 


n 


LOADING    SUPPLIES   FOR   THB   EXPEDITION. 

It  required  twenty-four  hours  to  get  the  tail  end  of  the  fleet  on  the 
high  seas,  that  is  far  beyond  the  Florida  Keys,  while  the  head  was  skirt- 
ing Cuban  waters.  Never  had  this  generation  beheld  a  spectacle  so  im- 
posing; even  the  armaments,  though  vast  during  the  civil  war,  Butler's, 
Banks'  and  Burnsides'  did  not  number  so  many  vessels  nor  so  many 
troops,  in  a  single  expedition,  for  besides  the  forty  or  more  vessels  of 


LANDING  THE  ARMY.  275 

transports,  there  was  a  squadron  of  war  ships  to  guard  against  the  possi- 
bility of  attack  by  the  enemy.  The  battleship  Indiana,steamed  far  in 
advance,  the  eye  of  the  armada.  It  was  the  twentieth — the  sixth  day 
from  the  setting  out  at  Tampa,  that  the  ship-worn  thousands  saw  with 
wonder  and  relief,  the  purple  horizon  above  the  waters  of  Santiago. 
Every  man  knew  then  the  secret,  so  resolutely  maintained  during  the 
month  of  waiting  and  the  week  of  sailing.  To  the  Spaniards,  neither  the 
sailing  of  the  fleet,  its  direction  nor  number,  even  its  probable  destination, 
were  a  mystery.  For  as  the  straggling  line  hugged  the  coast,  signal 
after  signal  went  up  from  the  headlands,  and  knowing  the  capacities  of 
the  transports,  the  coming  force  could  be  estimated  to  a  man.  Even  the 
probable  objective  must  have  been  divined, when  the  head  of  the  column 
passed  the  eastern  capes  and  swung  westward  toward  Guantanamo  and 
Sampson's  sentries  before  Santiago.  The  thousands  were  worn  with  con- 
finement; land  never  uprose  more  hospitably  inviting  than  the  serrated 
terraces  that  spread  under  the  eager  eyes  of  impatient  throngs.  Death 
or  glory,  or  both,  lurked  in  the  mysterious  deeps  beyond,  but  at  least  the 
limbs  would  be  free ;  the  hateful  duress  of  the  ship,  the  torturing  sounds 
of  the  machinery,  the  deathly  smells  would  be  gone.  Baiquiri.  the  spot 
chosen  for  disembarkation,  is  a  picture  of  nature  in  its  most  striking  con- 
formation of  mountain,  sky  and  water.  The  hamlet  lurks  furtively  at 
the  base  of  a  mountain  spur,  that  seems  to  rise  sheer  twelve  hundred  feet 
in  the  air.  This  immense  mountain  wall  is  indented  irregularly,  making 
room  for  little  bights,  accessible  to  small  craft.  Streams,  when  there  is 
no  rain,  glide  in  crystal  purity  through  the  wondrous  herbage — kept 
green  by  incessant  rains.  Plateau  and  plain  intermingle  in  quick  succes- 
sion, as  the  land  is  penetrated  inward  and  upward.  To  the  seaworu  sol- 
diers the  whole  range  of  valleys  and  precipice,  cliff  and  plateau,  took  on 
the  reality  of  Robinson  Crusoe's  isle;  for  among  the  glistening  palms  and 
giant  foliage, could  be  seen  cocoannts,  mangoes  and  other  delights  of  the 
parched  stomach.  For  twelve  hours  Shafter's  legions  were  boys  on  a  pic- 
nic, lost  in  the  wonder  and  delight  of  the  embodied  reality  of  lifelong 
dreams.  But  the  haven  of  delight  was  not  easily  attained ;  the  sea  leap- 
ing and  gamboling  on  the  rocky  ledges,  sent  up  veils  and  volleys  of 
spray,  that  drenched  the  lighters,  the  wading  ranks,  the  over  eager  thou- 
sands. Nor  was  the  picture  devoid  of  wonder,  even  to  eyes  accustomed 
to  military  pageantry.  Horses  were  lowered  from  the  lofty  decks  to  the 
water  and  forced  to  swim  landward,  many  of  them  succumbing  to  wave 
and  fright  in  the  short  journey.  On  Wednesday,  June  21st,  the  leading 
division  of  the  fleets  had  disembarked  their  quotas;  as  the  darkness  fell, 


276 


JOY  OF  THE  TROOPS. 


the  vales  and  glades  that  had  been  Arcady  were  nglow  with  campfires,  the 
soldiery  eager  to  "see  more  "  were  impatient  to  plunge  into  the  interior. 
Millions  followed  with  an  interest  tinged  with  anguish,  the  exasperat- 
ingly  inconsequent  reports  of  the  lari'ding  of  the  troops:  the  jpyance 
and  even  jocundities  of  the  men, as  they  met  the  needs  of  an  entirely  un- 
tried undertaking.  It  was  indeed  a  time  of  cheers  and  laughter,as  the 
sixteen  thousand  scrambled  from  the  prisons  the  ships  had  become, 
and  made  for  the  jocund  shore  in  the  shallops  provided  for  the  work. 


LOADING  PACK  MULES  FOR   THE  MARCH. 

That  there  was  any  serious  ordeal  before  them  never  seemed  to  strike  the 
men.  With  the  curious  docility  of  the  soldiery  of  a  republic,  they  in- 
vested the  commanders  with  prescience  and  capacity  to  meet  all  that 
might  be  humanly  prepared  against  them.  Even  the  lack  of  the  commis- 
sariat, irksomely  evident  so  soon  as  the  masses  were  landed,  did  not  sug- 
gest grumbling.  In  the  exhilaration  of  the  novel  it  was  rather  jocose 
raillery  than  the  ill-nature  that  precedes  gloom  and  demoralization.  The 
circumscribed  beach  and  limited  space  of  Daiquiri,  were  soon  overcrowded 
and  then  the  legions  began  to  spread  out — taking  the  form  of  an  advance 


THE  SPANISH  ARMY. 


277 


— unpremeditated  in  the  plan  of  battle.  Hence  it  came  to  pass  that 
skirmishes,  more  or  less  sanguinary,  were  fought  entirely  outside  the  cal- 
culation of  the  commander. 

But  for  that  matter,  there  was  no  need  for  elaborate  strategy.  The 
Spaniards  had  simplified  the  campaign  by  relinquishing  the  landing,  by 
retreat  from  the  imposing  bulwark  nature  provided — the  sixteen  miles  of 
impenetrable  jungle  and  toilsome  bridle  paths,  leading  from  the  sea  ham- 
lets to  the  city  of  Santiago. 


CONFERENCE    BETWEEN    SHAFTEH,    SAMPSON    AND    GARCIA. 

Captain-General  Blanco  had  forewarned  the  republic  that  the  spirit-  of 
the  Cuban  people  was  high  and  proud;  that  if  through  inexhaustible 
wealth  and  unlimited  resources,  the  invading  armies  reached  their  aim, 
the  cost  would  be  so  appalling  that  even  the  republic  would  stand  aghast! 
He  said  and  said  with  truth,  that  he  had  one  of  the  finest  armies  the  con- 
tinent had  ever  held;  not  less  than  two  hundred  thousand  men  in  arms 


278  IN  AN  UNKNOWN  COUNTY. 

stood  ready  to  die  for  Spain  and  the  integrity  of  the  patrie's  conquest. 
Certainly  no  place  could  have  been  better  chosen  than  the  declivitous 
stretch  of  natural  fastnesses  between  the  base  of  Shafter's  army  and  the 
intrenchraents  of  Santiago.  An  enterprising  commander  with  a  dash  of 
originality,  might  have  made  Satiago's  cost  in  blood  as  much  as  the  tak- 
ing of  Havana.  Indeed,  the  taking  of  the  city — with  Cervera's  fleet  in 
the  harbor — was  looked  upon  as  a  more  hazardous  enterprise  than  the 
assault  of  the  capital  itself.  Nor  could  our  cabinet  counsellors  and  men 
versed  in  war,  be  made  to  believe  that  Blanco  was  blind  to  the  possibili- 
ties of  the  campaign.  He  knew  that  Shafter  had  with  him  the  flower  of 
our  army;  and  in  consonance  with  the  hasty  opinions  of  the  educated 
soldier,  the  volunteer  forces  called  into  action  by  proclamation,  were 
hardly  to  be  taken  into  consideration.  Hence  a  reinforcement  of  from 
10,000  to  20,000  promptly  sent  to  Santiago,  as  soon  as  it  was  certain 
Havana  was  not  the  point  aimed  at,  would  have  transferred  the  war  to 
the  eastern  end  of  the  island ;  it  would  have  compelled  a  tedious  halt  in 
the  campaign  ;  would  have  given  the  climate  time  to  work  havoc  with 
our  army  and  so  changed  the  situation,  that  for  a  delusive  moment  Spain 
might  seem  capable  of  coping  with  her  enemy.  But  even  without  a  di- 
version from  Havana — there  were  columns  dispersed  with  a  stupefying 
Disregard  of  sound  military  judgement  that  might  have  made  every 
•nile  fromi  Santiago  to  the  sea  a  sanguinary  battleground.  Even  Gen- 
eral Linares'  force  was  adequate  to  a  step  by  step  contest  from  the  sea — 
over  the  discomfiting  ridges,  the  deadly  chapparal,  the  natural  fortresses, 
the  whole  country  presented  for  such  a  campaign,  for  illustration — as  Jo- 
seph E.  Johnson  fought  in  1864  in  defending  Atlanta. 

It  was  therefore  not  surprising  that  the  Rough  Riders  assumed  that 
where  natural  obstacles  had  been  so  heedlessly  disregarded,  no  Spanish 
soldiery  need  be  looked  for.  In  this  belief — swinging  gaily  over  the 
mountain  wall,  buried  in  forests  of  almost  malignant  obstacles,  they  were 
surprised.  But  again,  the  woeful  ineptitude  of  Spain  saved  us.  A  capa- 
ble chief  anywhere  between  the  first  mountain  ridge  and  Sevilla,  would 
have  made  the  entire  advance  of  the  somewhat  heedless  army,a  slaughter 
— perhaps  a  disaster — changing  the  course  of  the  campaign.  A  jaunty 
disregard  for  the  primary  prudence  of  war,  as  well  as  ignorance  of  first 
principles,  marked  our  conduct  of  the  campaign,  as  well  as  the  action  of 
the  advance. 

The  various  detachments  marched  toward  Santiago  apparently  indif- 
ferent to  any  of  the  safeguards,  always  redoubled  as  the  resistance  of  the 
enemy  becomes  weaker — for  then  there  is  good  reason  to  suspect.  It  was 


SQUAD  FIGHTS. 


279 


due  to  Spanish  negligence,  rather  than  to  the  prevoyance  of  the  com- 
manders of  the  invading  column,  that  every  hillside  was  not  littered  with 
our  dead. 

And  the  army  soon  had  proof  of  this:  not  only  in  the  murderous  sur- 
prise of  the  handful  of  Rough  Riders,  but  in  the  deadly  efficacy  of  the 
primitive  blockhouses  buttressing  rude  intrenehments  and  barbed  wire 


LIME   KILN    CONVERTED    INTO    A   BLOCKHOUSE. 

barricades,  holding  the  charging  columns  suspended  in  the  onrush,  while 
perishing  under  the  withering  flight  of  Mauser  bullets.  From  the  mo- 
ment the  columns  set  out  from  the  sea,  such  fighting  as  went  on  was 
whimsically  like  the  result  of  individual  enterprise,  or  as  the  corre- 
spondents ironically  expressed  it  "squad  fights."  That  is,  bodies  of  men, 
pushing  out  adventurously  and  meeting  opposition,  instead  of  making 


280  THE  REGULARS. 

back  for  the  main  body,as  all  well  organized  campaigning  exacts,  stood 
their  ground  and  held  it  until  other  squads  in  curiosity  or  a  spirit  of  ad- 
venture joined  them  !  This  was  brave,  even  brilliant,  but  it  was  in  no 
sense  war.  A  foeman  of  the  least  address  or  resolution  would  have  cut 
off  every  vestige  of  these  sporadic  forces.  Indeed,  the  contrast  between 
the  determined  resolution  of  the  Spaniards,  when  in  line,  and  their  in- 
comprehensible laggardness  when  every  chance  coveted  by  an  inferior 
force  was  heedlessly  abandoned  to  them,  would  argue  that  the  defence  on 
General  Linares'  part  was  purely  perfunctory.  During  the  Civil  War — 
to  go  no  farther,  we  saw  innumerable  instances  of  forces  vastly  inferior 
to  Linares',  contesting  a  federal  advance  inch  by  inch  and  finally  repulsing 
it  in  disaster.  In  the  Red  River  expedition  in  1864,  General  Banks  under- 
took to  conquer  Shreveport  and  Central  Texas,  by  a  movement  not  un- 
like Shafter's.  His  advance  was  marked  by  nearly  the  same  grotesque 
disdain  of  military  axioms.  He  was  made  to  pay  the  penalty  by  a  defeat, 
that  under  other  circumstances  would  have  imperilled  the  whole  cam- 
paign. But  the  Spaniards  having  relinquished  the  striking  advantage, 
the  Morro  would  have  given  them  in  a  defence  of  the  coast  line,  merely 
"  annoyed  "  the  advance  over  the  hills.  It  was  their  unsystematic  plan 
and  desultory  execution  which  betrayed  Shafter  into  the  final  series  of 
what  for  a  time  looked  like  bloody  repulse,  at  San  Juan  and  El  Caney. 
Indeed — it  is  no  exaggeration,  no  undue  pride  in  our  incomparable  Regu- 
lars, that  impels  the  assertion,  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  inexpugnable 
resolution  of  the  compact  mass  of  Regular  soldiery,  entrusted  with  the 
mission,  Shafter's  movement  would  have  ended  as  Banks'  ended.  From 
the  memorable  exploits  of  Napoleon's  invincible  phalanxes  in  the  first 
Italian  campaign  to  the  most  stirring  of  their  prodigies  at  Ulm  and  Eck- 
muhl,  soldiery  in  action  never  surpassed  the  heroic  resolution,  evinced  by 
General  Lawton's,  Chaffee's  and  Kent's  battalions.  They  stood  in  line  of 
battle,  when  standing  meant  incessant  exposure — swift,  sure  hurt;  they 
maintained  the  perilous  line, taken  when  each  Spaniard  in  front  by  virtue 
of  arms  and  shelter  equalled  ten  of  the  invaders.  They  could  not  be 
moved  by  the  maelstrom  of  death  each  discharge  of  the  murderous  Mausers 
inflicted ;  they  were  as  impassive  in  the  red  glare  of  the  perfectly  directed 
volleys,  as  in  the  breathing  space  afforded  by  the  trenches;  they  stood 
calm,  majestic,  agonizing ;  they  died  and  made  no  outcry ;  they  charged 
and  never  wavered  in  the  alignments,  they  lay  prone  in  the  hideous 
trenches  and  never  for  an  instant  could  it  be  detected  that  they  were  not 
as  terribly  effective  thus  spread  out,  as  in  the  rush  of  the  charge  or  the 
sinister  line  of  battle.  Indeed,  the  Regular  was  to  the  land  combat, what 


THE  INDOMITABLE  MASS.  281 

the  imposing  Texas,  Iowa,  or  Indiana,  were  to  the  fleets — a  mechanism 
so  perfect  that  nothing  but  complete  destruction  could  impair  that  pro- 
digious force.  Against  this  indomitable  mass,  the  Spanish  impetuously 
spent  themselves  in  the  three  days  of  determined  fight  which  brought  the 
campaign  to  an  end.  Now  the  effect  the  Regulars  wrought  upon  the 
enemy  was  not  less  potent  upon  the  volunteers.  Brave,  too  brave,  these 
fine  soldiers,  were;  for  there  is  a  certain  valor  bred  of  lack  of  knowledge 
of  the  danger  one  is  confronting.  When  the  volunteer  masses  looked 
into  the  seething  cauldron  of  fire  and  saw  the  impassive  lines  of  the  Regu- 
lars, it  was  impossible  to  realize  that  death  was  the  penalty  of  the  slightest 
movement.  The  bullets  sang  and  hissed  and  did  their  deadly  work,  but 
it  seemed  normal,  so  long  as  these  imperturbable  figures,  made  head 
against  them,  in  all  the  tranquil  unconcern  of  the  parade  ground.  The 
bullets  struck  them  and  they  fell  quietly.  I  was  about  to  say  decorously, 
but  the  term  hardly  befits  that  final  sacrifice,  the  brave  make  for  their 
country.  Had  the  defenders  of  Santiago  possessed  a  genius  like  Napoleon 
to  lead,  or  an  army  like  Massena's  to  resist,  the  qualities  shown  by  our 
Regulars,  in  the  storm  and  stress  of  El  Caney  and  San  Juan,  would  have 
defeated  both.  This  is  claiming  a  great  deal ;  but  when  the  action  is 
studied,  when  the  corroborating  facts  and  details  are  compared,  no  mind 
imbued  with  the  real  business  of  soldiery  will  question  the  assertion.  If 
fine  soldiery  is  a  fine  thing,  this  republic  has  perhaps  as  redoubtable  a 
phalanx  as  can  be  found  organized  in  war.  But  during  the  three  or  four 
crucial  days  of  the  advance,  when  the  Santiago  shrubberies  were  sinister 
with  slaughter,  when  the  pens  that  command  vivid  phrases  were  pictur- 
ing the  deeds  of  the  day  to  the  poignantly  attentive  millions,  it  would 
never  have  been  suspected  that  the  strong  rock  of  our  reliance,  the  sure, 
the  indomitable  instrument  of  victory,  was  the  thin  but  invincible  bul- 
wark of  disciplined  valor,  making  so  little  of  the  worst  that  befalls  the 
soldier,  that  the  untrained  historians,  seeing  no  signs  of  fear,  overlooked 
the  fact  that  terror  was  the  garment  that  covered  all. 

Once  the  small  army  was  distributed  for  its  work,  the  plan  of  cam- 
paign, simple  enough  from  the  disposition  of  the  Spanish  leader's  limita- 
tions, went  on  with  definite  finality.  Each  version  of  the  advance  differs 
according  to  the  relations  and  partialities  of  the  recording  scribe.  The 
Rough  Riders  and  certain  New  York  regiments  might  be  supposed  to 
have  decided  the  fortunes  of  the  event,  by  heroic  dash  and  omnipresent 
utility.  Never  was  a  small  army  so  abundantly  provided  with  historians. 
The  affluent  journals  of  most  of  the  large  cities  were  deluged  with  points 
of  view  from  every  regimental  headquarters.  Each  of  these  active  ob- 


282  DIFFICULTIES  IN  THE  WAY. 

servers  saw  with  an  eye  trained  to  effect.  The  campaign  in  front  of  Se- 
vastopol evoked  no  more  diversity  of  unbridled  eulogy  or  acrimonious 
commentary. 

In  some  of  the  narratives,  the  republic  was  made  to  gloat  over  the  al- 
most jocose  dare-deviltry  of  various  favorite  divisions ;  others  were  painted 
as  restrained  from  something  like  disaffection,  only  by  pride  of  organiza- 
tion or  state  jealousy. 

General  Shafter  was  bodied  forth  alternately  as  cowering  in  his  tent  far 
in  the  rear,  ignoring  all  that  was  going  on ;  bewildering  the  war  junta  in 
Washington  by  clamor  for  reinforcements,  or  stolidly  forcing  forward  his 
inadequate  forces  to  gain  the  cheap  renown  of  a  Fourth  of  July  conquest. 
This  diversity  of  tone  extended  to  the  uttermost  detail  of  organization. 
It  was  clamorously  set  forth  that  the  provision  for  the  nourishment  of  the 
harassed  ranks  was  derisory;  that  within  au  hour  of  the  fleets  and  transports, 
within  twenty-four  hours'  sail  of  New  York,  the  sweltering,  the  maimed 
and  the  halt  were  on  half  rations.  And  in  the  dire  hour  of  death,  when 
the  Mauser  was  mowing  down  the  onrushing  and  misled  ranks,  there  were 
no  provisions  for  the  wounded;  no  surgeons,  no  tents,  no  medicine,  in 
anything  like  reasonable  proportions.  One  surgeon  to  a  regiment  was 
the  rule  during  the  carnage  at  San  Juan  and  El  Caney.  Ten  minutes  to 
an  operation,  the  amputation  of  a  limb,  or  even  the  more  serious  attempts 
that  surgeons  now  undertake,  in  the  very  crisis  of  battle,  was  the  allotted 
space.  Surgeons  wrought  among  the  mangled,  and  fell  fainting  in  the 
pestilential  air;  the  wounded  ranged  in  helpless  prostration,  like  cattle 
in  a  slaughter  pen,  waiting  their  turns,  from  early  morning  until  the  mer- 
ciful darkness  fell  with  the  dewy  coolness  of  the  tropic  clime. 

These  painful  disclosures  were  made  all  over  the  battlefield,  and  so  circum- 
stantially corroborated,  that  the  charge  cannot  be  disputed.  Even  in  the 
comparatively  facile  affair  of  removing  the  wounded  who  reached  the  sea, 
the  lugubrious  tale  of  mingled  inefficiency  and  peculation  found  more 
sinister  material ;  the  transports  allotted  the  wounded  were  unfit  for  them. 
The  able  bodied  and  influential  were  awarded  the  comfortable  quarters, 
while  the  mutilated  and  helpless  fared  as  they  could. 

Held  by  the  arms  of  the  sea  as  in  a  trap,  General  Linares,  the  Spanish 
commander  of  the  Santiago  district,  from  the  first,  was  under  no  illusion 
as  to  his  fate.  He  had  no  food,  little  ammunition,  and  few  or  none  of  the 
military  appliances  essential  to  the  defence  of  the  vital  points  which,  if 
adequately  armed  in  time,  might  have  made  the  capture  of  Santiago  quite 
as  formidable  an  undertaking  as  Havana  was  generally  admitted  to  be. 
Above  all,  the  unfortunate  Spanish  commander  had  an  army,  which,  if  not 


CONDITION  OF  THE  SPANISH  ARMY.  283 

exactly  mutinous,  was  destitute  of  that  buoyant  spirit  which  nerves  men 
to  dare,  no  matter  how  weighted  the  chances  against  them.  And  in  truth, 
as  the  Spanish  army  found  itself,  or  rather  as  General  Shafter  found  it, 
its  destruction  ought  to  have  followed  the  first  impact  with  our  soldiery. 
But  what  we  now  know  of  the  Spanish  commander's  miserable  predica- 
ment General  Shafter  did  not  know,  when  his  buoyant  battalions  spread 
themselves  onward  out  of  his  reach  and  set  about  the  capture  of  the  city 
by  a  coup-de-main.  This  indeed  is  the  story  of  the  ten  days'  maneuver- 
ing and  combat  which  finally  ended  in  the  breakdown  of  the  Spanish  de- 
fenses. It  is,  however,  a  misuse  of  the  term,  as  ordinarily  understood  in 
military  parlance,  to  speak  of  the  sporadic  combats  and  the  bewildered 
movements  as  an  advance  or  a  siege.  The  presence  of  a  group  of  guer- 
rillas in  the  thick  undergrowth,  the  ominous  whirring  and  whizzing  of  the 
repeating  Mauser,  seemed  to  the  excited  imagination  of  the  volunteers, 
the  fire  and  fury  of  war  at  its  gravest.  Even  such  reports  as  came  from 
the  regimental  brigade  and  division  commanders,  evidenced  a  sort  of  na»ve 
surprise  that  real  war  permitted  of  such  disorderly  disturbances  of  regi- 
mental formation,  as  the  successive  but  half-hearted  ambuscades  presented. 
It  is  within  bounds  to  say  that  there  was  more  soul-stirring  narrative 
of  the  sort  called  "thrilling,"  for  the  casual  encounter  of  Colonel  Roose- 
velt's rough  riders,  than  was  written  for  the  battles  of  Antietam,  Fit-d- 
ericksburg  or  Gettysburg.  Successful  ambuscades,  at  points  where  pru- 
dent military  judgment  would  have  foreseen  just  such  encounters,  gave 
the  semblance  of  war  to  the  movement  of  investment  which,  it  must  lie 
owned,  delighted  a  large  majority  of  the  volunteers,  for  it  gave  them  just 
the  sensation  that  youthful  ardor  covets.  But  among  the  more  wary,  the 
fifth  day  of  the  advance,  when  Shafter's  army  stretched  in  a  long  and 
precarious  line  from,  what  may  be  called  the  extreme  left  of  the  Spaniards 
at  El  Caney,  to  their  extreme  right  at  El  Morro  or  Aguadores,  a  distance 
of  eight  miles,  was  filled  with  the  gloom  of  an  apprehension,  which  in  the 
cold  light  of  subsequent  facts  seems  grotesque.  Sinister  prophecies  of  an 
Adowah  trap, wherein  General  Shafter  was  to  meet  the  fate  that  the  Abvs- 
sinians  visited  upon  the  Italians,  were  whispered  under  the  breath,  even  l»y 
the  most  daring.  For  it  was  covertly  declared  that  the  ma'rch  from  Agna- 
<lores  and  Baiquiri  to  Sevilla,  was  an  almost  wanton  invitation  to  the  en- 
terprise of  some  obscure  Spanish  Moseby,  Stonewall  Jackson  or  Jeb.  Stew- 
art. Indeed,  there  was  not  an  hour  from  the  landing  of  Shafter's  sixteen 
thousand,  until  the  moment  the  wretched  Toral  handed  over  his  cartel, 
that  a  sanely  led  diversion  to  our  flank  or  rear,  would  not  have  withered 
the  army  as  a  strong  sunshine  on  new  snow. 


284  UNPLEASANT  PREDICTIONS. 

Not  that  the  march  was  too  fast,  nor  the  seizure  of  the  various  points 
misjudged,  but  that  isolated  regiments  were  thrown  forward  beyond 
available  touch  with  their  supports;  above  all  because  this  extraordinary 
army  adventured  itself  far  beyond  the  guns  of  the  fleet,  without  a  single 
piece  of  artillery  to  defend  itself,  in  the  event  of  a  strong  attack  on  any 
given  point.  In  war  at  least,  if  not  in  rnorals,the  end  justifies  the  means. 
It  may  be  that  General  Shafter  knowing  from  secret  sources  the  ex- 
hausted, supine  and  unfit  condition  of  his  enemy,  felt  that  the  ordinary 
precautions  of  war  were  a  waste  of  time.  Nothing  else  can  explain  the 
thrusting  of  his  grotesquely  inadequate  forces  beyond  the  range  of  instant 
reinforcements.  But  what  seemed  more  inexplicable  than  all  this  happy- 
go-lucky  improvidence,  was  the  persistent  disregard  of  that  most  vital  of 
all  elements  to  a  fighting  column,  victualling  and  shelter.  Napoleon  in 
his  most  daring  ventures,  when  in  his  first  Italian  campaign  as  he  jocosely 
declared:  "The  army  moved  on  its  boots  and  its  belly,"  never  ventured 
to  let  the  cry  of  hunger  be  heard,  no  matter  what  the  peril  to  his  compli- 
cated combinations. 

Yet  the  intrepid  bands  who  found  themselves  in  possession  of  the  ad- 
vanced line,  and  for  days  none  of  them  knew  how,  fell  in  the  sticky 
morasses  and  mountain  mud,  bent  under  dripping  branches,  or  packed 
themselves  together  for  vital  warmth,  with  not  even  the  sustenance  of  a 
hardtack. 

We  have  drunk  so  deeply  of  the  glory,  inebriated  ourselves  so  inex- 
haustibly in  the  panegyrics  of  what  our  army  did,  that  it  is  wise,  even  es- 
sential that  we  should  know  that  even  the  daring  of  the  republic's  sol- 
diers cannot  be  placed  in  comparison  beside  their  constancy,  and  that 
nameless  something,  which  makes  a  man  trebly  a  soldier  when  he  pos- 
sesses it.  This,  when  the  last  word  is  spoken  on  the  Santiago  campaign 
will  be  the  peculiar  trait  the  military  critic  must  signalize  as  the  differ- 
entiating distinction  of  our  volunteers,  as  compared  with  the  perfunctor- 
ily drilled  mechanisms  that  make  up  the  old  world  battalions.  Nor  is  it 
without  signification,  to  keep  in  mind  that  none  of  the  prerequisite  engi- 
neering details  obligatory  upon  the  armies  marching  in  an  enemy's  coun- 
try, seem  to  have  been  thought  of.  The  men  who  were  launched  out 
under  the  shower  of  Mauser  bullets  were  likewise  the  builders  of  bridge 
and  road,  of  abbatis  breastwork  and  trench. 

Apparently  the  guiding  mind  of  the  United  States  army  was  appre- 
hensive that  the  Spanish  commander  would, on  the  mere  apparition  of  the 
Tampa  army,  sacrifice  the  city  and  carry  his  garrison  to  swell  the  forces 
of  the  Captain-General  northwestward.  Hence,  having  secured  the  iso- 


HOW  THE  CAMPAIGN  WAS  FOUGHT.  286 

lated  advanced  post  of  Siboney,  he  spread  a  thin  line  to  the  northwest- 
ward in  order  to  shut  the  beleaguered  garrison  in,  or  to  at  least  make  it 
impossible  for  any  considerable  number  to  march  out  before  the  besiegers 
could  make  themselves  felt  in  sufficient  force  to  check  the  exodus. 

It  was  these  columns  which  brought  on  the  fitful  and  momentarily 
fierce  combats  of  San  Juan  hill  and  El  Caney.  Our  thin  line  on  attain- 
ing within  five  miles  of  Santiago,  on  the  northwest  and  a  proportionate 
distance  from  the  arm  of  the  sea,  which  forms  the  bay  southward  to 
Aguadores,  could  see  no  Spanish  line,  could  discern  no  troops,  but  for  an 
instant  felt  the  sting  of  the  Mausers  and  at  certain  points,  the  deadly  ex- 
plosions of  artillery.  It  was  the  very  intelligence  of  our  soldiery  that 
made  the  situation  difficult.  For  every  man  could  see,  even  though  de- 
void of  military  training,  that  with  anything  like  equal  force,  the  de- 
fenders, on  such  terrain,  could  hold  ten  times,  yes,  a  hundred  times  their 
own  numbers  at  bay. 

With  characteristic  nonchalance  too,  the  majority  of  the  regiments  de- 
cided their  own  plan  of  operations  ;  fixed  the  date  of  assault  and  sur- 
render for  the  republic's,  birthday,  the  fourth  of  July  !     No  official  man- 
date had  gone  out  to  that   effect,  but  it  is  perfectly  obvious  from  tlm 
strenuous   onrush   of  isolated   regiments   and   brigades,  that  each  com' 
mander  secretly  determined  to  signalize  his  force  by  a  triumph  on  Inde 
pendence  Day.     It  is  not  unlikely  that  General  Shafter  had  this  whimsf 
cally  laudable  purpose  in  his  own  mind.     It  is  the  only  admissible  con 
jecture  of  what  would  otherwise  have  been  a  criminal  adventure. 

But  ill  as  the  Spaniards  were  prepared  and  desultory  as  their  onsets,  it 
was  seen  that  the  shrewdly  planted  lines  of  blockhouses  and  the  murder 
ous  entanglements  of  barbed  wire  masking  ditches  and  other  not  badly 
conceived  impediments,  forced  a  recourse  to  the  orderly  appliances  oi 
siege  operations.  The  heavy  guns  capable  of  knocking  down  blockhouses 
and  demolishing  the  defences,  could  alone  be  depended  upon  to  make  the 
advance  of  soldiery  possible  without  slaughter,  criminally  out  of  propor- 
tion with  the  end  to  be  achieved.  It  was  fully  four  days  after  the  heads 
of  columns, which  may  be  called  squadrons  of  discovery,  reached  the  de- 
cisive points  of  defence,  that  a  few  straggling  guns  were  fyeard  near  the 
strong  point  of  El  Caney  and  the  hill  of  San  Juan.  The  flower  of  the 
army,  its  strong  rock  of  defence,  in  fact,  seven  regiments  of  regulars, 
reached  the  crucial  point  on  the  extreme  right,  the  Malakoff  as  one  might 
call  it,  in  a  small  way,  of  the  situation,  after  an  all-night  march,  foodless 
but  unimpairably  ready.  It  tells  most  eloquently  the  difficulties  of  the 
woodland  march,  the  mountain  impasses,  the  roaring  streams,  the  impene- 


286  THE  FLOWER  OF  THE   ARMY. 

trable  paths,  that  a  large  percentage  of  these  men,  who  had  battled  the 
Indians  in  the  West,  had  dropped  exhausted  in  their  tracks  and  were 
reported  for  twenty-four  hours  at  least,  as  stragglers.  Nor  is  it  without 
its  significance  that  the  line  when  rushed  into  order  for  battle,  was  found 
so  mixed  up,  that  stragglers  from  one  regiment  were  found  in  bewildered 
groups  searching  for  some  place  to  fight,  unable  to  find  their  own  com- 
mands. 

As  the  outcome  proved,  General  Shafter's  objective  fulfilled  the  first 
maxim  of  sound  military  tactics ;  to  meet  and  beat  the  enemy  wherever 
his  loss  would  be  greatest,  and  the  consequences  most  decisive  to  the  as- 
sailant. Santiago  was  a  double  prize.  It  was  the  eastern  centre  of  the 
defences  of  Cuba;  it  was  only  second  to  Havana  as  a  defensive  point,  and 
with  Cervera's  fleet  locked  in  its  harbor,  it  was  of  even  more  value  to  our 
forces  than  the  Cuban  capital  itself. 

It  is  one  of  the  universal  reflections  suggested  by  the  war,  that  there 
was  hardly  a  man  in  the  ranks  who  did  not  appreciate  the  strategic  value 
of  the  place,  so  soon  as  the  vast  armada  of  transports  came  to  a  pause 
within  sight  of  the  threatening  walls  of  the  Morro.  But  more  than  this, 
there  was  not  a  man  in  the  16,000,  who  was  not  in  a  primary  sense  an 
educated  man.  From  the  General  down,  the  history  and  associations  of 
the  beleaguered  city,added  to  the  zest  of  a  young  soldiery's  first  attempt 
at  war. 

Santiago  had  been  the  scene  of  Columbus'  ministry,  it  had  been  the 
home  of  that  great  group  of  conquistadores  who  had  made  Spain  famous. 
It  had  something  of  the  effect  on  the  imaginations  of  the  men,  that  Jaffa 
and  the  oriental  strong  places,  produced  upon  the  young  warriors  of 
Napoleon,  when  he  invaded  Egypt.  Santiago  was  to  all  Spaniards,  as 
well  as  all  Cubans  in  a  sense,  the  Sacred  City — St.  James  of  Cuba. 

Huddled  in  the  contracted  fashion  which  the  Spaniards  adopted  from 
the  Moors,  the  city  itself  would  not  meet  the  expectations  of  those  accus- 
tomed to  our  wide  streets,  our  vernal  alleys,  our  abounding  parks  and 
vast  suburban  residence  quarters.  Nature,  however,  framed  it  in  an 
environment  of  ineffaceable  beauty.  Lapped  by  the  waters  of  the  bay  on 
its  front,  its  outskirts  mingled  with  the  sensuous  foliage  of  the  tropic 
plateaus.  The  mystery  and  enchantment  of  four  hundred  years  of  the 
unknown,  or  vaguely  known,  aided  the  fancies  of  the  invaders,  and  to 
some  extent  relieved  them  of  the  oppression  of  the  intolerable  surround- 
ings met  the  instant  they  disembarked.  Every  detail  of  the  disembarka- 
tion was  known  from  Buenos  Ayres  to  St.  Petersburg  almost  an  hour 
after  its  happening.  Never  probably  in  war  was  a  contest  of  what  was  at 


THE  CITY  OF  SANTIAGO.  287 

best  but  of  secondary  magnitude,  watched  with  an  interest  so  thrillingly 
absorbing  as  that  which  centered  itself  upon  Shafter's  slender  column, 
whose  work  virtually  ended  the  war. 

It  was  dimly  felt  throughout  the  country,  so  soon  as  the  first  despatches 
were  read  announcing  the  difficulties  of  the  country  between  the  landing 
and  the  city,  that  the  hosts  cantoned  at  Chickamauga  and  a  score  more  of 
rendezvous  in  the  republic  would  have  been  more  wisely  employed  in 
making  the  invading  column  irresistible.  For  almost  from  the  instant  of 
landing,  until  the  ominous  reports  of  Shafter's  uneasiness  reached  the 
country,  it  was  clear  that  the  forces  were  not  adequate  to  the  conquest  of 
the  city,  if  the  Spaniards  showed  anything  of  the  resolution  and  heroism 
of  their  ancestors  at  Saragossa. 

The  Havana  and  Madrid  presses  had  confidently  assured  the  world 
that  the  Yankees  should  meet  before  the  walls  of  the  Sacred  City  of  St. 
James,  the  fate  that  befell  Napoleon's  legions  at  the  hands  of  Palafox  and 
the  Joan  qf  Arc,  who  made  the  name  of  Saragossa  renowned  as  an 
example  of  what  a  people  can  do,  when  determined  to  defend  their  hearth- 
stones. Now,  in  spite  of  their  jaunty  confidence  and  inexpugnable  thirst 
for  adventure,  something  of  these  admonitions  fell  upon  our  adventurous 
legions,  as  the  indescribable  difficulties  of  the  march  began.  For  to  the 
torments  of  a  roadless  mountain  side  broken  by  gulleys  and  defended 
more  cunningly  by  nature  than  the  art  of  man  could  devise,  there  uprose 
dense  and  fairly  impenetrable  chevaux-de  frise  of  thorny  plants,  so  stiff 
and  obstinate  that  an  ordinary  scythe,  or  any  of  the  appliances  of  the  hus- 
bandman, made  but  faint  impression  upon  them.  Add  to  this  a  sun 
scorching  in  the  intensity  of  its  rays  and  never  clouded  from  its  rising  till 
its  going  down,  superadd  to  this,  almost  regularly  of  an  afternoon,  a 
downpour  of  rain  which  transformed  the  clayey  soil  into  a  stickiness  that 
made  lifting  the  feet  the  labor  of  a  Hercules. 

Before  the  armies  quit  their  camps  in  the  Union,  an  elaborate  series  of 
instructions  had  been  given  each  soldier  providing  for  his  welfare  in  the 
new  conditions  he  was  about  to  face.  First  of  these  was,  that  no  water 
was  to  be  used  without  boiling.  And  in  keeping  with  other  short-com- 
ings, brought  to  light  by  the  very  first  manoeuver,  it  was  found  that  the 
soldier's  kit  was  unprovided  with  the  means  of  heating,  even  had  the  con- 
ditions been  favorable.  Luck,  however,  was  the  god  ruling  the  planet  of 
our  armies,  as  well  as  our  navies.  For  almost  every  road  of  the  mountain 
side  was  broken  by  rivulets  of  clear  pellucid  water,  refreshing  as  nectar 
to  the  sweltering  legions  as  they  toiled  painfully  upward  and  onward. 

It  was  recommended  to  the  legions  too,  that  they  should  never  sleep 


288 


THE  CAMPS. 


upon  the  ground  and  this  admonition  soon  became  the  derisive  byword 
of  the  maltreated  ranks,  stretched  for  miles  on  the  soaking  grass  or  in  the 
muddy  tracks  of  the  column  itself,  as  it  advanced.  It  is  very  doubtful 
whether  a  single  man  in  expedition  was  wholly  dry  at  any  time  from  the 
moment  the  march  began,  until  the  gates  of  Santiago  opened  in  surrender. 
The  Cuban  contingent,  while  unprovided  with  clothing  and  destitute 
of  arms,  never  failed  to  have  its  hammock,  and  while  the  men  who  did 
the  fighting  burrowed  in  the  mud  and  under  the  dripping  foliage,  the 


REGIMENTAL   COMMISSARY  TENT. 

Cubans  were  at  ease,  swinging  from  the  trees  in  aerial  beds.  Some  of  the 
complaints  sounded  with  shrillness  by  the  correspondents,  were  indicative 
of  the  naive  ignorance  of  the  men  that  made  them,  and  the  soldiery  who 
endured  them.  It  was  held  a  great  hardship  that  there  should  be  nothing 
to  eat  but  "hard  tack"  and  salt  meat.  Yet  during  the  Civil  War,  the 
two  million  and  more  of  men  who  fought  between  1861  and  1865,  never 
dreamed  of  anything  better,  save  when  in  camp  and  far  from  the  battle- 
field. The  strategists  of  the  campaign,  however,  had  overlooked  the  ne- 
cessity of  having  this  simple  food  in  abundance,  and  within  reach,  for,  as 
there  were  no  roads,  no  vehicles  were  at  hand  to  accumulate  stores  at 
such  points  as  the  heads  of  columns  were  directed  to. 


MA 


PART  III. 


r<  ENERAL  YOUNG  was  despatched  from  the  base  at  Baiquiri  first. 
\J[  He  was  to  have  had  a  strong  corps,  but  the  precipitancy  of  his 
march  and  the  impassibility  of  the  roads  forced  him  to  do  the  brunt  of 
the  fighting  with  the  brigade  of  Regulars,  the  Rough  Riders  and  the 
Second  Massachusetts.  This  march  to  the  north  and  east  of  Santiago  was 

determined  upon,  in  order  to  separate 
General  Linares'  army  from  an  auxiliary 
force  of  7,000  at  Guantanamo — to  the  east- 
ward. It  also  provided  for  an  ultimate 
enfolding  of  the  north  and  west  de- 
bouches from  the  beleaguered  city,  as 
well  as  the  prevention  of  reinforcements 
threatened  from  places  to  the  north  and 
west.  The  cavalry  had  no  horses,  nor 
could  they  use  them  if  they  had;  the 
officers  of  all  ranks  were  likewise  dis- 
•Mt  mounted  during  the  earlier  stages  of  the 
march.  But  it  is  a  misuse  of  words  to 
call  the  advancing  movement  a  march. 
The  troops  were  really  more  in  the  pre- 
dicament of  Alpine  climbers,  or  bushmen 
compelled  to  slash  their  way  through  the  impenetrable  wall  of  obstinate 
growth  spreading  out  of  gulch  sides  and  rock-ribbed  juttings,  where  nature 
had  played  her  wildest  volcanic  pranks  at  some  unknown  seismic  epoch. 

"Altares,"  is  the  name  given  by  the  Cubans  to  the  corrugated  fretwork 
of  ridges  that  break  up  the  country  into  territory  adapted  more  for  the 
passage  of  birds  of  the  air,  than  man  or  beast.  While  not  precisely  like 
the  famous  lava  bed  lands  on  which  General  Canby  fought  thirty  years 
ago,  in  Oregon,  the  veterans  among  the  Regulars,  who  made  the  journey 
from  Siboney  to  the  gates  of  Santiago,  saw  a  painful  resemblance.  Now 
when  the  land  itself  uprose  in  forbidding  obstinacy,  the  Spaniards  began 
the  defence  which  they  declined  at  the  seashore.  That  the  invaders  made 
headway,  is  the  extraordinary  part  of  this  extraordinary  campaign  ;  for  in 
answering  the  well-studied  volleys  from  unseen  sources,  our  toiling  masses 
were  forced  to  take  aim  at  an  angle  of  almost  fo^tvflve  degrees,  almost 
16  (291) 


GENERAL   LINARES. 


292  THE  BATTLE  OF   SEVILLA. 

vertically  in  the  air.  But  quite  as  trying  as  this,  in  fact  immeasurably 
more  arduous  to  limb  and  brain,  was  the  labor  of  dragging  the  body  up 
what  was  in  effect  sheer  declivity,  in  many  parts  of  the  advance.  More 
depressing  even  than  the  implacable  resistance  of  earth  and  wood,  there 
was  no  sign  either  by  traveled  wood  paths  or  cursory  openings,  that  the 
immense  mountainous  circumvallation  ended  anywhere.  It  shut  in  the 
horizon  completely ;  the  most  vivid  fancy  could  conceive  no  city  in  the 
abysmal  deeps  of  this  rugged  nature.  But  the  maps,  liberally  supplied 
the  ranks,  showed  El  Caney,  San  Juan  and  other  inhabited  hamlets,  at 
•points  of  vantage  for  the  assault  upon  Santiago,  as  well  as  excellent  bul- 
warks for  a  capable  line  of  defence. 

The  Rough  Riders  debouched  through  the  density  of  the  wood  upon 
what  was  called  the  "  hog  back  "  and  on  reaching  that  fateful  plateau, 
seared  with  fissures  and  bristling  with  chapparal,  found  themselves  en- 
filaded by  an  unseen  enemy.  The  hilarious  Riders,  on  foot,  were  caracol- 
ing through  the  thorny  way,  enlivening  the  solemn  stillness  of  the  woods 
by  the  jocosities  that  seem  part  of  the  exuberance  of  our  diversely  mixed 
blood,  during  hours  of  danger.  The  narratives  of  French  troops  in 
action  from  the  revolutionary  epopee  until  Waterloo,  dwell  on  the 
"  gaiete  Francaise."  This  was  the  wear  of  the  soldiery,  all  through  the 
Santiago  campaign.  Whether  things  were  going  well  or  ill,  whether  the 
rations  were  scant  or  abundant,  you  might  hear  from  end  to  end  of  the 
line,  mingled  with  more  sinister  exclamations,  the  grotesque  humors  and 
fanciful  slang,  that  expresses  the  joviality  of  good  nature,  good  humor 
and  that  semi  serious  levity,  which  it  is  so  difficult  for  other  peoples  to 
comprehend.  For  a  breathless  half  hour,  death  was  the  chorus  to  the 
Rough  Riders'  jokes.  A  score  of  the  light-hearted  merry-makers  was 
stretched  quivering  or  silent  on  the  palpitating  sward,  for  the  heat  was 
so  intense  that  the  very  earth  seemed  to  rise  and  fall  as  it  exhaled  the 
hot,  pungent  odors  of  the  dank,  decaying  vegetation.  It  was  here,  and  at 
this  time,  that  young  Hamilton  Fish  fell ;  that  the  journalist  Marshall 
intrepidly  venturing  to  "get  all  the  news,"  reeled  to  the  earth  fairly 
riddled  with  Mauser  balls.  But  though  the  first  reports  represented  this 
episode  as  something  of  an  unauthorized  escapade  on  the  part  of  the 
Riders,  it  was  really  part  of  General  Young's  scheme  to  seize  the  outlying 
points,  commanding  the  Santiago  entrenchments. 

By  a  road  somewhat  easier  than  that  which  fell  to  the  Roosevelt  com- 
panies, General  Young  reached  a  point  parallel,  and  forced  the  enemy  to 
rush  backward  to  the  blockhouses  of  Sevilla.  These  were  perched  far 
above  the  "hog  back";  to  attain  them  the  Regulars,  patient  as  pack 


A  SERIOUS  DILEMMA.  293 

horses,  were  forced  to  use  hands,  and  in  some  cases  men  vve^re  seen  holding 
overhanging  branches  in  their  teeth,  to  steady  themselves  for  an  upward 
lunge.  The  observant  army  officers  set  it  down  that  the  climb  was 
never  at  less  than  an  angle  of  thirty  degrees,  and  often  forty.  But  when 
death  had  taken  its  tale;  when  the  herculean  climb  had  ended,  a 
paradisaic  vision  rewarded  the  astonished  column.  Spreading  far  away 
on  every  hand,  far  as  the  enraptured  eyes  could  follow,  on  the  vast 


BLOCKHOUSE    AT   SEVILLA. 

plateau,  the  villas,  haciendas,  homesteads,  of  the  Santiago's  well-to-do, 
glimmered  and  glistened  like  friendly  monitors.  But  the  promises  to 
the  hope  were  broken  to  the  heart,  for  the  gay  walls  and  enchanting 
gardens  were  broken  and  in  ruins  ;  wild  plants,  of  inconceivably  luxuriant 
growth,  covered  paths,  once  symmetrical  and  solacing ;  walls  once  gay 
with  the  hues  the  natives  love  to  employ  in  decoration,  were  mere 
mosques  of  paved  elegance.  For  years  the  marauders  of  the  "  patriot " 
army  have  made  these  homes  of  ease  and  leisure,  tenantless.  The  lizard 


294  ON  TO  EL  CANEY. 

and  the  wild  fowl  perch  where  music  and  laughter  once  resounded.  The 
cost  of  this  vision,  the  conquest  of  the  plateau  was  heavy,  the  action  is 
known  as  the  battle  of  Sevilla,  June  24th. 

Meanwhile,  the  army  was  still  crawling,  clambering  and  fighting  onward 
from  the  seashore,  in  paths  still  further  to  the  northwest,  aiming  at  the 
furthermost  bastion  of  Santiago,  El  Caney  and  San  Juan.  Sevilla  was  in 
a  direct  line  not  more  than  three  miles,  but  these  three  miles  took  the  ex- 
hausted soldiery  from  eight  hundred  to  a  thousand  feet  above  the  starting 
point.  El  Caney  is  six  miles  from  Sevilla,  and  the  army  had  no  sooner 
clutched  the  vantage,  than  it  was  obvious  to  the  group  in  command  that 
the  advance  must  be  instant  or  the  army  would  be  endangered.  But  the 
very  completeness  of  the  clutch  on  Sevilla,  added  to  the  mountain  of 
difficulties  that  discovered  themselves,  curiously  enough,  only  as  the 
troops  advanced.  For  food  and  supplies  vitally  essential  to  the  army  and 
the  guns,  could  not  be  hoped  for  in  time  to  put  the  men  in  shape  for  an 
advance,  or  what  was  still  more  probable,  a  massed  attack  from  the  Span- 
iards, whose  lines  grew  ominously  closer  and  more  compact,  as  they  were 
driven  backward.  To  add  to  the  torments  of  the  time,  a  series  of  rain- 
storms poured  down,  and  the  soil  where  exposed  to  the  sun  became  like 
partly  dissolved  bricks.  Every  depression  in  the  ground  became  a 
rivulet,  and  every  ridge  a  waterfall.  Roads,  or  what  had  been  semblances 
of  roads,  became  yellow  streams,  rapid  and  even  dangerous  to  the  in- 
fantry. There  were  veterans  present  who  were  reminded  of  the  famous 
"  mud  march  "  of  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  brought  to  a  pause  by  the 
impossibility  of  moving  over  such  footway.  The  dilemma  was  for  a  mo- 
ment so  serious,  that  suggestions  were  made  to  General  Shafter  to  suspend 
the  northwest  movement,  and  by  capturing  a  small  town  in  the  bay 
farther  southward,  secure  a  base  nearer  the  investing  line.  But  the  troops 
were  already  en-route,  and  the  northwest  movement  continued  and,  whim- 
sically enough,  the  nearness  of  the  Fourth  of  July  stimulated  the  officers 
to  undertake  the  impossible.  This  was  on  the  29th  of  June  when  the 
council  of  war  was  held.  Officers  who  had  been  part  of  the  army  in  the 
Civil  War,  looked  with  some  distrust  upon  the  ability  of  our  over-willing 
ranks  to  withstand  the  deadly  volley  of  the  Mauser,  under  the  fatal  dis- 
advantages of  a  powder  that  betrayed  our  lines  to  the  Spaniard  at  every 
shot.  At  the  least  calculation,  one  Spaniard  was  in  offensive  qualities 
equal  to  five  of  the  invaders. 

For  most  of  our  men  were  armed  with  the  old-fashioned  Springfield 
rifle,  which  is  as  out  of  date  now  as  the  ungainly  Queen  Bess  when  the 
Enfield  came  in.  The  Spaniards  could  count  on  killing  anything  bearing 


THROUGH  THE  DEATH  PIT.  295 

the  semblance  of  life  at  a  distance  of  nearly  two  miles,  and  this  had  hap- 
pened frequently  under  the  horrified  eyes  of  the  officers.  No  tactics,  no 
manceuvering,  could  compensate  the  invading  lines  for  this  almost  super- 
natural advantage.  Even  that  last  resource  of  a  perplexed  general,  move- 
ments by  the  flank,  were  unavailable  from  the  density  of  the  thickets  and 
the  lack  of  roads. 

Now  standing  far  out  from  Santiago  and  covering  the  approach  in  every 
direction  which  we  were  obliged  to  pursue,  stood  what  was  called  the  fort 
of  San  Juan.  But,  to  reach  that  the  crenelated  village  of  El  Caney  must 
first  be  in  our  hands.  From  the  counsels  came  the  determination  to  as- 
sault El  Caney  at  dawn  on  the  first  of  July,  Generals  Young  and  Chaffee 
were  given  the  post  of  danger  while  General  Lawton  was  directed  to 
swing  around  northwestward,  to  be  in  a  posture  to  give  the  decisive  blow. 
Reconnaissances  were,  however,  essential,  and  General  Lawton  made  these 
with  three  brigades.  The  gist  of  this  resolution,  so  momentous  for 
thousands  of  bedraggled  soldiery,  food  less  and  shelterless,  became  known 
in  the  mysterious  way  that  army  secrets  have  of  conveying  themselves  to 
those  on  the  alert  for  them.  The  men  dared  light  no  fires  for  the  Spanish 
grape,  as  well  as  the  Mausers  commanded  every  inch  of  the  plateau  care- 
fully studied  in  advance  by  its  defenders.  General  Chaffee,  through  the 
night  edged  his  men  through  the  death-pits  to  within  striking  distance  of 
El  Caney,  where,  by  unheard  of  toil,  they  entrenched  themselves.  Pits 
guarded  by  a  thick  ridge  of  earth,  covered  the  entire  force  by  daylight. 
In  these  rifle-pits,  as  they  were  called,  the  men  found  a  reward  for  their 
toil  when  the  fury  of  the  battle  began  next  day.  The  general  and  staff 
knew  that  the  Spaniards  had  defended  themselves  by  all  the  appliances 
at  their  command.  But  it  was  not  suspected,  until  the  battle  began,  how 
intelligently,  even  astutely,  they  had  taken  advantage  of  every  favoring 
undulation,  preparing  surprises  where  least  expected,  and  masking  ambus- 
cades almost  in  front  of  the  rifle  pits.  But  the  invading  force  could 
neither  advance  nor  retreat  without  the  capture  of  this  fort  or  series  of 
forts.  .  .  . 

The  sun  rises  and  the  day  breaks  on  the  Cuban  earth  almost  at  the 
same  instant.  There  is  no  slow  dawn  as  in  our  northern  climes,  and  as 
if  in  mirage  the  invading  hosts  saw  the  sun  and  the  flash  of  the  enemy's 
guns  simultaneously.  The  advance  was  ordered.  Then  the  fateful  cer- 
tainty of  the  Regulars'  onset  displayed  itself.  Wherever  the  fight  fell 
upon  the  Regulars,  there  the  work  that  the  trained  soldier  is  expected 
to  do  was  done  calmly,  intrepidly,  with  no  fanfare  of  theatric  show.  At 
a  crisis  in  the  combat,  when  the  stoutly  defended  hill  of  San  Juan  was 


296  THE  ONSET  OF  THE  REGULARS. 

working  slaughter  with  its  Mausers,  Lieutenant  Parker  of  the  Thirteenth 
Regulars  made  his  way  to  an  opening  between  that  regiment  and  its  neigh- 
bor on  the  line.  There  was  a  slight  gap  in  the  inverting  ranks,  where  the 
ground  rose  to  a  knoll.  Upon  this  the  lieutenant  set  a  battery  of  four 
Gatling  guns  of  the  newest  and  most  murderous  pattern.  These  four 
pitiless  instruments  ground  out  death  as  a  coffee  mill  grinds  out  its 
aromatic  grain.  The  effect  was  instant,  visible,  heartrending— even 
though  it  was  the  enemy  who  suffered.  The  bullets  sent  in  a  hail,  unceas- 
ing, carefully  aimed,  withered  all  semblance  of  life,  all  attempt  at  cohesive 
resistance  out  of  the  blockhouse  or  its  defenders.  This  significant  episode 
had  no  journalistic  witnesses.  It  was  part  of  the  prescribed  work  of  the 
Regulars.  It  had  the  effect  of  half  a  brigade,  but  in  all  the  dithyrambic 
details  of  the  battle  there  is  nowhere  a  word  of  mention  of  it.  Possibly 
because  it  is  the  conviction  of  the  volunteers,  the  scribe  and  the  on-looker, 
that  the  Regular  is  in  some  subtle  sense  a  creature  of  war ;  that  danger 
is  his  delight,  his  element ;  that  overcoming  the  impossible  is  part  of  his 
training ;  that  to  deal  death  and  make  no  display,  receive  death  and  make 
no  sign,  are  part  of  the  Regular  routine.  Be  this  as  it  may  the  Regulars 
redeemed  all  the  precipitancy  of  the  untrained,  safeguarded  the  imperilled 
lines,  even  when  the  danger  was  as  menacing  to  fly  as  to  stay.  These  four 
well-placed  Gatlings  opened  the  way  for  a  rush  forward — that  nettle  danger 
which,  when  plucked,  gave  the  rashly  adventured  mass  safety.  The 
plateau  was  an  immense  sieve  of  surprisingly  concealed  rifle  pits.  In  each 
rifle-pit  a  group  of  tenacious  Spaniards,  clustered,  showering  the  stretch  of 
ground  between  them  and  the  advancing  host  with  clouds  of  bullets  that 
fairly  seemed  to  make  the  air  black.  But  there  was  no  halt,  not  the  scintilla 
of  a  waver  in  the  heavy  column  steady,  devoted,  lurching  forward  over  the 
irregularities,  gathering  in  line  after  line  of  the  furious  crevasses.  But  even 
when  these  were  overcome,  behind  them  uprose  massive  stockades  fairly 
aflame  with  the  density  of  the  firing.  These  too  the  Regulars  rushed  upon, 
seized,  conquered.  Meanwhile  the  ranks  gathered  about  San  Juan  were 
waiting  and — dying  as  they  waited — for  Chaffee's  blows  at  El  Caney  were 
no  longer  a  mere  menace.  In  the  very  heat  and  fury  of  this  triumphant 
furious  advance  this  leonine  fighter  received  wailing  messages  from  his 
comrades  in  command,  imploring  him  either  to  advance  to  the  seizure  of 
the  blockading  fort  or  retreat,  as  it  was  death  to  the  other  brigades  to  re- 
main where  they  were.  The  message  spread  along  the  ranks  and  the 
men  who  had  been  out  daring  dare  deviltry  itself,  took  on  a  new  impetus. 
Inebriated  by  the  opening  volleys  of  Capron's  guns,  which  by  an  inspira- 
tion of  the  commander,  so  ranged  themselves  that  they  poured  a  concen- 


"TAKE  THE   VILLAGE."  297 

trated  fire  into  the  blockhouse  buttery,  the  piteously  thinned  ranks  seemed 
to  increase  in  prowess,  as  they  diminished  in  numbers.  Capron's  guns 
sent  their  missiles  through  the  line  of  blockhouses  knocking  whole  panels 
from  the  flaming  sides.  The  effect  was  to  benumb  the  defenders  of  the 
still  untaken  rifle-pits  and  to  dislodge  the  gunners,  who  had  been  scatter- 
ing death  from  these  stone  bulwarks.  But  though  shaken,  dying  and 
dislocated,  the  Spaniards  still  had  new  coverts ;  no  sooner  had  our  lines 
routed  one  rank  of  defenders,  than  they  swarmed  as  if  reinforcements 
had  arrived,  in  another. 

At  this  juncture  the  commander,  Chaffee,  received  again  the  start- 
ling tidings  that  the  real  battle  of  the  day  was  going  on  at  San  Juan 
and  that  unless  reinforced  the  decimated  ranks  would  be  compelled  to 
retire.  It  was  not  an  absolute  command  to  suspend  the  more  than  half- 
won  victory,  but  it  was  one  of  those  crises  in  action  which  tries  the  judg- 
ment and  reveals  the  soldier.  It  was  the  adjutant-general  who  came  to 
bring  this  disheartening  word.  He  was  taken  along  the  line,  shown  what 
had  been  accomplished  and  what  remained  to  do ;  the  fate  of  the  battle 
and  the  siege  depended  upon  the  outcome.  The  decision  was  left  to 
Breckenridge  the  Inspector-General,  who  was  not  in  authority :  "  You 
must  take  the  village,"  that  official  replied  without  hesitation.  And 
thirty  minutes  later  the  wall  of  death  was  in  the  hands  of  its  assailants. 

In  the  wild  hurtling  on-rush,  Colonel  Haskell  of  the  Seventeenth  In- 
fantry had  orders  to  support  the  Seventh  Infantry,  but  his  predicament 
put  his  men  in  the  very  maw  of  the  engulfing  fire.  There  is  a  sublime 
egotism  in  the  bravery  evoked  in  the  crisis  of  battle,  the  naive  belief  that 
the  point  to  be  gained  depends  upon  the  individual's  effort;  it  is  the 
cumulative  egotism  of  company,  brigade,  and  divisions,  that  compels 
victory,  when  decisive  results  hang  on  the  conduct  of  one  man,  whose 
example  is  a  contagion.  It  was  in  this  spirit  that  this  admirable  com- 
mander pushed  to  the  front  of  the  line.  The  volleys  from  the  Mausers 
withered  everything  above  the  uneven  surface ;  it  seemed  to  the  panting 
men,  worn  with  the  upward  rush  through  the  woody  entanglements,  that 
the  barbed  wire  fences  had  been  flung  enmasse — sped  with  satanic  veloc- 
ity, to  scrape  the  surface.  Barely  had  Haskell  stepped  a  pace  forward  to 
lead  his  battalion,  when  he  reeled  to  the  earth.  Lieutenant  Dickinson  oi 
the  same  regiment,  turning  impulsively  to  aid  his  chief,  was  struck  in  the 
arm  but  maintained  his  ministry.  The  men  were  taking  such  meager 
advantage  as  the  irregularity  of  the  ground  afforded,  to  preserve  their 
numbers  for  the  death  grapple,  and  did  not  see  the  fall  of  their  chief. 
But  Lieutenants  Hardway  and  Roberts  among  them  saw  the  disaster  and 


A  TOOTH  AND  NAIL  CONFLICT.  299 

called  for  volunteers  to  lift  and  carry  the  commander  to  a  place  of  safety. 
The  call  was  barely  uttered  when  a  dozen  voices  responded.  Five  went 
out  into  the  pitiless  hail  and  three  of  these  were  riddled.  Colonel  Haskell 
was  dragged  out  of  the  vengeful  maelstrom  ;  he  was  pierced  with  three 
severe  wounds.  His  Lieutenant,  Dickinson,  paid  for  his  devotion  by  an- 
other wound — which  killed  him. 

The  assault  led  by  Colonel  Haskell  was  what  might  be  called  a  tooth 
and  nail  conflict,  for  actually  the  men  seemed  to  use  their  fists  and  feet 
as  well  as  their  guns.  Haskell  was  a  patriarch  in  appearance,  with  a  long, 
white  beard  that  floated  backward,  as  he  fled  onward  into  the  fire,  the  men 
of  his  command  actually  seeming  to  crowd  upon  each  other  to  stop  the 
flight  of  bullets  that  came  toward  the  veteran  chief.  The  Spaniards  stood 
to  their  arms  with  a  valorous  constancy  that  revealed  what  they  would  be 
capable  of  in  a  better  cause.  Indeed,  to  the  educated  on-lookers  who 
could  not  take  part  in  the  battle,  they  seemed  indifferent  to  death,  deter- 
mined only  to  wrest  revenge  from  the  foemen  despoiling  them  of  their 
stronghold.  Fifty  historians  would  be  required  to  narrate  in  detail  the 
heroic  episodes  of  the  half  mile  of  conflict,  that  resulted  in  the  rout  of 
the  masters  of  this  fortified  Golgotha,  for  the  entire  plateau  was  a  place 
of  death  deliberately  planned  and  valiantly  defended. 

The  first  guns  heard  from  our  ranks  at  El  Caney — the  battery  of  Cap- 
tain Hamilton,  were  equal  to  a  reinforcement  of  a  division  of  men — for  it 
is  one  of  the  phenomena  of  the  battlefield,  that  the  soldier  feels  security, 
invincibility  in  fact,  as  the  roar  of  his  own  guns  breaks  out  behind  him. 
For  reasons  never  very  clearly  set  forth,  a  movement  of  considerable  con- 
centration was  ordered  within  range  of  the  enemy's  guns.  That  is,  the 
line  of  battle  which  is  usually  formed  outside  of  the  enemy's  fire,  was 
carried  on  at  El  Caney  and  to  the  south  and  eastward  in  the  agony  and 
stress  of  the  fight.  The  resultant  slaughter  was  in  the  very  nature  of 
such  heedlessness  lamentable.  One  regiment,  the  Thirteenth  Infantry 
lost  thirty  per  cent,  of  its  number,  the  officers  suffering  out  of  proportion 
to  the  ranks.  Nearly  every  man  bearing  the  insignia  of  rank  was  either 
killed  or  wounded.  It  would  be  impossible  to  render  more  eulogistic  tes- 
timony to  men  pursuing  war,  than  the  plain  tale  of  what  the  right  of  the 
army  withstood.  Had  the  Spaniards  known  the  havoc  they  had  wrought, 
by  a  very  slight  reinforcement  they  might  have  compelled  a  retrogade  all 
along  that  part  of  the  line.  Indeed  had  the  Spaniards  been  of  the  fiber 
of  the  attacking  forces,  the  right  wing  of  the  army  must  have  been  dis- 
persed. Nor  was  this  an  advance,  a  conquest  of  territory  to  assuage  the 
ravages  wrought  on  the  maltreated  remnant.  The  dead  lay  where  they 


NO  SIGN  OF  WAVERING.  301 

tAi  ;  the  wounded  encumbered  the  open  spaces,  or  if  by  chance  they  were 
able  to  drag  their  mangled  bodies  under  shelter,  the  prying  eyes  of  the 
guerrillas  searched  them  out  and  riddled  the  torn  bodies  with  volleys  of 
Mauser  missiles.  But  in  this  most  trying  of  war's  vicissitudes,  no  one 
saw  a  sign  of  wavering,  a  movement  in  retreat,  by  the  able  bodied.  The 
work  of  concentration  under  fire  went  on,  in  the  crucial  points  of  the 
battle,  from  July  1st  to  July  3d,  nor  after  the  continuous  slaughter  of 
hours,  was  it  found  achieved  on  the  noon  of  that  day.  In  almost  humor- 
ous keeping  with  the  imprevoyance  of  the  march,  the  provision  of  mate- 
rials, food  and  what  not,  a  balloon  with  un wieldly  impedimenta  was 
riddled  by  shrapnel  and  left  to  block  the  main  artery  of  passage  to  the 
men  under  fire.  The  Regulars  who  marched  in  such  order  as  the  nar- 
row way  admitted,  moved  into  line  under  fire  and  died  in  groups,  were 
entirely  unprovided  with  surgeons.  The  surgeon  of  the  Seventeenth 
Regiment,  Major  Ebert,  was  so  exhausted  by  the  continuous  calls  upon 
him  that  he  fainted  in  the  middle  of  an  operation  and  was  revived  by  a 
Boston  journalist,  who  by  chance  had  enough  cold  water  to  bathe  the 
fevered  victim.  It  was  the  authenticated  testimony  of  those  at  hand, 
studying  the  episodes  and  phenomena  of  the  manoauvres,  that  twenty- 
five  per  cent,  of  the  wounded  who  died  were  lost  by  the  lack  of  the  most 
ordinary  medical  aid  provided  for  the  battle  line.  Men  badly  wounded, 
too  much  hurt  to  move  without  aid,  gasped  and  groaned  two  days,  where 
they  fell,  before  hospital  assistance  reached  them.  No  commander  can 
see  a  whole  battlefield,  but  any  commander  can  foresee  and  so  order  in 
advance  that  every  man  and  appliance  needed  in  every  conceivable 
emergency  shall  be  within  reach,  or  as  nearly  within  reach  as  human  pre- 
vision can  bring  about.  Most  of  the  errors  and  shortcomings,  however, 
were  ascribable  to  causes  far  from  culpable.  It  was  to  be  on  the  line  of 
fire,  under  the  storm  of  shell,  that  the  officers  overlooked  preliminaries. 
To  illustrate,  General  Ludlow,  the  head  of  the  engineers,  so  soon  as  the 
firing  began,  flew  to  the  front  to  take  active  command,  instead  of  remain- 
ing to  supervise  the  mechanical  details  of  his  corps. 


PART  IV. 

"T\RELIMINARY  to  the  decisive  operations  of  El  Caney  and  San  Juan, 
something  of  the  work  incumbent  on  a  prudent  army  officer  can  be 
understood  by  a  glimpse  at  some  of  the  dangerous  routine,  involved  in  a 
rational  advance  over  ground  whose  possibilities  for  defence  are  unknown 
to  the  invader.  In  fact,  to  fully  comprehend  the  endless  and  inherent 
obstacles  meant  by  a  war  of  invasion,  it  is  essential  to  glance  for  a  mo- 
ment at  audacities  as  thrilling  in  their  way,  though  less  inluridated  by  re- 
port, than  the  charge  or  bayonet  grapple.  General  Lawton's  division  with 
headquarters  at  a  dreamy  little  oasis  in  the  wilderness  of  chapparal  and 
cacti,  El  Pozo,  five  miles  from  Santiago,  was  from  the  29th  of  June  until 
the  3d  of  July  a  place  of  peril.  No  one  knew  what  was  immediately  be- 
yond, no  one  knew  whether  a  path  would  take  cavalry,  artillery  or  in- 
fantry in  a  single  step  into  the  range  of  the  enemy's  missiles,  no  one  knew 
whether  the  enemy  was  swarming  in  masked  battalions,  or  lurked  in  the 
convenient  forks  of  the  trees  to  slaughter  the  unsuspecting  skirmishers. 
Here  again,  the  deplorable  inefficiency,  shortcomings  or  unwillingness,  or 
as  our  soldiery  expressed  it  "dog  cussedness  "  of  the  Cuban  "  patriots  " 
manifested  itself  to  a  degree  that  made  it  difficult  to  keep  the  volunteers, 
at  least,  from  falling  upon  the  worthless  ingrates,  for  whom  the  republic 
had  declared  war.  They  refused  to  do  or  dare  a  single  step  beyond  the 
protecting  bayonets  of  the  Federal  soldiers,  though  they  had  beguiled  the 
commanding  general  into  a  belief  that  they  knew  every  step  of  the  way, 
and  were  holding  back  from  attacking  the  "  cowardly  Spaniards,"  by  the 
desire  of  showing  their  "generous  allies"  the  difficulties  which  the  patriot 
army  had  been  compelled  to  face  in  the  struggle  for  "  Cuba  Libre." 
Hence,  to  move  forward  over  the  ground  prepared  by  the  Spaniards  for  the 
destruction  of  whatever  approached,  after  reaching  certain  distances, 
skirmishing  squadrons  of  topographical  engineers  were  sent  out,  and  these 
modest,  not  to  say  obscure  missions,  performed  vitally  important  functions 
so  far  as  they  were  called  into  operation.  Unhappily,  they  were  not  em- 
ployed to  the  extent  prescribed  by  military  ordinances,  hence  the  diffi- 
culties which  afterward  beset  what  is  called  the  "turning  movement,"  to 
the  north  and  east  of  Santiago. 

At  six"  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  June  29th,  Lieutenant  Guy  Smith  of 

(302) 


ENGINEERING  DIFFICULTIES.  303 

the  topographical  engineers  was  directed  to  push  out  from  El  Pozo  to- 
ward Santiago,  and  map  every  rood  of  the  way,  that  the  commanders 
might  comprehend  to  an  inch  almost,  the  diversities  of  the  terrain  over 
which  the  charging  troop  was  obliged  to  pass.  He  was  given  a  company 
of  the  Seventh  Regulars,  under  command  of  Lieutenant  Durfee,  and  these 
fifty  men  and  sixty  Cubans  set  out  on  what  would  be  called  a  forlorn 
hope,  under  ordinary  circumstances.  A  rivulet  large  under  the  rains,  but 
dry  when  the  sun  shone,  the  Rio  Seco,  formed  the  starting  point  or  rather 
the  boundary,  where  the  United  States  troops  patrolled.  The  educated 
topographers  set  their  instruments  at  work,  every  instant  expecting  vol- 
leys from  the  trees  above,  from  the  dense  clusters  of  chapparal  or  from 
the  thousand  and  one  natural  hiding-places  that  an  enemy,  master  of  the 
country,  would  be  apt  to  know,  and  the  stranger  could  only  find  out  by 
murderous  experience.  Hour  after  hour  this  breathless  band  crawled  at 
much  less  than  a  snail's  pace,  for  each  man  was  forced  to  remain  on  the 
alert,  his  gun  at  his  shoulder  ready  to  avenge  the  death  of  the  surveyors, 
immolated  as  it  were  on  the  altar  of  monotonous  and  inglorious  duty. 

For,  fantastically  enough,  to  die  in  the  scientific  service  of  war  seems  to 
bring  none  of  the  acclaim,  we  so  readily  yield  to  the  victim  who  falls  in 
the  charge,  or  in  line  of  battle.  A  characteristic  suggestion  of  Spanish  in- 
consequence was  found  at  a  country  residence,  magnificent  but  deserted, 
the  estate  of  an  affluent  merchant,  sacked  and  gutted  by  the  energetic 
Maceo.  The  place  had  been  turned  into  a  blockhouse  ideally  adapted  to 
an  ambuscade,  had  the  Spaniards  meant  a  "last  ditch"  war.  But  it  was 
now  a  ruin.  On  the  walls,  incredible  to  say  was  found  a  crayon  sketch 
•of  the  entire  chain  of  blockhouses  and  earthworks  barring  the  road  to 
Santiago.  From  this  extraordinary  carelessness  the  topographers  were 
enabled  to  lay  before  the  invading  commander  a  fairly  lucid  plan  of  the 
circumvallating  defences;  though  of  course  the  natural  obstacles  of 
bush  and  brake,  ridge  and  deep,  were  not  shown. 

The  little  group  of  topographers  had  marched  upon  a  plateau  hardly 
more  than  three  miles  from  the  coveted  city  of  Santiago.  It  was  the  first 
glimpse  that  any  considerable  body  of  the  invaders  had  caught  of  the  walls, 
and  a  cry  of  delight  broke  impulsively  from  the  men,  for  even  the  streets, 
the  houses,  the  time-worn  tiles,  the  grey  minarets,  the  romantic  sugges- 
tion of  an  older  world,  dropped  into  the  fanciful  verdure  of  the  new, 
ravished  eyes  acquainted  only  with  our  monotonous  blocks,  or  our  meager 
northern  foliage.  The  ravages  from  the  civil  strife  of  Cubanos  against 
Spaniards,  were  discernible  in  the  broken  crenelations  of  the  walls,  dis- 
mantled churches,  a  general  decay  wrought  by  the  wrath  of  man,  and  not 


304  A  CUBAN  JUNGLE. 

the  elements.  The  city,  indeed,  spread  out  like  a  vast,  un wieldly  chess- 
board, slanting  downward  from  the  Sierra  Maestra,  to  the  pellucid  waters 
of  the  lovely  bay.  Brown  ploughed  fields,  once  affluent  in  coffee  crops; 
vestiges  of  sugar  patches  and  the  thrift  of  a  servile  race  of  planters 
could  be  seen  afar  off,  checkering  the  sloping  plateau,  in  dreamlike  quietr 
as  if  war  had  never  been  heard  of.  Between  the  surveyors  and  the 
omnious  outlines  of  blockhouses,  rifle  pits  and  defensive  embankments, 
spread  a  vast  gulf  of  what  seemed  stagnant  water,  but  what  was  in 
reality  the  lush  density  of  green,  growing  in  murky  swamps.  This  revealed 
one  of  the  difficulties  that  the  advancing  legions  would  have  to  meet, 
when  the  final  charge  came.  The  Cubans  called  the  place  a  jungle,  and 
jungle  it  certainly  was,  for  in  the  attempt  to  penetrate  it,  crawling  and 
slimy  and  fearful  things  were  startled  in  repulsive  masses ;  vultures  fled 
shrieking  upward;  all  of  the  uncanny  forms  of  nature  seemed  to  have  as- 
sembled in  this  sinister  bulwark,  a  thousandfold  more  ominous  than  all 
the  preparations  of  the  Spaniards  to  torment  the  marching  men. 

In  obedience  to  his  consign,  to  make  himself  master  of  every  possibility 
of  advance,  Lieutenant  Smith  pushed  from  end  to  end  of  the  sweltering 
wastes  and  morasses,  to  mark  the  most  available  points  of  entrance.  After 
hours  of  experimenting  and  exhaustive  labor,  dim  woody  ways,  dark  al- 
most as  caverns,  were  found  here  and  there,  where  by  agility  and  indif- 
ference to  muck  to  the  knees,  it  were  possible  to  push  on.  It  was  not 
until  after  the  Santiago  blockhouses  had  been  won  by  columns  coining  in 
from  other  than  this  direction,  that  the  adventurous  group  found  how 
far  they  had  really  advanced,  further  than  any  skirmishers  that  had  come 
out  on  what  i»  called  the  "Cainino  Real  " — the  state  road, — not  two  miles 
from  the  heart  of  Santiago  itself.  Here  the  Spanish  soldiers  could  be 
seen  loitering,  drilling,  occupied  in  fact  in  all  the  routine  of  barracks. 
Groups  came  wandering  from  the  town,  and  some  of  them  walked  squarely 
into  the  Yankee  ambuscade,  never  dreaming  that  any  of  Shafter's  men 
would  be  so  adventurous  as  to  come  within  half  rifle  shot  often  thousand 
guns,  ready  to  sweep  the  ground  as  clean  as  a  lawn  mower  would. 

Mangoes  were  growing  in  many  of  the  openings,  and  our  adventurous 
group  had  barely  settled  itself  for  observation,  when  little  bands  of 
women  and  children  wandered  suddenly  from  behind  the  walls  or  points 
of  concealment,  and  began  to  fill  their  baskets  with  these,  about  the  only 
food  left  to  the  poorer  inhabitants.  The  Cuban  contingent  watched  them 
with  ferocious  intentness,  until  these  unwary  seekers  were  within  reach 
and  then  pounced  on  them,  stifling  their  screams  to  prevent  the  alarm  to 
the  soldiery,  but  a  few  yards  away.  Among  the  food-seekers  two  or 


THE  CITADEL  OF   EL  MORRO.  305 

three  lusty  youths  were  seized  and  taken  back  to  headquarters,  for  such 
information  as  they  might  be  able  to  give  the  staff.  One  point  of  infor- 
mation gained  from  these  unwilling  witnesses,  though  they  professed 
ardent  sympathy  for  "Cuba  Libre  "  was,  that  General  Vara  del  Key  who 
had  inflicted  condign  severities  on  the  Cuban  ranks  in  various  encounters, 
had  been  compelled,  even  when  marching  at  the  head  of  his  Spanish 
column,  to  disguise  himself  in  woman's  apparel,  in  order  to  escape  the 
sworn  vengeance  of  the  rebel  guerrillas.  For  a  price  had  been  placed  upon 
his  head,  and  the  poor  man  was  hardly  sure  that  his  own  ranks  might  not 
take  advantage  of  the  ten  thousand  dollars,  to  sacrifice  him  to  guerrilla 
vengeance.  The  topographers  counted  on  passing  the  night  in  this  place 
of  peril,  but  the  heavens  ordered  it  otherwise,  for  a  downpour  of  rain 
began  at  the  very  moment  an  audacious  advance  was  planned  to  sketch 
the  altitude  of  the  fortifications.  This  rain  was  so  continuous  that  further 
attempts  were  impossible,  and  in  the  darkness  of  night  the  march  back 
may  be  imagined ;  the  condition  of  the  men  subjected  to  the  sticky  soil 
and  the  hardships  of  the  forest. 

Not  a  man  in  the  sixteen  thousand  in  Shafter's  force  was  ignorant  of 
the  obstacles  to  be  encountered.  Whimsically  enough,  El  Morro  was  the 
dreaded  enemy.  For  three  hundred  years,  that  mass  of  masonry  has  been 
the  shield  of  Spanish  domain.  Nature  had  made  it  invulnerable,  man 
had  made  it  a  horizon  of  death.  Gibraltar  itself  is  not  more  formidable 
to  attack  than  El  Morro.  No  sea  gun  can  ever  reach  it ;  no  armed  mass 
can  approach  or  surprise  it.  Wrought  from  the  primeval  rock,  El  Morro 
is  part  of  a  bold  granite  headland.  The  ocean  washes  its  base.  Its 
upper  sea' battery,  bristling  with  Krupp  guns,  is  nearly  one  hundred  feet 
above  sea  level.  It  has  an  all-around  fire,  commanding  the  sea  front  for 
many  miles,  due  east  and  west  along  the  coast,  as  well  as  over  all  the 
land  within  sight.  The  lower  battery  is  constructed  to  command  the 
narrow  entrance  to  the  harbor.  The  in  way  there  measures  580  feet 
across. 

Opposite  El  Morro  is  another  bold  headland,  surmounted  by  La 
Socapa,  an  old  time  fort  dating  to  the  time  of  Columbus.  The  guns  of 
the  lower  battery  of  El  Morro  face  the  entrance.  Short  of  blowing  that 
headland  of  rock  into  the  sea,  El  Morro  may  be  deemed  impregnable. 
The  gnus  are  ancient,  but  many  rapid  fire  Hontoria  and  Ordonez  rifles 
were  added  so  soon  as  Cervera  took  refuge  there.  La  Socapa,  is  of  the 
old  fortress  type.  Its  elevation  being  less,  it  has  neither  the  natural 
strength  nor  the  range  of  El  Morro,  but  it  has  a  usefulness  all  its  own,  as 
formidable  as  its  ally  directly  opposite;  with  the  guns  of  Estrella  Point 


306  LA  SOCAPA  AND  ESTRELLA. 

battery  it  can  rake  any  ship  that  may  pass  the  entrance.  While  El 
Morro  and  La  Socapa  are  designed  to  keep  ships  out,  the  Estrella  Point 
battery  is  constructed  to  deal  with  such  as  may  have  forced  an  entrance. 
It  is  built  of  solid  masonry,  the  counterpart  of  Fort  Augusta,  built  by 
Spain  in  the  island  Jamaica,  over  three  centuries  ago.  Cayo  Smith, 
or  Smith's  island,  nearly  opposite  Estrella  Point  was  abundantly  fortified. 
Beyond  Estrella  battery,  on  a  small  elevation  there  was  an  old  time  earth- 
work meant  to  finish  anything  that  might  have  escaped  the  forts  and  bat- 
tery. Between  the  latter  and  the  city,  there  are  no  fortifications.  In 
time  of  peace  the  topmost  wall  of  El  Morro  is  used  as  a  semaphore 
station.  This,  with  a  series  of  hill  branches  extend  to  the  city,  the  dis- 
tance between  the  two  being  five  miles.  Owing  to  the  narrow  channel, 
one  vessel  only  is  allowed  to  enter  or  leave  at  a  time.  Hence  the  signal 
stations. 

It  was  piquantly  suggestive  of  our  restless  activities  as  a  commercial  or 
business  force,  that  the  point  selected  for  debarkation  had  been  for  years 
the  scene  of  our  irrepressible  commercial  enterprise.  The  activities  of 
*'  Iron  Kings "  or  "  Coal  Barons  "  had  made  this  unknown,  or  vaguely 
outlined,  segment  of  Cuba,  a  treasure-house  of  the  iron  industry  of  Penn- 
sylvania. The  money  of  our  operators,  the  sagacity  of  our  wealth  breed- 
ers, had  developed  that  part  of  eastern  Cuba,  by  opening  up  many  miles 
of  mineral  lands,  by  a  substantially  constructed  coast  railway,  with  two 
elaborate  piers,  one  on  the  coast  and  one  in  Santiago  harbor  itself.  Rail- 
ways had  been  built  to  carry  out  the  mineral  treasures,  and  when  the 
hour  struck,  these  lines  were  of  strategic  value.  The  railway  pier  at  the 
western  terminus  in  Santiago  bay  is  on  a  headland  projecting  well  into 
the  harbor.  Just  below  the  pier  and  headland,  the  shore  of  the  bay  runs 
inland  almost  a  quarter  of  a  mile.  The  very  substantial  and  costly  iron 
pier  is  lofty,  and  runs  well  out  into  the  channel.  Ocean  going  steamers 
load  at  its  gangways.  The  hillside  from  which  it  runs,  occupies  a  com- 
manding position  of  strategic  importance.  It  lies  just  midway  between 
the  city  and  El  Morro.  The  main  military  road  connecting  the  city  with 
the  fortifications  at  El  Morro  and  the  battery  at  Estrella  Point,  passes 
just  inside  the  shore  end  of  the  pier.  The  position  once  taken  by  our 
men,  the  two  fortifications  were  irretrievably  isolated  from  that  city. 
Any  force  holding  such  a  point,  commanded  the  channel  opposite  it. 

El  Caney  lies  about  sixteen  miles  northwest  of  Baiquiri.  It  is  one  of 
the  termini  of  the  El  Cristo  railway,  a  broad  guage  roa4  connecting  a 
number  of  inland  points  with  Santiago.  The  march  through  the  hills  and 
mountains  ending  in  the  capture  of  El  Caney,  gave  us  another  railway  to 


/;  '•>;*/ 

'••       -- 


308  YELLOW    FEVER. 

be  used  in  investing  the  city  proper.  The  station  of  this  railroad  is  on 
the  northern  end  of  the  main  street,  facing  the  harbor  at  the  foot  of  Con- 
gha  avenue.  Holding  the  two  railways  meant  absolute  control  of  the 
whole  district  due  east  of  Santiago.  The  engines  and  cars  were  of 
United  States  manufacture.  The  flat  and  ore  cars  when  armor  clad, 
ivould  have  been  found  very  valuable  and  could  have  been  used  for  rapid 
fire  and  Nordenfeldt  guns.  From  Siboney  to  Santiago,  a  distance  of  six- 
teen miles  to  westward,  two  routes  were  open.  One  by  the  royal  coast 
road,  which  passes  over  high  mountains,  and  the  other  by  the  Juragua 
Company's  railway,  which  skirts  the  coast  to  within  one  mile  of  Santiago. 
Neither  of  them  is  easy  traveling,  at  most  points  the  two  routes  are 
utterly  inaccessible  to  each  other. 

From  the  moment  war  was  proclaimed,  the  Spaniards,  who  really  cared 
for  the  end,  put  all  their  trust  in  the  agency  of  yellow  fever.  There 
were  very  few  who  did  not  realize  that  the  Yankees  must  inevitably  win. 
But  yellow  fever  is  such  an  atrocious  war-maker,  deals  out  death  so  un- 
sparingly, that  the  jingo  inconsequents  made  themselves  believe  that  we 
would  shrink  from  immolating  our  young  and  ardent  youth  in  the 
shambles,  where  there  was  neither  glory  nor  gain.  For  an  army  with 
banners  is  not  so  dreadful  to  those  who  know  its  harrowing  decimation, 
as  the  loathsome  fever.  Yellow  fever  lias  been  endemic  in  Cuba  ever 
Bince  the  Spaniards  conquered  the  island.  The  public  records  show  it 
yearly,  for  over  one  hundred  consecutive  years.  In  all  that  time,  Spain 
has  taken  no  adequate  measures  to  stamp  out  so  dire  a  foe  to  her  own 
children.  The  vast  public  presidio,  or  prison,  at  Santiago,  has  no  outlet 
for  drainage.  At  night,  after  the  people  are  in  bed,  its  accumulated  filth 
is  allowed  to  run  down  a  public  street  to  the  sea.  The  military  hospital 
situated  on  an  elevation  in  the  upper  and  rear  part  of  the  city,  near 
Concha  avenue,  is  a  comprehensive  establishment.  Within  its  enormous 
enclosure  there  is  a  vast  cesspool  with  no  outlet.  This  poisons  the  air 
and  infects  the  soil.  While  Spain  has  lost  tens  of  thousands  of  soldiers 
and  sailors  in  Cuba  from  preventable  disease,  the  desolation  has  taught 
her  no  lesson.  The  wicked  loss  of  life,  and  its  cost  to  her  as  a  nation, 
have  not  been  examined  or  reformed.  In  times  of  peace  her  soldiers  have 
died  in  thousands.  The  ten  years'  war — from  1868  to  1878 — cost  her 
200,000  men,  the  flower  of  the  Spanish  army,  of  whom  191,000  died  in 
hospital — largely  of  climatic  diseases,  while  less  than  ten  thousand  fell  in 
battle  or  died  of  wounds  received  in  action,  and  even  these  might  have 
been  saved  by  foresight. 

Spain's  neglect  of  sanitation  in  Santiago  de  Cuba  is  duplicated  in  San 


NEGLECT  OF  SANITATION.  309 

Juan  de  Porto  Rico.  Her  methods  are  fairly  incomprehensible.  The 
main  military  and  naval  hospital  in  Havana  has  1,500  beds.  It  is  a  sub- 
stantially built  place,  near  the  end  of  the  foul  and  pestilent  harbor  of 
Havana.  All  patients  were  sent  to  it  from  the  army  and  ships,  yellow 
fever  patients  were  not  isolated.  For  many  years  the  building  was  a  cen- 
tre for  distributing  the  poison  of  yellow  fever,  not  only  in  the  Antilles, 
but  all  over  the  world. 

The  hospital  was  the  medical  storehouse  for  the  island  system  of  hos- 
pitals. All  supplies  including  bedding  were  sent  from  it.  Yellow  fever 
was  found  at  some  port  or  town  all  the  year  round.  In  1878,  the  Cuban 
pestilence  reached  New  Orleans,  costing  thousands  of  lives  and  a  money 
loss  estimated  at  over  $200,000,000.  The  ideal  Holt  maritime  quarantine 
system  enabled  New  Orleans  to  shut  it  out.  Britain  had  her  experience 
with  Jamaica  after  Spain  was  forced  to  abandon  it.  Britain's  sailors  and 
troopers  died  there  in  thousands.  It  was  a  pest  hole.  Pure  water  was 
introduced,  the  soldiers  and  sailors  were  instructed  and  watched,  un- 
healthy sea  level  camps  were  abandoned,  the  death  rate  fell  from  121  per 
1,000  to  11.13,  or  less  than  half  the  death  rate  of  New  York,  and  this  was 
due  wholly  to  sanitary  measures,  camps  in  the  mountains  and  the  intro- 
duction of  black  regiments  (West  Indian  negroes)  officered  by  white  men. 
Had  Spain  kept  abreast  with  Britain,  Cuba  to-day  would  be  healthful, 
and  fairly  safe  for  people  of  any  clime. 

As  there  are  few  things  done  by  man  that  seem  to  interest  men  so  pro- 
foundly as  the  meeting  of  ranks  in  battle,  so  there  are  very  few  things 
under  the  contact  of  life  against  life  so  difficult  to  reproduce  exactly  as 
the  phenomena  of  actual  conflict.  This  ought  to  be  readily  understood  by 
every  reader  of  war  history ;  no  one  eye  can  see  more  than  the  swift  hap- 
penings directly  under  a  circumscribed  line  of  vision ;  no  man  is  quick 
enough  to  impress  instantly  the  meaning  of  the  movements  that  end  in 
the  victory  of  one  mass  of  the  deroute  of  the  other;  hence,  the  thirty  six 
hours  of  really  titanic  wrestling  which  Shafter's  army  underwent,  forms 
almost  as  many  absorbing  episodes  as  there  were  minutes  in  that  agoniz- 
ing interval,  for  agonizing  it  certainly  was,  to  every  man  within  the 
sphere  of  the  Spanish  guns ;  not  only  within  the  sphere  but  far  outside  of 
it,  for  as  has  been  said,  death  lurked  in  the  most  unexpected  places.  The 
Red  Cross  Samaritan  took  the  wounded,  no  matter  how  far  from  the  line 
of  fire,  never  sure  that  the  tree  above  him  or  the  thicket  beside  him  did 
not  conceal  an  enemy  secure  in  the  density  .of  the  tropical  undergrowth. 
The  brief  siege  and  the  turbulent  assault  or  series  of  assaults  will  prob- 
ably take  up  as  many  volumes  of  critical  controversy  as  the  endlessly  dis 


310  PERSONAL   OBSERVATIONS. 

puted  assault  upon  the  British  lines  at  Monte  St.  Jean  when  Waterloo 
was  lost  and  won.  In  the  melee  of  the  two  engagements  at  El  Caney 
and  San  Juan  official  reports  vary.  There  were  however  many  semi-offi- 
cials, non-combatants,  vividly  observant  of  every  phase  of  the  occasion, 
whose  testimonies  serve  to  fix  the  critical  moments  and  identify  most  of 
the  men  who  wrought  the  victory.  Breckenridge,  the  Inspector-Gen- 
eral of  the  army,  has  already  put  his  comrades  under  deep  obligations  by 
a  narrative  of  what  he  saw,  which  equals  in  interest  the  famous  narrative 
of  Quartermaster-General  Meiggs,  of  Hooker's  "Battle  above  the 
clouds." 

In  nearly  every  one  of  the  thousands  of  newspapers  published  through- 
out the  United  States,  the  participants  and  victims  of  the  Santiago  cam- 
paign contributed  personal  observation  of  the  battle ;  the  combined  testi- 
monies, if  ever  collated,  would  give  definite  account  of  every  instant  of 
time  from  the  moment  the  armada  left  Tampa,  until  the  flag  of  the  re- 
public was  flung  out  over  the  civic  palace  of  Santiago.  The  abundance 
of  testimony,  while  a  reassurance  to  the  historian,  is  at  the  same  time  an 
embarrassment,  for  many  of  the  individual  testimonies  cover  identical 
hours,  minutes  even,  and  hence,  make  a  choice  difficult.  But  it  is  to  be 
said  for  the  first  time  in  war,  that  the  men  who  fought  it  have  been  its 
most  striking  historians ;  every  regiment  possessed  its  Xenophon,  and  it 
will  be  difficult  to  perpetuate  such  errors  for  example,  as  defaced  the 
allied  battles  in  Spain  as  for  sixty  years  disfigured — even  the  disaster  of 
Waterloo.  Let  the  reader,  curious  to  make  himself  an  image  of  the  man 
in  action,  compare  the  vigorous  sketch  of  Captain  John  Bigelow  of  the 
Tenth  Cavalry,  with  the  reports  of  Generals  Kent,  Lawtori  and  Brecken- 
ridge, covering  in  general  the  same  episode: 

44  Our  Tenth  Cavalry  was  encamped  over  to  the  left  of  El  Caney  and 
we  had  pickets  thrown  out  toward  Santiago.  We  could  see  the  fighting 
over  toward  El  Caney,  through  our  glasses.  We  could  hear  the  noise  of 
the  battle  and  could  see  our  men  emerging  from  the  brush  and  advancing 
to  attack  the  Spanish  position.  We  watched  the  fight  for  some  time,  and 
then  came  the  order  to  lay  aside  everything  except  arms  and  ammunition. 
Of  course  we  knew  what  that  meant.  We  piled  our  knapsacks  and  other 
accoutrements  together,  and  I  detailed  a  couple  of  men  to  guard  them. 
We  had  to  guard  our  things,  not  from  the  Spaniards,  but  from  the  Cubans. 

"  Soon  after  this  bullets  began  to  come  our  way.  It  was  the  most  mys- 
terious thing  imaginable.  We  could  see  them  strike  around  us  and  hear 
them  singing  through  the  air,  but  we  couldn't  tell  where  they  came  from. 
We  knew  the  general  direction,  but  no  amount  of  looking  in  that  direc- 


YELLOW  FEVER  HOSPITAL  NEAR  SANTIAGO. 


RAILROAD  BRIDGE  AT  AGUADORES  :  DESTROYED  BY  THE  SPANIARDS. 


THE  TENTH  CAVALRY  AT  EL  CANEY.  313 

tion  disclosed  any  of  the  enemy.  It  is  a  good  deal  of  a  nervous  strain  to 
be  ordered  to  stay  still  while  the  bullets  are  skipping  around  you.  Occa- 
sionally a  leaf  cut  off  by  a  bullet  would  come  floating  gracefully  down 
to  us,  in  an  easy,  pleasant  way  that  made  us  shiver.  We  got  tired  of  lying 
still  and  doing  nothing  while  under  fire,  and  as  there  was  no  superior 
officer  around  I  concluded  every  command  would  have  to  shift  for  itself; 
I  started  my  troop  forward  (we  were  dismounted)  to  see  if  we  could  get 
up  to  the  battle  line  and  take  some  active  part  in  the  affair.  We  pushed 
on  until  we  got  near  the  edge  of  the  bushes,  and  we  found  our  battle 
line  retreating.  The  retreat  of  the  battle  line  seemed  to  enrage  and 
arouse  our  men,  for  suddenly  all  started  forward  simultaneously  over  a 
line  a  half  mile  long.  I  heard  no  order,  and  there  could  have  been  no 
order  given  along  that  line.  It  was  one  of  those  inspirations  which  some-* 
times  moves  a  large  body  of  men.  Out  they  swept  from  the  bushes  into 
the  open  space,  our  men  with  the  rest.  I  saw  no  general  officers.  It  was 
every  man  for  himself,  and  all  for  the  enemy.  There  was  no  regular  line 
nor  formation.  It  was  a  straggling  mass  fifty  yards  deep  running  across 
the  open  and  firing  over  each  others'  heads  at  the  hill.  We  could  see  the 
dust  fly  where  the  bullets  struck  on  the  Spanish  defences. 

We  were  about  half  way  up  the  hill,  and  I  was  just  looking  over  the  mass 
of  men  advancing  up  the  steep,  when  I  suddenly  felt  as  if  my  left  leg  had 
been  struck  by  a  cannon  ball,  and  as  though  my  little  finger  were  in  a  ma- 
chine that  was  grinding  it  to  pulp.  It  didn't  take  me  long  to  find  that  I 
was  wounded.  It  seemed  to  me  that  I  must  be  horribly  wounded.  I  was 
afraid  to  look  at  that  leg  for  fear  it  was  entirely  shot  off.  I  called  one  of 
my  men  who  cut  my  trousers  open  and  found  that  the  wound  whicli  had 
seemed  so  serious  to  me,  was  only  a  flesh  wound  through  the  calf  of  the 
leg.  One  bullet  passed  through  my  left  little  finger.  A  bullet  ploughed 
a  groove  in  my  left  shoulder.  The  one  which  went  through  my  left  thigh 
I  did  not  feel  at  all,  and  did  not  know  it  had  struck  me  until  some  time 
afterward.  The  Spanish  sharpshooters  were  in  the  trees  with  smokeless 
powder,  arid  they  stayed  up  in  the  dense  foliage  of  the  treetops,  while  our 
men  marched  right  under  them.  Under  these  conditions,  we  did  not  know 
of  their  presence,  and  could  not  distinguish  their  firing  fronuthat  of  our 
-  own  men.  They  had  unchecked  opportunity  to  pick  off  the  officers,  and 
they  improved  it  well.  About  twice  as  many  officers  were  killed,  as  are 
usually  killed  in  proportion  to  the  relative  number  of  officers  and  men." 

Philosophic  Europe  broke  into  a  chorus  of  wonder  when  Thomas 
Carlyle,  at  the  apogee  of  his  fame,  produced  the  military  annals  of  the 
Seven  years'  War  in  which  Frederic  of  Prussia  was  the  commander.  It 


314  THE  HUMAN  SIDE   OF  BATTLE. 

was  not  exactly  supposed  to  be  a  waste  of  time  on  Carlyle's  part,  to  in- 
corporate the  testimonies  of  the  humblest  in  the  ranks,  but  it  was  some- 
thing so  entirely  new,  that  even  Froude,  Green  and  the  long  line  of  able 
writers  who  succeeded,  rarely  ventured  to  give  the  story  of  a  people's  do- 
ings, from  the  point  of  view  of  the  humbler  segments  in  the  social  scale. 
The  history  of  this  war  however,  would  be  a  bare  chronicle  of  cold 
official  facts,  without  color,  were  the  contributions  made  by  the  rank  and 
file  omitted.  The  human  side  of  the  battle  was  of  course  seen  by  the 
plain,  private  soldier,  who,  while  nominally  irresponsible,  as  a  matter  of 
fact  has  the  crucial  responsibility.  For  it  is  idle  to  say  that  the  four  or 
six  officials,  performing  perfunctory  duties,  can  move  or  in  any  sense 
change  the  volition  of  a  hundred  men.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  all  battles 
are  fought  by  the  men  in  the  ranks.  But  it  so  happens  that  the  testi- 
mony of  this  handiwork  was  never  so  clear  and  striking,  as  in  the  aston- 
ishing conflicts  at  Santiago.  Tennyson  says  in  In  Memoriam  :  "  They 
speak  their  feeling  as  it  is,  and  tell  the  fulness  of  their  pain." 

What  for  example  could  be  more  elucidative  of  the  mingled  confusion 
and  intrepid  purpose  of  a  body  of  men,  than  the  adventure  of  Color- 
Sergeant  Andrews  of  troop  B  in  the  Third  Cavalry.  He  was  tearing  up 
the  hill  at  San  Juan  with  the  impetuosity  of  a  boy,  although  he  has 
been  in  the  service  eighteen  years,  and  in  the  climb  from  the  ditch  while 
holding  the  colors  tenaciously,  he  was  knocked  over  repeatedly.  He  clung 
to  his  precious  charge.  For  a  moment  in  the  melee,  covered  by  the 
wounded,  and  helplessly  entangled  in  the  ditch,  he  called  out  to  his  lieu- 
tenant to  take  the  flag,  but  the  roar  of  the  battle  drowned  his  voice  and, 
unable  to  rise,  he  thrust  the  standard  upward.  "  When  I  could  get  my 
head  out  I  sat  up,  and  I  could  see  the  line  of  battle  for  a  mile.  There 
are  no  words  in  any  language,  that  I  know,  to  tell  what  the  fellows  were 
doing.  The  bullets  came  like  the  swash  of  water  against  the  side  of  the 
ship,  as  I  heard  it  many  a  night  sailing  from  Tampa.  The  nippers  would 
not  cut  the  wires,  and  then  you  should  see  the  men  brace  themselves  with 
their  guns  and  jump  upon  them  and  push  them  over.  Sergeant  Mulhearn 
grabbed  the  colors  and  planted  them  on  the  highest  spot  on  the  top  of 
the  hill.  Fully  200  shots  were  fired  at  the  banner  and  it  was  riddled  al- 
most to  a  rag.  My  clothes  were  cut  into  ribbons,  and  I  got  to  within  300 
yards  of  the  main  body  of  Spaniards,  just  as  our  fellows  were  capturing 
a  regimental  flag  with  the  letter  K  on  it.  About  that  time,  Colonel 
Roosevelt  and  Major  Westervelt  of  the  Rough  Riders  came  up  and  I 
shouted  to  them  to  lie  down  or  they  would  be  shot.  But  they  wouldn't. 
Major  Westervelt  was  shot  in  the  neck,  and  the  fellows  that  went  to  take  him 


"WE'VE   BEEN   HERE   ALWAYS."  315 

out  when  they  came  back  said,  that  as  soon  as  he  was  bandaged  he  began  to 
puff  his  pipe.  Then  when  he  found  out  he  was  not  seriously  hurt,  he  in- 
sisted on  returning  to  the  line,  but  the  surgeon  objected.  He  felt  him- 
self all  over  and  remarked  :  ^Well,  I  guess  I'm  boss,  and  I'm  going.' 
He  had  barely  got  to  the  line  of  fire,  when  he  was  shot  again  and  this 
time  knocked  out." 

What  volumes  we  should  be  spared  on  the  battle  of  Waterloo  for  ex- 
ample, if  some  color-sergeant  in  the  maddening  charge  with  Ney,  had  been 
able  to  tell  us  precisely  what  did  happen  in  those  fateful  hours  of  the 
swift-coming  twilight,  when  as  the  British  accounts  have  it,  Wellington 
felt  that  the  storm  had  broken,  and  that  he  might  release  his  sheltered 
regiments  from  the  cover  that  had  saved  them  all  day,  and  launch  them 
against  the  worn-out  fragments  of  Ney's  hideously  misused  cavalry. 

Valiant  men,  who  never  dreamed  of  throwing  the  sheaves  of  their  mod- 
est glory  in  the  wallet  of  time  for  remembrance,  wrote  private  letters, 
which  proud  kinsfolk  published  for  the  comfort  of  others — for  the  emula- 
tion of  future  heroes.  In  the  subjoined,  the  attentive  reader  will  observe 
how  the  writer  verifies  other  narratives,  and  yet  wrote  only  to  transcribe 
his  feelings  and  the  scene,  to  those  he  loved.  His  kinsfolk  had  no  idea 
that  the  official  reports  would  identify  the  officer — but  there  were  no  con- 
fusing number  of  shoulder-straps  in  the  first  entrance  to  San  Juan. 

"  We  have  been  in  Cuba  now  for  twenty  days.  The  other  day,  as  we 
were  changing  position  from  the  left  to  the  right  of  the  line,  some  soldier 
in  the  trenches  called  out:  *  Have  you  fellows  just  got  in?'  A  man  in 
my  company  called  back :  *  H — 1,  no ;  we've  been  here  always.'  And  in- 
deed, it  seems  as  if  we  had  been  here  for  years,  so  many,  many  hot  miles 
have  we  marched ;  so  many  wet  nights  have  we  slept  on  the  bosom  of 
Mother  Earth.  We  were  landed  without  transportation,  and  everything 
we  have  is  what  we  carry.  I  have  not  even  had  a  blanket.  We  sleep  in 
our  clothing  and  wallow  in  the  mud.  We  live  on  hardtack,  bacon  and 
coffee.  For  nearly  two  weeks  we  have  been  daily  and  nightly  under  fire, 
except  when  a  flag  of  truce  is  up.  The  great  event,  so  far  as  I  am  con- 
cerned, was  the  fight  of  July  1.  We  were  aroused  at  three  in  the  morn- 
ing and  put  in  march  at  the  first  peep  of  dawn,  over  a  road, which  we  had 
built  the  day  before.  We  waded  through  a  river,  and  then  were  halted, 
while  on  our  left  a  battery  of  artillery  opened  fire  on  the  enemy,  who 
was  shelling  our  balloon.  We  were  under  the  balloon,  and  you  may 
easily  appreciate  the  interest  we  took  in  the  proceedings.  Shell  and 
shrapnel  shrieked  about  us,  the  angry  buzz  and  vicious  bursting  of  the 
shells  seeming  to  be  on  every  side.  A  piece  of  shell  tore  through  a  man's 


316 


UNDER   A   PITILESS   FIRE. 


thigh.     The  noise  was  terrifying,  the  effect  of  shrapnel  being  dreadful 
when  it  hits.     Fortunately,  it  does  not  hit  often. 

"Our  battery  silenced  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  and  we  pushed  on  for- 


A  LETTER   FROM   HOME. 


ward.  Another  river  was  waded,  but  it  was  only  a  little  more  than  knee 
deep.  On  its  further  bank  whistled  the  enemy's  bullets.  The  men 
crouched  down  and  rushed  from  cover  to  cover.  We  turned  to  the  left ; 
thicker  and  faster  flew  the  bullets,  which  tore  seams  in  the  hot  summer 
air,  all  about  us,  above  us,  on  our  right  and  left,  and  at  our  feet.  A  part 


"COLONEL,  WHAT   ORDERS?"  817 

of  the  company  ahead  of  mine  balked  upon  an  open  space.  I  drove  them 
on,  and  my  own  company  followed  me.  The  regiment  was  soon  huddled 
together  in  a  bend  of  a  river,  surrounded  by  brush  and  trees.  A  few  mo- 
ments and  the  order  came  for  Captain  Turner's  company  to  move  for- 
ward ;  another  moment  and  Captain  Kennon  followed  him.  Out  into  an 
open,  grassy  field,  where  the  hum  of  insects  was  replaced  by  the  veno- 
mous 'zipp'  of  the  deadly  bullet.  'Not  to  cross  the  river.'  Such  was 
the  order.  Zipp,  zipp,  zipp  came  the  bullets.  The  air  was  full  of  them. 
What  to  do  ?  Nothing  but  stay  there  and  be  hit.  Two  more  companies 
came  up,  and  all  fell  back  but  mine.  But  I  was  ordered  to  join  on  the 
left  of  these,  so  I  ordered  my  company  back.  '  I'm  struck,'  called  out  a 
man.  I  hastened  to  him.  His  arm  was  bored  through,  and  the  rich  ar- 
terial blood  was  spouting  his  life  away.  I  called  a  man  to  help  me,  and 
Avhile  the  bullets  fell  like  rain  about  us  we  put  a  tourniquet  on  his  arm. 
The  bullet  had  entered  his  side.  Poor  fellow !  The  blood  was  stanched 
there,  and  we  helped  him — carried  him,  rather — to  a  place  where  he  would 
be  sheltered  from  sun  and  bullets. 

"  But  our  line  had  gone  back.  We  took  him  with  us,  the  bullets 
around  us  seeming  almost  like  a  solid  wall  of  lead  and  brass,  for  the 
brutes  were  using  brass-covered  bullets.  There  is  the  colonel.  '  Colonel, 
what  orders?'  'Move  forward,'  and  forward  again  we  went,  the  colonel 
going  with  us.  He  crossed  the  river,  I  after  him,  my  company  following. 
Here  we  breathed,  for  we  were  under  the  shelter  of  the  bank.  I  placed 
my  men  in  a  hollow.  The  colonel  sent  my  second  lieutenant  back  with 
orders  for  the  other  companies  to  join  us.  The  poor  boy  was  shot  through 
the  heart  after  giving  the  order  to  two  companies.  I  caught  my  breath 
and  plunged  again  into  the  storm  to  see  where  we  were,  where  the  enemy 
was,  what  we  were  to  do.  On  either  hand  were  Spanish  works,  the  one 
to  the  left  being  Fort  San  Juan.  It  sat  on  a  high,  steep  hill,  with  a  wide, 
flat,  grassy  plain  in  front,  and  a  barbed-wire  fence  for  us  to  climb.  Oh, 
that  fence  !  Many  and  many  a  fine  fellow  failed  to  cross  it.  There,  dear 
Sandy  Wetherill,  the  last  of  the  '  Old  Sixth '  left  to  us,  was  killed,  a  bul- 
let going  through  his  forehead. 

"A  line  was  forming  in  the  field.  I  went  back  and  brought  out  the 
company,  forming  on  the  right  of  the  line.  There  was  the  rattle  of  war 
the  loudest.  The  crack  of  our  rifles  and  those  of  the  enemy,  the  whizz 
of  the  bullet,  the  shouting  of  officers,  the  groans  of  the  wounded,  the 
sound  of  the  light  artillery,  the  bursting  of  shells. 

"  We  began  to  go  forward.  I  got  in  front  of  the  company  and  called, 
*  Come  on,  boys,'  and  the  brave  fellows  went  forward  on  a  run,  across  the 


OFFICERS   KILLED   BEFORE   SANTIAGO. 


Lift/fr  OftNPNWN 


318 


MINISTERING  TO  THE  WOUNDED.  319 

iield  and  up  the  spur  of  the  hill  on  which  was  the  fort.  Here  we  found 
ourselves  ahead  of  the  rest.  A  Gatling  gun  opened  on  the  enemy  with 
a  noisy  rattle,  and  with  deadly  effect.  The  Spaniards  were  firing  from 
trenches,  we  from  the  open,  but  the  storm  of  bullets  from  the  machine 
gun  seemed  to  shake  them.  I  saw  several  run.  I  sent  a  man  down  to 
the  regiments  who  were  forming  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  to  tell  them  that 
if  they  moved  forward  at  once  the  place  was  ours  and  begged  them  to 
advance.  Then  with  my  company  I  pushed  on,  and  was  the  first  officer 
to  reach  the  summit.  A  few  Spaniards  were  still  there,  the  rest  were  re- 
treating. I  directed  the  arms  to  be  taken  from  the  wounded  and  dead 
Spaniards,  and  fire  to  be  opened  on  the  retreating  enemy.  They  started 
to  make  a  stand,  but  the  others  now  coming  up  the  hill,  and  lining  up  on 
either  side,  poured  volley  after  volley  into  them  and  they  sought  safety 
in  precipitate  flight.  An  attempt  was  made  later  to  retake  it  but  was 
repulsed.  In  the  evening  we  were  ordered  to  the  left,  and  intrenched  our 
position. 

"  Eleven  officers  out  of  thirty-one,  120  men  out  of  about  450,  killed 
and  wounded,  that  is  the  record  of  the  Sixth  on  the  1st  of  July.  Every 
day  my  company  has  been  under  fire,  both  of  artillery  and  infantry.  It 
was  worth  a  man's  life  to  stand  erect.  A  bullet  came  within  less  than  six 
inches  of  my  head  as  I  was  taking  my  breakfast.  It  lodged  in  a  tree  two 
feet  away." 

In  this  Hadean  crucible  of  war  the  fabric  of  painfully  repressed  lies, 
perished.  The  atmosphere  was  clarified;  the  Spanish  soldiery  were 
stupefied  to  find  that  surrendering  themselves  to  the  "  Yankee  butchers  " 
did  not  mean  instant  scalping,  as  their  presses  had  forewarned  them.  For 
even  though  the  hospital  and  medical  provisions  were  painfully,  criminally 
stinted,  the  wounded  Spaniard,  like  the  wounded  soldiery  of  the  repub- 
lic, were  tenderly  cared  for;  shared  the  meager  comforts  of  the  invading 
ranks,  both  in  the  Red  Cross  refuges  and  the  military  hospitals.  This 
humanity  which  was  so  natural,  that  it  was  unnoticed  by  our  soldiers, 
-evoked  a  praise  from  the  foreigners  that  is  hardly  flattering  to  the  Euro- 
pean conduct  of  war.  Captain  Webster  of  the  Norwegian  military  staff, 
bore  this  testimony  :  * 

"  One  thing  which  specially  pleased  me  was  the  magnanimity  with 
which  the  United  States  hospital  corps  ministered  to  the  wounded  Span- 
iards found  on  the  battlefield.  They  were  picked  up  and  placed  in  the 
ambulance  wagons  and  carried  to  the  rear,  where  they  received  the  very 
best  medical  attention.  American  surgeons  on  the  battlefield  would 
bandage  the  wound  of  a  Spanish  soldier  to  stop  the  flow  of  blood  till  the 


320  A  BRITON'S  STORY. 

ambulance  wagon  arrived.     The  hospital  service  of  the  American  army 
is  worthy  of  the  highest  commendation. 

"  I  was  told  by  American  officers  that  the  Cubans  killed  wounded 
Spaniards  with  their  machetes,  but  this  barbarous  practice  was  stopped 
by  the  officers  and  men  of  the  United  States  army. 

"  The  Cubans  could  not  be  seen  when  an  engagement  opened.  They 
knew  nothing  about  scientific  warfare.  The  men  are  not  trained ;  they 
fight  as  an  organized  mob.  The  Cubans  rendered  very  little  service  to 
the  invading  army,  except  as  guides." 

A  startled  Briton,  reporting  the  campaign  for  the  war  office  in  London, 
witnessed  this  characteristic  trait:  "In  the  whirlwind  crisis  of  the  San 
Juan  attack,  an  officer  leading  Regulars  was  struck,  at  short  range,  in  the 
cheek.  The  Mauser  bullet  made  a  small,  clean  hole,  and  came  out  through 
the  side  of  its  victim's  nose.  He  did  not  know  he  was  hurt  until  another 
officer,  seeing  his  face  bleeding,  jokingly  said :  '  Why  man,  you're 
wounded,  mortally  wounded — look  at  the  blood.  I  don't  know  but  you're 
killed  already — look  at  the  hole  in  your  nose.  You've  got  four  nostrils* 
man,  if  you  don't  get  plugged  up,  you'll  be  going  about  breathing  like  a 
porpoise.'  With  that  he  led  his  comrade  off  to  the  hospital,  to  convince 
him  that  he  was  disabled  by  holding  a  mirror  to  his  face." 

But  fitful  glimpses  of  the  enormities  going  on  in  the  small  space 
beleaguered  by  an  army,  reached  the  multitudes  in  the  rear  as  far  as 
Siboney.  For  the  track  of  an  invading  army  is  precisely  like  a  city  that 
has  been  pillaged  and  dismantled.  The  roadways  improvised  for  the 
swift  rush  of  the  fighting  cohorts,  relapse  into  worse  than  the  quagmires 
and  tangle  hastily  converted  by  corduroying,  cutting  and  filling  to  give  the 
artillery  space.  From  the  sound  and  fury  of  the  fight,  to  the  ghastlier 
environs  of  the  field  hospitals,  the  non-combatants,  the  stragglers,  the 
thousand  diverse  personalities  of  an  army  in  movement,  huddle  or  crawl 
or  ply  an  obscene  trade  in  the  pillage  of  the  helpless,  the  robbery  of  the 
wounded.  Added  to  these  repellent  groups,  in  this  campaign  were  the 
surly  mobs  of  Cubans,  muscular  whether  to  ply  machete  and  stolen  fire- 
arms, or  ravage  the  miserable  remnants  of  the  soldiery  at  their  mercy. 
****** 

An  encounter  of  soldiery  in  a  country  like  Cuba,  or  our  own  for  that 
matter,  is  fertile  in  surprises.  It  is  the  preconcerted  thing  that  never 
happens.  To  stand  up  on  an  open  plain  and  deliver  volleys  into  the  faces 
of  men  distinctly  seen  by  each  side,  is  the  quintessence  of  soldierly  per- 
fection in  European  armies.  But  it  has  been  very  rare  since  the  Thirty 
Years'  War,  that  a  European  army  has  been  called  upon  to  encounter 


BOAT  CLUB  HOUSE,  SANTIAGO. 


M  IN  I  NO  ViLLAGK  NEAR 


EACH  REGIMENT  A  CORPS.  323 

natural  obstacles  of  the  really  insurmountable  sort  that  tried  the  muscles, 
as  well  as  the  nerves  of  the  soldiery  in  our  Civil  War,  and  in  this  brief 
but  gigantic  operation  at  Santiago.  Nor  will  the  reader  fully  comprehend 
the  tortures  of  mind  and  body  involved  in  what  seems  to  the  outsider  a 
brief  interval,  but  to  the  men  engaged,  a  year  of  phantasmal  futility  with 
no  reward  at  the  end.  In  other  words,  at  half  the  force  exerted  and  in- 
finitely less  cost  of  life,  battles  that  have  given  their  commanders  renown 
have  been  won  in  every  war.  It  is  therefore  impossible  to  understand 
the  magnitude  of  the  dangers  encountered,  conquered,  without  follow- 
ing step  by  step  every  regiment,  almost  every  platoon.  For,  as  a  mat- 
ter of  fact,  so  soon  as  launched  in  the  labyrinth  of  the  battle  plateau, 
each  regiment  was  a  corps  in  itself,  undertaking  the  manoeuvres  of  a  grand 
strategic  operation,  while  unconscious  of  the  influence  that  each  of  these 
integral  parts  were  exerting  on  the  whole. 

But  with  the  third  of  the  officers  slain  and  twelve  per  cent,  of  each 
regiment  incapable  of  moving,  wounded  or  dead,  a  conviction  suddenly 
settled  upon  the  minds  of  the  masses,  after  thirty-six  hours  of  titanic 
wrestling,  that  there  was  neither  victory  in  further  effort  nor  security  in 
retreat ;  exactly  the  frame  of  mind  that  precedes  the  dissolution  of  organ- 
ized armies.  In  this  juncture,  many  of  the  commanders  on  the  night  of 
July  the  first,  urged  General  Wheeler  to  withdraw.  They  saw  nothing 
but  disaster  in  remaining  where  they  were,  and  extinction  if  they  at- 
tempted to  advance.  But  Wheeler  had  been  in  dilemmas  of  a  more  try- 
ing sort  in  the  Civil  War.  He  had  been  surrounded  by  the  bayonets  of 
the  Federals,  and  many  a  time  had  cut  his  way  through  massed  ranks 
which  were  quite  as  formidable  as  the  barbed  wire  bulwarks,  stone  walls 
and  clay  defences  of  the  Spaniards. 

The  crafty  old  Confederate  knowing  the  effect  of  a  combined  remon- 
strance to  a  distant  commander  (Shafter  was  at  the  time  ill  on  a  transport) 
wrote  to  his  chief  saying :  "  I  presume  the  same  influences  are  being 
brought  to  bear  on  you  that  are  working  with  me.  But  it  will  not  do. 
American  prestige  would  suffer  irretrievably  if  we  give  up  an  inch ;  we 
must  stand  firm."  And  yet  at  this  very  moment,  when  hope  was  extinct, 
when  brawn  and  muscle  were  at  their  last  exertion,  when  the  most  ardent 
were  chilled  by  the  empty  belly  and  the  parched  throat,  cumulative  causes 
were  at  work  to  end  the  extraordinary  situation.  Cervera's  fleet  was  quit- 
ting the  harbor  of  Santiago. 

General  Breckenridge,  touching  the  conditions  on  the  night  of  July  2d, 
in  his  report  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  departs  thus  widely  from  the  tone 
of  official  literature : 


324  THE  BLACK  FLIGHT   OF  BULLETS. 

"  Doubtless,  through  telegrams  and  otherwise,  there  have  been  sufficient 
indications  of  the  intense  strain  in  the  whole  military  situation  on  the 
field  of  operations  which  led  to  the  consultation  at  the  El  Pozo  house  the 
night  of  July  2,  and  some  of  the  general  officers  favored  a  retrograde 
movement  during  the  day  or  two  prior  to  our  intrenchments  taking  shape 
and  the  armistice  being  agreed  upon.  .  .  .  Probably  it  is  now  evi- 
dent to  all  that  it  was  far  better  to  stand  steadfast,  and  perhaps  quite  pos- 
sible to  advance  rather  than  retreat  so  near  the  Fourth  of  July,  and  cer- 
tainly we  have  demonstrated  our  ability  to  hold  our  own." 

While  the  enemy's  flag  remains  in  sight,  while  the  embrasures  spit  fire, 
and  death  comes  in  torrents,  no  matter  how  much  has  been  won,  victory 
has  not  been  gained.  And  though  we  had  crushed  the  volcanic  outpour- 
ing of  El  Caney,  the  thunders  at  San  Juan  and  the  mangled  lines  strug- 
gling and  crawling  through  the  gullies,  lingering  by  the  streams,  made  it 
plain  to  the  rushing  ranks  of  reinforcements,  that  the  decisive  point  had 
not  been  won.  San  Juan  embodied  vaguely  to  the  minds  of  the  hurrying 
ranks  the  formidable  personality  of  the  Malakoff.  One  of  the  extraordi- 
nary incidents  of  the  battle  as  it  arranged  itself  now,  was  the  transposi- 
tion of  columns  in  the  dense  thickness  of  the  undergrowth.  The  divisions 
of  Kent  and  Sumner  crossed  each  other  unseen,  and  when  they  emerged 
into  the  line  of  fire,  they  were  found  to  be  in  exactly  reversed  positions. 
This  itself  will  give  a  reader  uninformed  in  military  technicalities,  a  vivid 
idea  of  the  maddening  noise  and  confusion  going  on,  within  the  eight 
miles  of  fire  the  battlefield  comprised.  For  if  two  friendly  bodies  of  men 
could  pass  each  other,  oblivious  each  of  the  presence  of  the  other,  how 
easy  would  it  have  been  for  an  enterprising  foe  to  place  a  force  in  a  posi- 
tion to  destroy  legions  moving  at  such  disadvantage.  It  was  late  in  the 
afternoon  when  the  tide  of  battle  became  congested  in  front  of  what  may 
be  called  the  headquarters  of  the  invading  army  at  El  Pozo.  A  battery 
of  artillery  which  had  painfully  worked  itself  to  this  point  of  vantager 
while  by  no  means  disconcerting  the  enemy,  brought  down  upon  the  gath- 
ering masses  of  Kent,  Sumner,  Lawton  and  Hawkins,  the  deadly  fire  of 
every  Mauser  in  the  enemy's  blockhouses.  Hawkins  himself  seemed  to 
breathe  the  intoxication  of  joy  under  the  ordeal.  He  rode  at  the  head  of 
his  infantry  brigade,  across  the  plain  and  up  the  steep  hillside  commanded 
on  three  sides  by  fire,  and  pushed  determinedly  forward,  absolutely  un- 
conscious that  he  was  the  best  target  of  the  thousands  on  the  field.  The 
infantry  moved  like  a  train  of  cars,  with  dismounted  cavalry  clustering 
by  their  side.  It  seemed  as  though  they  disdained  to  use  the  old-fash- 
ioned muskets,  for  they  moved  implacably  forward,  the  brilliant  colors  of 


BUILDING  A   CORDUROY  ROAD. 


326  THE  MAELSTROM  OF   THE  MAUSER. 

the  flag  accentuating  the  precision  of  the  line.  Slight  as  the  incident 
was,  Hawkins'  unostentatious  tranquillity,  as  he  took  off  his  hat,  with  a 
slight  gesture  of  courteous  command,  stiffened  the  sinews  of  the  inarching 
men.  And  it  would  be  almost  within  the  line  to  say  that  they  met  with 
derision  the  black  flight  of  bullets  and  the  shrieking  canister,  as  they  bore 
onward  with  gaping  ranks,  to  the  citadel  of  the  enemy's  resistance. 

Ordinarily,  in  fact  universally,  by  the  concomitant  testimony  of  the 
European  critics  and  monitors,  this  movement  was  a  criminal  impossi- 
bility. No  soldier  had  ever  been  called  upon  to  walk  up  to  unbroken 
walls,  to  face,  tear  away,  break  down  or  in  any  way  whatsoever,  overcome 
thick  networks  of  barbed  wire,  one  strand  of  which  suffices  to  stay  the 
momentum  of  ten  thousand  herded  cattle  on  the  plains.  Yet,  under  the 
fire  of  the  Spanish  embrasures,  in  the  maelstrom  of  the  Mausers,  those 
who  had  the  calmness  to  watch,  could  see  bayonets  twisting  the  wire, 
hatchets  chipping  them,  or  some  stalwart  fellow,  with  his  gun  bracing 
him,  trampling  the  wire  and  holding  it  down  for  the  others  to  pass  over. 
"  It  is  not  war,"  exclaimed  the  German  attache*,  "  but  it  is  magnificent. 
Men  who  can  make  such  soldiers  as  that  could  never  be  conquered  by  all 
the  armies  of  Europe."  And  over  the  entire  eight  miles,  heroic  insanity 
of  this  sort  was  seen  during  these  two  abysmal  days.  More  incomprehen- 
sible still  to  the  foreigner,  accustomed  to  the  methodic  warfare  of  the 
books,  whether  by  an  oversight  or  the  instinct  of  the  men  themselves,  the 
bayonets  were  not  fixed  on  the  guns.  Which  either  meant  that  our  sol- 
diery, as  by  an  interpenetrating,  common  consent,  had  determined  to  give 
the  Spaniards  no  time  to  fight  body  to  body,  or  that  the  enterprise  seemed 
so  hopeless  that  none  expected  to  reach  that  last  stage  of  desperation, 
when  men  meet,  bayonet  to  bayonet,  a  thing  very  rarely  seen  in  war. 

But  the  battle  was  fought  by  the  colonels,  majors  and  the  captains: 
the  division  commanders,  the  brigade  commanders,  had  followed  their 
orders  in  aligning  their  troops,  the  troops  themselves  saw  the  work  that 
must  be  done  and  resolutely  went  at  it.  The  darkness  on  that  space  of 
carnage  fell  as  suddenly  as  the  daylight  came  in  the  morning  ;  and  while 
this  heroic  struggle  had  won  the  outward  and  almost  invincible  defences 
of  Santiago,  the  last  range  of  a  despairing  but  undismayed  army  was  still 
between  the  war-worn  ranks  and  the  city.  As  I  said  before,  other  causes 
were  at  work  to  make  it  unnecessary  to  further  prove  the  valor  of  our 
soldiery  or  the  abnegation  of  the  line  and  staff.  It  is  not  surprising  that 
with  the  relaxation  of  the  night,  with  the  tension  gone,  dismay  and  doubt 
reigned  at  headquarters,  and  that  simultaneously  with  Sampson's  despatch 
electrifying  the  country,  the  Cabinet  was  stupefied  by  an  ominous  hint 


EVERY  MAN  HIS  OWN  ENGINEER.  329 

from  Shafter  that  his  energies  were  worn  out,  that  without  a  redouble- 
ment  of  his  army,  he  could  neither  hold  what  he  had  won,  nor  safely 
retreat. 

The  torrid  hours  of  the  July  night  were  passed  by  the  regimental  rem- 
nants under  the  fire  line,  in  burrowing.  Every  man  became  his  own 
engineer.  To  remain  on  the  surface,  quiescent,  was  inevitable  death. 
The  ground  was  transformed  into  monster  mounds  where  the  turf  and 
the  bushy  sedge  had  softened  the  arid  hillsides  or  occasional  level,  the 
morning  found  strange  protuberances  of  reddish  earth,  bncked  by  a 
cavity  large  enough  to  afford  a  grave-like  covert  for  the  outstretched 
warrior.  Sprawled  at  full  length  with  his  head  to  the  ridge  the  fighter 
was  safe  from  the  incessant  search  of  the  Mauser.  He  was  able  also  to 
rest  his  gun  on  the  level  earthwork  and  by  quickly  sighting,  give  the 
enemy  a  taste  of  the  unrest  he  had  been  inflicting  the  day  before.  It 
would  be  hard  to  make  any  one  realize  who  had  not  been  under  fire,  the 
swiftness  with  which  men  untrained  in  emergencies,  seize  and  adapt  them- 
selves to  the  chances  of  warfare.  To  look  at  these  recumbent,  sprawling, 
dirt-bedraggled  ranks  on  the  3d  of  July,  it  would  have  been  assumed 
that  they  had  passed  a  novitiate  in  burrowing,  in  improvising  defences 
against  foes  armed  with  such  advantages  as  smokeless  powder  and  repeat- 
ing arms.  Confident,  or  rather,  reassured  of  existence  until  the  time  of 
charge  came,  a  poignant  anguish  of  another  sort  arose.  There  was  no 
food  at  hand.  The  paths  the  army  had  passed  over,  even  if  found,  were 
turned  into  quagmires  by  the  diluvian  rains,  they  were  littered  with  de- 
bris, the  cast-off  garments  of  the  men,  the  innumerable  impedimenta  that 
oozes  from  an  army  as  the  rage  of  battle  transforms  the  human  into  a 
mere  fighting  machine.  The  weight  of  an  ounce  becomes  a  ton,  as  men 
are  shifted  under  fire,  and  only  the  most  indurated  veteran  foresees  far 
enough  to  cling  to  his  haversack,  bulging  with  a  stated  supply  of  rations. 
These  weights  had  been  lost  or  cast  aside,  in  the  ten  thousand  shif tings 
of  the  thirty  hours'  battlings:  hence  at  the  very  moment  food  was  much 
the  most  imperative  need,  it  was  almost  totally  lacking.  Neither  the 
grewsome  hardtack  nor  the  equivocal  salt  meat  were  to  be  had.  Coffee, 
that  support  and  mainstay  of  the  fighter  under  every  privation,  *vas  rare  even 
among  the  staff  or  the  line.  An  empty  stomach  is  a  delusive  counsellor. 
It  is  the  ruin  of  strategy,  the  destruction  of  armies.  Yet  the  extraordi- 
nary ranks  which  had  been  defying  immemorial  precedent  in  attack, 
added  another  proof  to  the  adage  that  no  rule  holds  in  war.  For  in  spite 
of  hunger,  in  spite  of  the  ominous  aftermath  of  rumors  that  flew  along 
the  line,  the  ironside  tenacity  of  the  ranks  never  for  an  instant  relaxed. 
18 


330  THE  REVIEW  OF  STRATEGY. 

The  jovial  quip,  the  biting  sarcasm  arose  from  the  clustered  figures 
wherever  the  din  of  the  rifle  fell  long  enough  for  the  accents  of  the  voices 
to  be  heard.  Not  a  man  of  the  burrowed  ten  thousand  dreamed  of  what 
was  in  store  and  not  a  man  gave  the  slightest  evidence  that  he  cared. 
But  at  the  headquarters  the  peril  had  effaced  the  wonder  of  what  was 
done,  and  even  in  the  throes  of  this  peril,  before  the  plight  of  Cervera  was 
known,  the  fateful  resolution  was  reached  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the 
foe,  whose  advance  would  have  been  our  destruction,  whose  defiant  delay 
would  have  checked  the  campaign  until  another  army  could  have  been 
brought  to  the  coast,  to  protect  the  one  we  had  wasted. 

•*####-x-#* 
During  the  awful  hours  of  hunger,  expectancy  of  no  hopeful  sort,  when 
the  forces  of  nature  were  lowest,  when  the  blood  crept  and  the  nerves 
pricked  when  "  time  was  a  maniac  scattering  fear,  and  life  a  fury  slinging 
flame,"  as  Tennyson  sings,  the  observant  philosopher  noted  that  the 
Regular  bore  the  strain  with  preternatural  composure.  Wherever  pro- 
fanity and  the  obscene  gibe  were  heard,  it  was  known  there  were  no 
Regulars !  Brave  and  fine  as  the  volunteers  were,  they  were  not  the  ad- 
mirable phalanx  the  Regulars  were  found  in  every  emergency.  The  vol- 
unteer is  a  coquette  in  campaign.  He  demands  the  incessant  regard  of 
the  country.  He  must  have  his  every  movement  chronicled,  his  disci- 
pline lauded,  his  bravery  adulated.  Taking  war  as  a  "  vast  picnic,"  a 
"  good  time  "  when  all  the  rigors  of  social  propriety  are  relaxed,  he  insists 
that  his  doings  are  precedents ;  his  obedience  wonder-working,  his  naive 
curiosity  to  test  the  utmost  that  bullets,  bombs  and  the  infernalities  of 
war  can  do,  the  cap  and  crown  of  heroism.  "  When  I  hear  a  soldier 
swear,"  testifies  an  observant  historian  of  all  the  momentous  movements 
at  El  Caney  and  San  Juan,  "  I  know  without  looking  that  he  is  a  volun- 
teer." As  was  noted  in  all  the  despatches  recounting  the  scramble  of  the 
Rough  Riders,  the  colonel  was  compelled  to  admonish  the  men  to  swear 
less  and  to  fight  more.  But  the  Regular  neither  swears  nor  demonstrates. 
He  chews  tobacco  in  the  stress  of  hunger,  occupies  his  hands  in  brighten- 
ing his  toggery,  in  verifying  the  efficiency  of  his  Krag-Jorgenson.  But  in 
the  matter  of  profanity  it  is  worth  the  study  of  the  philosophic  to  trace 
the  process,  which  evokes  from  the  victim  of  a  bullet,  the  almost  invari- 
able exclamation  "My  God,  I'm  hit."  The  volunteer  if  he  has  breath 
enough,  however,  is  more  profuse  in  his  profanity  and  empties  his  exple- 
tives in  proportion  to  the  painlessness  of  his  wound.  Yet  at  the  same 
time  it  was  the  concurrent  testimony  of  chaplains  and  surgeons  that  a 
general  religious  sentiment  ran  in  a  strong  current  among  the  majority  of 


A  REMNANT  OF  PURITAN  BLOOD.  381 

the  Regulars  and  volunteers,  as  gauged  by  the  evidences  afforded  in  the 
hospitals.  In  the  pockets  or  among  the  private  appurtenances  of  a  large 
majority  of  the  wounded,  Bibles  and  Testaments  and  other  tokens  of 
church! y  attachment  were  found  in  a  large  majority  of  cases.  But  more 
impressive  than  this  the  foreign  observer  remarked  with  surprise  on  the 
first  Sunday  morning  when  the  army  stood  at  bay  before  the  bulwarks  of 
the  besieged  city,  when  the  bells  of  Santiago  rang  for  church  service  the 
men  in  the  invading  army  were  seen  with  a  Bible  in  one  hand  and  a 
musket  in  the  other.  It  was  the  conviction  of  the  old  world  observer  that 
a  remnant  of  the  Puritan  blood  still  ran  in  the  veins  of  descendants  gen- 
erally believed  to  be  anything  but  Puritan.  The  men  under  him  were  a 
study  and  delight  to  the  transformed  rebel,  "  Joe  Wheeler"  who  in  other 
days  made  campaigning  very  serious  work  for  the  armies  of  the  Union. 
The  boyish  gaiety  of  his  Confederate  tatterdemalions  found  no  equivalent 
among  the  decorous  Regulars,  moving  at  his  will  like  so  many  machines. 
But  he  was  reminded  of  the  Confederate  stress  and  storm,  by  the  scant 
larder  and  the  fluctuating  phases  of  victory  or  the  counsel  of  retreat. 
The  general,  seated  in  his  meagerly  furnished  quarters,  one  day,  had  a 
Spanish  deserter  brought  before  him.  The  Spaniard  was  a  comely,  even 
jovial  youth,  obviously  relieved  to  find  himself  beyond  the  uncertainties 
in  store  for  his  beleagured  brethren.  The  interpreter  gives  this  piquant 
narrative  of  the  colloquy  : 

He  admitted  he  had  come  into  our  lines  to  save  his  neck;  he  had 
been  sent  out  to  forage  and  had  slipped  over.  The  Spanish  soldiers,  he 
said,  were  not  by  any  means  discouraged ;  they  were  indignant  at  not 
being  properly  fed  and  at  not  receiving  any  money.  The  officers,  he  said, 
took  care  to  have  their  wants  attended  to.  and  had  all  kinds  of  luxury  at 
their  mess,  including  wine,  ice,  and  meat.  Since  General  Toral  had  suc- 
ceeded General  Linares,  things  had  somewhat  bettered.  They  had  been 
paid  three  dollars,  the  first  money  they  had  received  in  six  months,  but 
the  officers  had  been  paid  with  something  like  regularity.  There  was  no 
bread  for  the  men,  but  the  wealthy  people  could  get  it.  The  ice  factory 
at  the  head  of  the  harbor  was  still  running.  The  hospital  was  full  of 
wounded.  The  Spanish  Sisters  of  Mercy  remained,  tending  the  sick,  but 
the  Cuban  sisters  had  left,  and  also  the  Sisters  of  Charity.  All  the  stores 
were  closed,  but  General  Toral  had  seized  all  provisions  in  them  and 
taken  possession  of  the  wine  shops.  When  the  deserter  left,  the  Spanish 
had  not  looted  any  houses,  but  had  seized  horses  and  mules  left  by  the 
pacificados,  and  were  slaughtering  them  for  the  army.  The  Spaniards, 
he  said,  had  from  17,000  to  20,000  troops  in  the  city.  Cervera,  had 


WHAT   THE   DESERTER  TOLD. 


supplied   the    army  with    ammunition    and   guns.     When  asked  if   the 
Spanish  liked  the  Cubans,  he  promptly  replied:     "No,  no.     They  are 


GENERAL   JOSE   TORAL    Y   VELASQUEZ. 

cowardly  and  treacherous,  and  the  Americans  will  soon  find  that  out. 
While  the  Spaniards  would  always  fight,  they  were  tired  of  the  war ; 


THE  FEAR  OF  DEATH.  333 

they  did  not  think  Cuba  was  worth  fighting  for.  If  the  Americans  cap- 
tured Cuba,  many  Spanish  soldiers  would  desert  and  settle  there,  because 
the}7  knew  they  could  earn  an  easy  living  by  farming,  but  they  would 
never  stay  under  the  treacherous  rule  of  the  Cubans.  He  was  told  to 
return  to  his  lines,  as  he  was  not  wanted.  He  replied  that  he  did  not 
want  to  go,  and  upon  the  general  threatening  to  shoot  him,  having  sus- 
picions that  he  was  a  spy,  he  replied:  "If  I  go  back,  I  will  be  shot,  so  I 
would  as  soon  be  shot  here." 

It  is  the  strongest  instinct  of  life  in  all  ranks  of  animated  things  to 
fear  and  abhor  death.  Our  organs  seem  to  inherit  this  shrinking ;  the 
dread  of  death  by  pain,  is  the  phenomena  we  call  cowardice.  The  ex- 
planation of  the  interest  mankind  takes  in  battle,  in  war,  arises  from 
the  consciousness  of  this.  For  no  man  differs  from  his  fellow  in  the 
shrinking  from  the  ghastly  mangling,  the  carnage  of  the  bullet  and  bomb. 
The  heroism,  therefore,  that  evokes  wonder  and  adoration,  consists  in  the 
degree  in  which  men  suppress  that  natural  terror  and  perform  the  work 
assigned  them  like  sentient  machines,  governed  by  impulses  quite  beyond 
the  normal  developments  of  resolution.  The  single  difference  between 
valor  and  recreancy,  is,  that  the  heroic  fiber  feels,  thrills,  but  bears;  the 
coward  collapses  under  the  shock  and  seeks  escape.  But  indeed,  in  this 
state,  the  victim  is  as  often  paralyzed  by  a  mental  disease  as  the  subject  of 
apoplexy.  Cowardice  is  simply  the  inability  of  the  mind  to  <sontrol  the 
body's  mechanism  in  the  perfect  hold  the  mind  possesses  over  the  body. 
No\v  the  battlefield  has  an  atmosphere  of  its  own.  The  mind,  by  some 
quite  indefinable  process,  acts  with  a  million  eyes  and  sees  the  cumulative 
chances  against  life.  No  man  ever  fell  into  the  line  of  march  toward 
battle  without  a  conviction  that  death  awaits  him.  Hence  a  panic,  the 
instant  eclipse  of  the  reasoning  faculties,  is  as  apt  to  arise  from  those  who 
would  be  heroes,  as  from  those  who  seem  cowards.  It  is  largely  a  matter 
of  accident ;  some  of  the  most  valiant  warriors  that  ever  dared  death, 
have  fallen  into  panic.  It  is  only  men  of  unconquerable  pride,  who  can 
resist  this  moral  cataclysm.  There  is  no  training,  no  safeguard  that  can  as- 
sure a  commander  against  this  temporary  aberration.  This  is  to  be  borne 
'in  mind  by  the  millions  who  exult  in  the  hardihood  and  constancy  dis- 
played in  the  Santiago  campaign,  for  in  this  enterprise  above  all  others  re- 
corded in  war,  the  causes  and  conditions  were  ideally  calculated  to  create 
the  atmosphere  in  which  panic  is  inevitable;  the  wild  and  weird  country, 
with  its  aggressive  shrubberies,  its  uncanny  animal  life,  its  mysterious 
deeps  of  impenetrable  gloom,  its  corrugated  walls  of  soil  that  imprisoned 


334  IN  THE  VERY  VORTEX. 

the  limbs  and  clogged  the  steps,  the  volleying  deaths  from  above,  where 
instead  of  birds,  the  Spaniards  lurked  among  the  branches :  the  havoc 
wrought  from  massed  bodies,  arising  out  of  the  very  ground.  Death  fly- 
ing from  every  direction,  sped  by  a  mechanism  that  made  no  sound  and 
emitted  no  smoke.  All  this  was  calculated  to  disturb  the  constancy  of 
the  most  perfectly  trained  soldiery.  That  Shafter's  legions  endured  them 
and  wrought  effectively,  is  as  impressive  as  the  valiance  that  won  Auster- 
litz  or  Marengo. 

Official  reports  and  eyewitnesses  record  but  one  instance  of  panic  in 
the  pandemonium  of  death,  that  met  the  converging  columns  of  Kent's 
division.  The  seventy-first  volunteers,  a  New  York  regiment  of  admir- 
able materials,  was  given  the  order  to  allign  on  the  left  of  Hawkins' 
brigade.  This  movement  brought  them  into  the  very  vortex  of  the 
Spanish  fire.  The  leading  battalion  plunged  forward,  the  hissing  and 
hurtling  lead  seemed  to  clamor  for  life  ;  the  men  quivered  in  bewilder- 
ment, paused,  the  instinct  of  preservation,  the  inexpressible  something 
that  makes  the  soldier  oblivious,  that,  in  battle  at  least,  it  is  not  all  of 
death  to  die,  overwhelmed  the  file  leaders ;  there  was  a  quiver  of  hesitancy, 
and  in  that  moment  the  soldier's  shield  and  defender,  pride,  was  lost. 
The  mass  turned,  in  panic,  and  for  an  instant  the  doom  of  the  whole 
division  was  sealed.  For  there  is  nothing  so  swiftly  contagious  as 
terror,  unless  it  be  daring.  An  instant's  hesitation  or  hesitancy  on  the 
part  of  the  officers,  and  Shafter's  army  would  have  been  a  body  of  fly- 
ing shreds  and  patches.  But  the  hurricane  roar  of  the  guns  the  ghastly, 
venomous  hissing  of  the  Mausers,  drowned  the  dastard  cry,  of  "  sauve  qui 
peut,"  a  cordon  of  the  uncontaminated  uprose  in  a  flash,  and  the  ordeal 
was  ended.  But  had  General  Kent  not  been  on  the  spot,  even  the  drawn 
sword  and  pointed  guns  might  not  have  stayed  the  unmanned  groups. 
The  general  ordered  the  battalions  of  the  regiment  still  intact,  to  lie  down. 
This  brought  the  chaos  of  fear  to  a  pause.  It  gave  the  wretched  culprits 
time  to  recover,  and  when  they  were  again  called  upon,  they  were  all  that 
men  needed  to  be. 

Such  momentary  aberration  has  been  known  in  all  armies  in  all  times. 
One  of  the  most  valorous  bodies  in  the  corps  that  performed  Napoleon's 
most  resounding  prodigies  in  Italy,  was  for  a  moment  overcome  in  the 
same  way  on  the  plateau  of  Rivoli.  The  general  promptly  deprived  them 
of  their  colors.  In  the  succeeding  engagement  the  regiment  thus  tar- 
nished, eclipsed  the  audacity  of  the  most  intrepid  bodies,  that  won  the 
miraculous  battle  of  Arcola  and  the  flag  restored  to  them  was  thereafter 
identified  with  the  most  glorious  regiment  that  marched  from  Naples  to 
Moscow. 


PART  V. 

IT  is  characteristic  of  our  many  strained  race  that  it  is  the  jocular  form 
that  seems  to  come  to  the  lips,  no  matter  how  grave  the  ordeal.  It 
was  instantly  known  from  end  to  end  of  the  harassed  line,  that  "old  Shaf- 
ter  "  was  playing  the  Spaniards  a  "  bluff."  For  by  that  inscrutable  clair- 
voyance with  which  the  very  minds  of  persons  in  authority  seem  to  be 
apprehended  by  the  multitude,  every  man  in  the  outworn  ranks  knew 
that  desperation  alone  held  them  to  the  ground  they  had  won.  It  is  easy 
to  conceive  the  immense  sigh  of  relief  that  went  up  through  the  dim  re- 
cesses of  chapparal  and  palm,  over  the  beaver-like  mounds  that  engirdled 
Santiago,  when  white  flags  were  seen  waving  wherever  a  point  of  vantage 
could  be  gained.  Nor  was  it  less  humorous  that  as  the  morning  wore  on 
our  imperiled  commanders  made  plaint  against  the  Spaniards  that  they 
were  taking  advantage  of  the  truce  to  strengthen  their  works  and  run 
out  embankments,  where,  in  the  event  of  a  resumption  of  hostilities  a 
broadside  or  enfilading  fire  could  be  brought  to  bear  from  end  to  end  of 
our  improvised  fortifications.  Again  we  were  indebted  to  the  Cubans 
for  a  gratuitous  augmentation  of  our  perils,  for  the  Spanish  doggedly 
made  answer  that  the  rebels  had  not  recognized  the  flag  and  were  carry- 
ing on  their  accustomed  warfare  of  sneaking  assassination  and  predation. 
But  the  flag  brought  a  rebound  to  the  old  gaiety,  the  old  confidence. 
The  men  could  rise  to  full  height  and  from  favorable  points  look  far  down 
into  the  city,  watch  the  people  passing,  watch  the  normal  activities  of 
life  going  on  very  much  as  though  the  thin  line  of  blood  and  iron  had 
coalesced,  and  the  pandemonium  of  attack  had  passed.  But  the  sights 
were  not  pleasant  to  witness,  for  the  roads  were  filled  with  the  dying  or  the 
wounded,  and  the  stench  of  the  decaying  horses  covered  by  the  clouds  of 
vultures,  came  up  almost  as  sickeningly  as  the  feast  of  blood  the  day 
before. 

Swarms  of  refugees  laden  with  their  treasures  could  be  plainly  marked 
passing  out  of  the  entrenchments  westward  and  northward.  The  cannon 
which  had  wrought  such  destruction  on  the  charging  regulars  could  now 
be  marked  clearly,  and  the  soldiers  of  the  republic  looked  back  wistfully 
to  count  the  brazen  tongues  that  had  tardily  reached  the  field  on  our 
side.  But  it  is  to  be  noted,  and  the  fact  is  no  discredit  to  the  valor  of  our 
men,  that  by  common  consent  the  very  ranks  that  had  been  yearning  for 

(335) 


336  A  TALE  OF  TWO  CAPTAINS. 

action — glory  or  the  grave — admitted  that  it  would  be  murder  to  con- 
tinue the  battle  of  the  two  previous  days,  if  the  Spaniards  held  out  and 
defended  the  formidable  lines  now  clearly  visible  to  every  eye.  Again, 
the  depressing  disadvantage  of  our  black  smoke  powder,  revealing  the 
•  vuet  position  of  the  men  and  the  almost  preternatural  work  of  the 
smokeless  powder,  revealing  nothing,  had  its  effect  on  the  imaginations  of 
those  who  had  already  felt  the  immense  disparity  of  the  two  mediums. 
Up  to  this  point  the  soldiers  felt  that  they  had  themselves  taken  the  reins 
in  their  own  hands,  that  they  had  done  the  fighting  and  whatever  faults 
or  mischances  had  resulted  was  largely  of  their  own  doing.  It  was  their 
own  eagerness  to  seize  the  embattled  lines  in  front,  that  deprived  them  of 
incalculable  advantages  of  the  Gatling  guns  painfully  clambering  toward 
them  from  the  rear.  A  battery  of  these  destructive  machines  at  El  Caney 
or  San  Juan  would  have  saved  half  of  the  1,500  lives  lost  in  the  adven- 
ture. In  fact,  by  common  consent,  the  capture  of  San  Juan  hill  was  as- 
cribed to  the  extraordinary  inspirations  of  two  captains  of  the  Sixth 
United  States  Infantry,  and  in  days  to  come  when  the  daring  of  the 
march  and  siege  are  discussed,  the  tale  will  take  its  place  among  the 
thrilling  legends  of  military  history.  The  Sixth -lost  131  men  killed  and 
wounded,  out  of  a  total  of  450  who  came  through  the  via  dolorosa  of  El 
Pozo  under  the  command  of  its  colonel,  Egbert.  These  450  men  launched 
in  the  dark,  vaguely  directed  to  cross  the  San  Juan  river  and  hold  the 
foot  of  the  hill,  found  themselves  as  it  were,  isolated,  that  is  to  say,  out  of 
the  reach  of  the  staff  guides  and  division  commander. 

The  hill  uprose  bristling  with  cactus  and  impregnable  with  the  thickly 
set  wires  and  traps  prearranged  for  death.  Up  in  the  air,  far  above  the 
Sixth,  rose  the  ancient  crenelated  ruin  turned  into  a  fortress  or  block- 
house. The  ascent  from  any  side  accessible  to  the  regiment  was  by 
actual  measurement  forty  five  degrees.  The  segment  of  the  hill  to  be 
taken  and  held,  about  a  third  of  a  mile  crescent.  The  river  oozes  furtively 
through  an  immense  brake  of  jungle,  wire,  grass  and  all  manner  of  cling- 
ing and  obstructive  growths.  The  water  at  no  point  fell  below  the 
middle  of  the  men  as  they  struggled  through.  Into  this  pit  of  gloom  the 
Spaniards  had  prearranged  a  fire  which  was  so  well  nourished,  as  the 
French  would  say,  that  hardly  a  leaf  was  spared  on  the  taller  growths, 
and  it  seems  like  an  invention  to  say  that  ;i  man  of  the  450  escaped  from 
the  clow  ipoiir  of  Mausers.  It  is  no  discredit  to  the  battalion  that  they 
broke  in  every  direction,  not  to  seek  cover  but  to  avoid  death  in  order 
that  they  might  achieve  the  task  set  them.  In  this  dispersion,  the  various 
companies  were  so  dislocated  that  the  men  could  not  find  their  surround- 


THROUGH  A  PIT  OF  DEATH.  337 

ings  nor  the  officers  their  commands.  In  this  blizzard  of  mingled  death 
and  confusion,  Captain  L.  W.  V.  Kennan  of  Company  E,  and  Captain 
Charles  Byrne  of  Company  F,  asked  the  colonel,  in  despair,  what  they 
should  do.  The  previous  consign  had  been  not  to  push  beyond  the  river 
until  the  proper  supports  came  up  on  either  flank,  but  to  remain  in  the 
pit  of  death  was  to  sacrifice  the  regiment  uselessly,  whereas  by  advancing, 
the  range  of  the  Spaniards  might  be  disconcerted.  The  two  captains  just 
mentioned  gathered  together  fragments  of  many  companies  as  they  came 
to  hand.  With  this  dauntless  band,  Byrne  made  at  the  wire  palisades, 
where  the  men  were  already  mowed  down  in  heaps.  He  seized  a  machete 
from  the  hand  of  a  Cuban,  slashed  an  opening  in  the  wire  and,  amazing  to 
say,  almost  in  single  file  the  band  poured  through  and  as  anticipated 
were  for  a  momentous  pause  sheltered  from  the  plunging  fire  above.  But 
a  harder  task  still  fronted  them,  for  the  uprise  was  so  steep  that  the  men 
were  obliged  to  pull  themselves  up  by  the  bushes.  And  it  often  happened 
that  the  shoulder  of  one  man  was  the  stepping-stone  to  another  to  retain 
his  footway.  But  there  was  a  surcease  from  the  Mausers,  for  the  bullets 
went  far  beyond  the  squirming  companies  as  they  painfully  toiled  up- 
ward. At  the  top  of  the  hill  Byrne  and  Kennan  gravely  shook  hands  in 
commemoration  of  the  feat  done,  and  the  work  to  do.  On  this  gloriously 
won  point  of  vantage  they  found  the  brilliant  and  brave  Lieutenant  Ord, 
who  had  paid  for  his  temerity  in  seeking  the  spot,  by  his  life.  With 
straggling  fragments  of  the  Sixteenth  and  Twenty-fourth  he  had,  al- 
though a  staff  officer,  taken  it  upon  him  to  silence  the  fort  that  was  deal- 
ing such  destruction,  and  in  the  charge  he  was  riddled  by  the  bullets  of  a 
revolver  in  the  hands  of  a  wounded  Spaniard. 

This  one  of  the  painful  tragedies  of  the  line  of  battle,  in  the  deadly 
climax  of  onset,  illustrates  the  "hell  "  aspect  of  war.  One  of  the  aids  of 
General  Hawkins — Lieutenant  Ord— had  distinguished  himself  by  a  bear- 
ing and  energy  worthy  of  his  lineage,  for  the  young  man  was  a  son  of 
that  splendid  soldier  General  O.  E.  C.  Ord,  whose  service  during  the  Civil 
War  gave  him  rank  and  influence  with  the  most  admired  of  the  group  just 
below  Grant,  Sherman  and  McClellan.  Young  Ord  had  proved  the  fine 
fabric  of  his  lineage,  by  entering  the  army  as  a  private  soldier. .  He  had 
won  the  rank  of  lieutenant  through  the  test  of  fitness.  He  had  under- 
gone the  trials  and  dangers  of  the  combats  at  Santiago,  with  such  firm- 
ness, with  such  an  insight  into  the  devoir  of  an  officer,  that  his  name 
was  telegraphed  to  Washington  as  one  among  the  signally  deserving.  He 
was  everywhere  on  the  deadly  line  guiding  the  broken  ranks,  informing 
the  officers  of  their  positions  and  the  work  incumbent  upon  them.  He 


338  A  HIDEOUS  REVENGE. 

was  hailed  as  the  " gunner "  by  the  ranks,  for  wherever  his  handsome 
young  figure  appeared,  there  was  danger,  but  there  was  intelligent 
purpose. 

He  was  carrying  out  his  task  at  the  head  of  the  charging  columns  at 
San  Juan  ;  he  had  reached  the  summit  of  the  hill,  and  saw  the  Spaniards 
breaking  just  beyond.  At  the  instant,  observing  a  wounded  enemy  with 
a  gun  in  his  hand,  the  lieutenant  called  out:  "Take  care  of  that  man." 
The  Spaniard,  as  is  supposed,  mistook  the  intent  of  the  officer's  injunc- 
tion— supposed  that  he  was  directing  his  troops  to  kill  instead  of  care  for 
the  helpless,  and  fired  point  blank  at  the  victim.  Ord  fell  dead.  The 
soldiers  of  his  regiment, — the  Sixth  Infantry — inflamed  by  the  sight  of  the 
young  man's  slaughter,  rushed  on  the  assassin  in  a  fury,  riddled  him  with 
bullets,  even  tore  the  body  into -fragments  and  thrust  those  into  the 
sticky  soil.  The  vengeance  no  doubt  seemed  natural  —  at  such  a  time  ; 
Ord  was  passionately  admired  by  his  company,  his  death  seemed  an  as- 
sassination, but  it  was  not.  The  soldier  with  gun  in  hand  is  chartered 
by  the  laws  of  war  to  kill  all  who  come  within  range.  The  wounded 
Spaniard,  misled  by  the  fabrications  of  the  Cuban  presses,  took  it  for 
granted  that  death  awaited  him  and  he  only  imitated  the  most  devoted 
figures  in  all  wars,  by  selling  his  life  dearly  and  lessening  the  enemies  of 
his  country. 

But  even  the  most  vigorous  application  of  duty  could  not  justify  a 
company  in  avenging  the  lieutenant's  death.  The  Spaniard  was  helpless 
— he  was  almost  in  the  company's  keeping,  a  prisoner.  Now  had  this 
episode  happened  to  a  Spanish  officer,  and  had  the  United  States  soldier 
who  killed  him,  fared  as  the  Spaniard  fared,  what  would  the  world  have 
heard?  It  would  have  been  another  evidence  of  the  inborn  depraved 
ferocity  of  the  Spanish  character.  It  would  have  justified  any  and  all 
reprisals.  The  incident  is  of  moment,  only  as  admonishing  the  impulsive 
that  in  war,  wrongdoing  is  the  rule,  rightdoing  the  mere  chance  of  for- 
tunate circumstances. 

Byrne  and  Kennan,  without  a  pause,  concentrated  the  fragments  of  the 
companies  that  had  clambered  up  the  hill,  and  by  what  seemed  a  miracle 
of  pure  impudence  charged  upon  the  blockhouse,  routed  its  defenders 
and  ran  up  the  flag. 

But  the  deeds  of  the  day  were  scattered  over  so  many  points  unwit- 
nessed by  staff  officers  and  the  agencies  usually  accounted  on  to  make 
reports,  that  these  extraordinary  exhibitions  of  individual  courage  and 
sagacity  found  no  mention  in  the  official  reports.  Yet  this  passage  was  to 
the  general  battle,  what  Hobson's  feat  was  to  the  destruction  of  Cervera. 


ONLY  TWENTY  LEFT.  389 

A  witness  of  the  adventure  relates  that  the  two  captains  moved  entirely 
on  their  own  responsibility,  and  that  during  the  upward  climb  they  be. 
came  separated  and  as  if  by  a  mutual  instinct  on  reaching  the  cres^ 
ordered  the  same  maneuvers.  Captain  Kennan  made  his  men  lie  down 
and  ordered  them  not  to  shoot  at  anything  but  men,  and  not  to  fire  with- 
out orders.  The  men  watched  him  eagerly,  anticipating  the  word  to  ad 
vance.  Very  soon  he  ordered  them  forward.  "The  men's  faces,"  Cap- 
tain Kennan  testifies,  "were  like  the  faces  of  schoolboys  when  they  heard 
that  they  are  to  have  an  unexpected  holiday."  They  rushed  on  eagerly, 
and  found  a  road  which  fortunately  saved  them  from  a  good  deal  of 
slaughter  which  other  companies  met  in  crossing  a  barbed  wire  fence 
that  borders  the  meadows  here.  They  lined  up  at  one  point  with  some 
of  the  men  of  the  Sixteenth  Infantry,  but  left  them  again ;  they  passed 
on  up  the  hill — not  directly  at  the  blockhouse,  but  in  a  flanking  direc- 
tion, which  gave  them  an  easier  ascent  and  then  turned  at  right  angles  to 
face  the  blockhouse.  All  the  way  up  Captain  Kennan  led  and  encour- 
aged his  men ;  but  not  one  of  them  anywhere  showed  any  disposition  to 
waver.  When  the  turn  was  made,  Captain  Kennan  found  himself  and 
his  company  alone  on  the  hill ;  he  had  supposed  that  the  whole  regiment 
was  coming  up.  He  hesitated  a  moment,  wondering  if  lie  must  retrace 
his  steps.  For  one  company,  reduced  more  than  one  half  by  the  scatter- 
ing in  the  woods  and  the  falling  of  men  before  the  Spanish  fire,  to  take 
the  fortification  alone,  would  be  impossible.  The  captain  sent  his  junior 
officer  down  the  hill  with  this  message :  "  The  hill  is  ours  if  you'll  come 
up ;  for  God's  sake  come."  Meanwhile,  he  saw  other  men  ascending,  and 
pressed  on.  At  the  same  time,  the  Gatling  battery,  under  Captain  Par- 
ker of  the  Thirteenth  Infantry,  poured  a  galling  fire  from  below  straight 
across  the  edge  of  the  Spanish  trenches  into  the  defenders'  faces.  Ken- 
nan  saw  the  Spanish  leaving  their  blockhouse  and  getting  into  the 
trenches,  which  was  a  sign  of  panic.  On  he  went  with  his  men  ;  and 
now  he  saw  the  Spanish,  who  by  this  time  were  menaced  with  the  ad- 
vance of  other  companies  up  the  hill,  abandoning  the  trenches  and  flying 
down  the  back  side  of  the  hill  toward  Santiago.  In  another  moment  he 
and  his  men,  now  reduced  to  about  twenty,  were  leaping  over  the 
trenches,  which  they  found  full  of  dead  and  wounded. 

Battle  itself  would  have  been  almost  preferable  to  the  hardships  of  the 
miserably  inadequate  ground  where  the  army  lay  sprawled,  it  cannot  be 
called  encamped,  during  the  trying  hours  of  General  Toral's  pourparlers 
with  Madrid.  The  hill  was  too  steep  and  cut  up,  to  admit  of  even  pitch- 
ing of  shelter  tents,  and  beyond  this,  not  even  an  officer  was  provided. 


340  MUD-STAINED  INDESCRIBABLES. 

But  the  grave-like  ditches  were  enlarged,  and  by  dint  of  branches  and 
all  sorts  of  inventions  which  come  readily  to  the  Yankee  under  stress,  made 
huts  of  more  or  less  capacity.  These  spread  all  over  the  sanguinary 
plateau,  which  to  some  extent  sheltered  the  bodies  or  part  of  the  bodies 
from  the  inconceivably  thick  downpour  of  water  which  seemed  to  come 
regularly  every  afternoon  in  these  leafy  uplands.  But  the  walking,  since 
walking  was  now  possible,  with  the  white  flag  flying,  became  a  burden 
for  the  mud  was  sticky  as  glue  and  left  a  murky  spot  wherever  it  touched 
the  flesh  or  the  garments.  All  ranks  and  conditions  were  "painted  red" 
as  the  men  humorously  described  it,  for  all  were  obliged  alike  to  crawl 
into  the  mud  holes  for  shelter.  Not  a  man  in  the  entire  mass  had  a 
whole  garment  on  his  back  or  body.  Few  had  shoes  that  were  not  out- 
worn and  in  most  cases  tied  on  by  cords.  From  the  highest  officer  down, 
there  was  scarcely  a  man  in  the  grim  ranks  holding  Santiago  in  leash 
that  did  not  resemble  the  worst  form  of  "  tramp  "  that  wanders  about  the 
northern  cities.  All  the  baggage  was  left  at  Baiquiriand  carried  back  to 
Tampa  in  the  empty  transports.  Had  any  of  the  millions  admiring  the 
bravery  reported  from  day  to  day  seen  with  the  eye  of  the  flesh  the  men 
who  achieved  it,  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  make  them  believe  that 
these  mud-stained  indescribables  were  the  architects  of  an  unparalleled 
victory. 

It  is  impossible  to  exaggerate  the  density  of  the  uncanny  growths  that 
fairly  pinioned  the  writhing  masses  attempting  to  push  through,  even  in 
single  file,  man  behind  man.  In  the  tangled  wildernesses  in  which  our 
armies  were  engaged  during  the  Civil  War,  the  lusty  growth  of  briars 
was  thought  a  torment  almost  beyond  endurance,  but  in  the  Santiago 
impenetralia,  the  rank  arms  of  a  dozen  different  thorn  bushes,  from  cac- 
tus to  briars,  clustered  in  vast  reaches,  thickly  set  as  the  most  carefully 
trained  hedge.  The  lances,  prickles,  were  in  most  cases  over  an  inch 
long,  piercing  as  needles  and  tough  as  steel ;  the  leaves  of  the  cacti  were 
sharp  as  knives  and  of  a  consistency  that  defied  blade  and  bayonet  to 
break  or  wrest  them  from  the  stem.  Never  were  such  instruments  of 
torture  invented,  for  the  edge  of  the  leaf  was  practically  a  saw  like  ob- 
stacle, with  millions  of  spurs  and  vicious  teeth.  The  tortured  ranks 
could  neither  cut  them  down,  burn  them  nor  crawl  under  them  ;  they  were 
forced  to  wedge  through  them,  tearing  their  clothing  to  shreds  and 
lacerating  every  inch  of  the  body  exposed  to  the  venomous  points. 

The  Cubans  indeed  had  established  themselves  along  the  route,  as  if 
life  had  finally  reached  the  stage  that  realized  their  highest  expectations. 
Picnic  pavilions,  not  uningeniously  constructed  of  palms,  jutted  out  from 


OUR  CUBAN  ALLIES.  341 

the  edge  of  the  roadside,  making  miles  of  what  under  less  acute  sensa- 
tions might  have  easily  been  transformed  into  vernal  villages  of  Arcady. 
But  though  apparent  ease  to  these  nomads,  the  existence  could  not  be 
called  pence,  with  all  the  signs  and  tokens  of  war  straggling  past  in  the 
shape  of  the  maimed,  the  wounded  and  the  implements  of  war.  To  those 
who  had  time  to  observe  the  destitution  of  the  natives,  the  task  at  hand 
for  the  new  masters  of  Cuba  when  the  campaign  had  ceased,  came  vividly 
to  mind.  As  night  fell,  the  male  portion  of  these  refugees  assembled  in 
surly  counsel  to  bemoan  the  fate  they  had  brought  on  themselves.  For 
there  was  no  concealment  made  of  the  fact  that  they  had  begun  to  con- 
ceive a  more  violent  hatred  of  the  masterful  invaders  than  they  had  ever 
borne  toward  the  easy-going,  if  cruel  Spaniards.  Words  fail  to  describe 
their  emotions  when  the  more  adventurous  from  the  front,  retailed  the 
hideous  heartlessness  of  "  los  Americanos"  in  denying  the  "patriot" 
bands  their  inherent  privilege  of  entering  the  towns  taken  in  fight,  loot- 
ing the  stores  and  perpetrating  the  death  ceremony  on  such  recalcitrant 
Spaniards,  as  persisted  in  living  after  the  sword  and  gun  had  done  their 
work.  At  first  when  the  army  landed,  these  dark-browed  conspirators 
had  received  the  most  humble  soldier  in  the  ranks,  with  a  servility  that 
soon  became  nauseating.  They  could  not  lift  their  ragged  hats  too  high, 
nor  bend  their  supple  bodies  too  low  when  welcoming  their  rescuers. 
The  tide  had  now  turned.  Their  rescuers  were  beasts  come  to  burden 
their  beloved  Cuba  .with  a  new  tyranny.  For  it  seemed  from  the  plaints 
that  could  be  gathered  by  those  comprehending  the  jargon  of  the  "patri- 
ots "  that  law  and  order  were  the  most  odious  signals  of  tyranny  to  men 
who  had  for  years  lived  by  rapine  and  slaughter. 

The  observant  newspaper  correspondents  found  no  end  of  amusement 
in  studying  the  promiscuous  herding  of  these  disenchanted  natives  with 
the  hardly  less  ferocious  "land  crabs,"  and  these  animals  under  other  cir- 
cumstances would  deserve  a  chapter  to  themselves.  A  lurid  red  in  color 
with  black  trimmings — so  to  speak,  the  crab  swarms  and  rattles  through 
the  palm  villas  of  the  herding  Cubans,  as  ants  might  in  a  more  civilized 
community.  This  crab  ranges  in  size  from  a  soup  plate  to  a  "plug"  hat 
and  what  is  more  grewsomely  grotesque  about  it,  a  casual  glance  reveals  a 
hideous  resemblance  to  the  human  countenance,  as  sketched  by  careless 
artists  in  making  charcoal  studies  for  pictures.  No  matter  how  crowded  the 
roadway,  no  matter  how  thick  the  battalions  pressing  onward  to  the  fight, 
or  the  litters  carrying  off  the  wounded,  these  loathly  crawling  things  skirm- 
ished and  scattered  under  the  very  horses'  hoofs,  seeking  the  offal  of  the 
camp  when  helplessness  no  longer  gave  the  human  bodies  to  the  maws  of 


342  THE  GROTESQUE  CRAB. 

these  hideous  things,  for  forage.  Their  locomotion  was  a  constant  sur- 
prise to  the  astonished  invaders.  They  could  go  forward,  backward,  up- 
side down,  or  down  side  up,  any  and  every  conceivable  way,  where  a 
natural  object  offered  itself  for  their  tentacular  clutch.  The  small  Cuban 
children  could  be  seen  at  times  playing  with  them  as  with  cart-wheels,  the 
crab  revolving,  very  much  as  the  old-fashioned  fourth-of-July  fire  piece 
called  "  spin-wheel."  No  interior,  no  matter  how  well  constructed  by  the 
soldiery,  resisted  them.  They  were  in  tents,  under  the  straw  or  leaves, 
in  the  hospital  wards,  in  the  wagons  in  short,  wherever  the  sight  or  smell 
of  flesh  or  food  attracted  them.  It  was  no  unusual  thing  for  the  worn 
soldier  to  be  startled  in  his  sleep  by  a  clammy  vulpine  clusp  on  his  face, 
and  on  waking  find  these  pestiferous  marauders  crawling  over  and  about 
him.  They  inflict  on  the  flesh  a  very  painful  bite,  which  if  not  attended 
to,  degenerates  into  a  poisonous  wound. 

Some  of  the  adventurous  and  half-famished  soldiery  attempted  to  re- 
taliate upon  the  "  varmints  "  by  potting  them.  But  whether  through  lack 
of  skill  in  cooking  or  lack  of  the  proper  ingredients,  these  vicious  monsters 
fattened  upon  the  flesh  of  the  dead,  were  found  unavailable,  to  the  no 
small  satisfaction  of  the  hospital  people,  who  regarded  the  attempt  to 
cook  them  as  almost  canibalistic. 

For  two  or  three  days  after  the  army's  advance  began  stalwart  Cubans 
almost  naked  as  to  garments,  without  arms  or  any  evidences  of  soldier- 
ship, flocked  to  the  ranks  demanding  accoutrements  and  the  wherewithal 
to  fight. 

But  it  was  very  soon  found  that  their  fighting  meant  pillage,  and  that 
they  had  no  sort  of  notion  of  the  discipline  exacted  in  the  conduct  of 
large  bodies  of  men.  They  were  incredibly  .  <jver  however,  in  penetrat- 
ing the  jungles  of  cactus  and  thorn,  and  sug!>  vod  to  the  staff  some  ideas 
as  to  the  proper  way  of  traversing  Cuba,  snould  our  conquest  of  the 
island  involve  a  campaign  against  the  very  people  we  set  out  to  rescue. 
For  instead  of  using  the  ground  as  our  thousands  were  compelled,  to 
sleep  on,  no  matter  how  wretched,  the  Cuban  had  a  hammock  and  a  few 
simple  appurtenances,  whereby  at  the  coming  of  night  he  was  comfort- 
ably couched  far  from  the  crabs  and  out  of  danger  of  the  malarial  effluvia 
that  oozes  from  the  soil  or  exhales  from  the  foliage. 

They  became  humorously  expert  too  in  picking  up  the  refuse  of  the  out- 
worn soldiery.  For,  as  universally  testified,  the  painful  labor  of  road  build- 
ing and  the  unforeseen  hardships  involved  in  the  jungle  march,  compelled 
the  strongest  to  disembarrass  themselves  of  very  nearly  everything  but 
gun  and  ammunition.  All  these  disjecta  membra,  fell  spoil  to  the  far- 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  ANTS.  3i3 

seeing  Cubans.  Now  and  then  a  staff  officer  striking  out  through  an 
opening  came  upon  recesses  where  the  accumulated  accoutrements, 
blankets  and  what  not,  of  the  army  made  the  leafy  glades  resemble  a 
government  storehouse.  In  many  cases  too  when  regiments  were  sent 
off  suddenly  upon  a  reconnoissauce,  piled  their  impedimenta,  and  at  first 
neglected  to  place  guards  over  them,  the  entire  store  was  seized  and  se- 
creted by  the  Cubans.  It  not  unfrequently  happened  too  that  small 
squads  of  men,  worn  out  by  the  march,  halted  by  the  wayside,  were  at- 
tacked and  pillaged  by  Cuban  marauders. 

A  British  correspondent  who  had  seen  war  in  all  the  recent  outbreaks 
in  Europe,  witnessed  nothing  so  fierce  for  the  time  taken,  or  the  sacrifices 
of  life  involved,  than  the  advance  on  Santiago.  He  gives  a  few  glimpses 
that  the  readers  of  military  history  will  prize : 

"  When  afternoon  came — I  lost  exact  count  of  time — there  was  still  a 
jumble  of  volleying  over  by  Caney.  But  in  front,  our  men  were  away 
out  of  sight  behind  a  ridge  far  ahead.  Beyond,  there  arose  a  long,  steep- 
ish  ascent  crowned  by  the  blockhouse  upon  which  the  artillery  had 
opened  fire  in  the  morning. 

"Suddenly,  as  we  looked  through  our  glasses,  we  saw  a  little  black  ant 
go  scrambling  quickly  up  this  hill,  and  an  inch  or  two  behind  him  a 
ragged  line  of  other  little  ants,  and  then  another  line  of  ants  at  another 
part  of  the  hill,  and  then  another,  until  it  seemed  as  if  somebody  had 
dug  a  stick  into  a  great  ants'  nest  down  in  the  valley,  and  all  the 
ants  were  scrambling  away  up  hill.  Then  the  volley  firing  began  ten 
times  more  furiously  than  before ;  from  the  right  beyond  the  top  of  the 
ridge  burst  upon  the  ants  a  terrific  fire  of  shells;  from  the  blockhouse  in 
front  of  them  machine  guns  sounded  their  continuous  rattle.  But  the 
ants  swept  up  the  hill.  They  seemed  to  us  to  thin  out  as  they  went 
forward  ;  but  they  still  went  forward.  It  was  incredible,  but  it  was  grand. 
The  boys  were  storming  the  hill.  The  military  authorities  were  most 
surprised.  They  were  not  surprised  at  these  splendid  athletic  daredevils 
of  ours  doing  it.  But  that  a  military  commander  should  have  allowed  a 
fortified  and  intrenched  position  to  be  assailed  by  an  infantry  charge  up 
the  side  of  a  long,  exposed  hill,  swept  by  a  terrible  artillery  fire,  frightened 
them  not  so  much  by  its  audacity  as  by  its  terrible  cost  in  human  life. 

"  As  they  neared  the  top  the  different  lines  came  nearer  together.  One 
moment  they  went  a  little  more  slowly;  then  they  nearly  stopped;  then 
they  went  on  again  faster  than  ever,  and  then  all  of  us  sitting  there  on 
the  top  of  the  battery  cried  with  excitement.  For  the  ants  were  scram- 
bling all  round  the  blockhouse  on  the  ridge,  and  in  a  moment  or  two  we 


344 


SWARMING  UP  THE   RIDGES. 


saw  them  inside  it.  But  then  our  hearts  swelled  up  into  our  throats,  for 
A  fearful  fire  came  from  somewhere  beyond  the  blockhouse  and  from 
somewhere  to  the  right  of  it  and  somewhere  to  the  left  of  it.  Then  \ve 
saw  the  ants  come  scrambling  down  the  hill  again.  They  had  taken  a 
position  which  they  had  not  the  force  to  hold.  But  a  moment  or  two 
and  up  they  scrambled  again,  more  of  them,  and  more  quickly  than  before, 
and  up  the  other  face  of  the  hill  to  the  left  went  other  lines,  and  the 
ridge  was  taken,  and  the  blockhouse  was  ours,  and  the  trenches  were 
full  of  dead  Spaniards. 

"It  was  a  grand  achievement — for  the  soldiers  who  shared  it — this 
storming  of  the  hill  leading  up  from  the  St.  Juan  River  to  the  ridge  before 
the  main  fort.  We  could  tell  so  much  at  2,560  yards.  But  we  also  knew 
that  it  had  cost  them  dear. 

"Later  on,  we  knew  only  too  well  how  heavy  the  cost  was.  As  I  was 
trying  to  make  myself  comfortable  for  the  night  in  some  meadow  grass  as 
wet  with  dew  as  if  there  had  been  a  thunderstorm,  I  saw  a  man  I  knew 
in  the  Sixteenth,  who  had  come  back  from  the  front  on  some  errand. 

"  '  How's  the  Sixteenth  ?  '  I  asked  him. 

"'Good,  what's  left  of  it,'  he  said;  'there's  fifteen  men  left  out  of  my 
company — fifteen  out  of  a  hundred.' 

"  We  have  fought  a  great  battle,  but  we  have  not  taken  Santiago  yet." 

Indeed,  without  the  guaranty  of  actual  eyesight,  the  future  student 
of  war  might  suppose  in  the  plain  tale  of  Santiago  he  was  reading  an 
exaggeration  of  the  memoirs  of  Napoleon's  rough  riders,  Marbot  or  Nan- 
souty. 

"  It  was  the  day  after  the  big  fight,  and  the  road  was  busy  both  ways. 
From  the  front,  the  heavy,  jolting,  six-mule  ammunition  wagons  were 
returning  empty  after  dropping  their  boxes  of  cartridges  at  the  firing 
line. 

"  But  not  quite  empty,  for  as  they  came  nearer  you  saw  that  awnings 
of  big  palm  leaves  were  lightly  spread  from  side  to  side.  And  then, 
when,  with  a  '  Whee  hooyah! '  and  a  crack  of  the  long  whip  and  a  '  Git  in 
thar,  dura  yer,'  from  the  Texan  teamster,  the  mules  swung  round  from 
the  road  up  the  steep  bank  into  the  hospital  field,  you  saw  as  the  wagon 
tilted  that  under  the  palm  leaves  pale,  bandaged  men  were  lying.  They 
groaned  in  agony  as  the  heavy  springless  wagons  rorked  and  jolted. 

"'For  God's  sake  kill  me  out  of  this,'  screamed  a  man  as  he  clutched 
in  agony  at  the  palm  leaves  between  him  and  the  sun.  It  seemed  awful 
that  wounded  men  should  be  carried  back  in  such  fashion,  but  then,  as 
some  one  explained,  '  Guess  there's  a  considerable  shortage  of  ambulance 


THB  FIKST  FLAG  OP  TBDCK  FROM  SANTIAGO. 


HUMAN  AMMUNITION.  347 

traction.'  And  then  there  was  a  certain  grim  appropriateness  to  the 
proceedings  of  yesterday. 

"The  men  had  boen  fired  as  ammunition  against  intrenchments  and 
positions  that  should  have  been  taken  by  artillery.  It  was  quite  in  keep- 
ing that  the  porr,  battered,  spent  bullets  should  be  carted  back  in  the 
ammunition  wagons.  But  besides  the  wagons  there  came  along  from  the 
front,  men  borne  on  hand  litters,  some  lying  face  downward,  writhing  at 
intervals  in  a'^ful  convulsions,  others  lying  motionless  on  the  flat  of  their 
backs  with  their  hats  placed  over  their  faces  for  shade.  And  there  also 
came  men,  dozens  of  them  afoot,  painfully  limping  with  one  arm  thrown 
over  the  rhoulder  of  a  comrade  and  the  other  arm  helplessly  dangling. 

"'How  much  further  to  the  hospital?'  they  would  despairingly  ask. 

"  '  Only  a  quarter  of  a  mile  or  so,'  I  would  answer,  and,  with  a  smile  of 
hope  ftt  the  thought  that  after  all  they  would  be  able  to  achieve  the  jour- 
ney, *hey  would  hobble  along. 

"  But  the  ammunition  wagons  and  the  few  ambulance  wagons  did  not 
carry  them  all.  For  hobbling  down  the  steep  bank  from  the  hospital, 
cf--me  bandaged  men  on  foot.  They  sat  down  for  awhile  on  the  bank  as 
far  as  they  could  from  the  jumble  of  mules  and  wagons  in  the  lane,  and  then 
setting  their  faces  toward  Siboney  they  commenced  to  walk  it.  They 
were  the  men  whose  injuries  were  too  slight  for  wagon  room  to  be  given 
them.  There  was  not  enough  wagon  accommodation  for  the  men  whose 
wounds  rendered  them  helplessly  prostrate.  So  let  the  men  who  had 
mere  arm  and  shoulder  wounds,  simple  flesh  wounds,  or  only  one  injured 
leg  or  foot,  walk  it.  Siboney  was  only  eight  miles  away. 

"  True,  it  was  a  fearfully  bad  road,  but  then  the  plain  fact  was  that 
there  was  not  enough  wagons  for  all,  and  it  was  better  for  these  men  to  be 
at  the  base  hospital,  and  better  that  they  should  make  room  at  the 
division  hospital,  even  if  they  had  to  make  the  journey  on  foot.  There 
was  one  man  on  the  road  whose  left  foot  was  heavily  bandaged  and 
drawn  up  from  the  ground.  He  had  provided  himself  with  a  sort  of 
rough  crutch  made  of  the  forked  limb  of  a  tree,  which  he  had  padded 
with  a  bundle  of  clothes.  With  the  assistance  of  this  and  a  short  stick 
he  was  padding  briskly  along  when  I  overtook  him. 

"  '  Where  did  they  get  you  ? '  I  asked  him. 

"'Oh,  durn  their  skins,'  he  said  in  the  cheerfulest  way,  turning  to  me 
with  a  smile,  '  they  got  me  twice — a  splinter  of  a  shell  in  the  foot,  and  a 
bullet  through  the  calf  of  the  same  leg,  when  I  was  being  carried  back 
from  the  firing  line.' 

144  A  sharpshooter?* 


348  HEROISM  OF   THE   WOUNDED. 

"  '  The  fellow  was  up  in  a  tree.' 

"  *  And  you're  walking  back  to  Siboney.  Wasn't  there  room  for  you 
to  ride?'  I  expected  an  angry  outburst  of  indignation  in  reply  to  this 
question.  But  I  was  mistaken.  In  a  plain,  matter-of-fact  way  he  said  : 

"  *  Guess  not.  They  wanted  all  the  riding  room  for  worse  cases  'n 
mine.  Thank  God,  my  two  wounds  are  both  in  the  same  leg,  so  I  can 
walk  quite  good  and  spry.  They  told  me  I'd  be  better  off  down  at  the 
landing  yonder,  so  I  got  these  crutches  and  made  a  break.' 

" '  And  how  are  you  getting  along  ? '  I  asked. 

"  '  Good  and  well,'  he  said  as  cheerfully  as  might  be,  'just  good  and  easy.' 
And  with  his  one  sound  leg  and  his  two  sticks  he  went  cheerfully  pad- 
ding along. 

"  It  was  just  the  same  with  other  walking,  wounded  men.  They  were 
all  beautifully  cheerful.  And  not  merely  cheerful.  They  were  all  abso- 
lutely unconscious  that  they  were  undergoing  any  unnecessary  hardships 
or  sufferings.  They  knew  now  that  war  was  no  picnic,  and  they  were  not 
complaining  at  the  absence  of  picnic  fare.  Some  of  them  had  lain  out  all 
the  night,  with  the  dew  falling  on  them  where  the  bullets  had  dropped 
them,  before  their  turn  came  with  the  overworked  field  surgeons. 

"'There  was  only  sixty  doctors  with  the  outfit,'  they  explained,  'and, 
naturally,  they  couldn't  tend  everybody  at  once.' 

"  That  seemed  to  them  a  quite  sufficient  explanation.  It  did  not  occur 
to  them  that  there  ought  to  have  been  more  doctors,  more  ambulances. 
Some  of  them  seemed  to  have  a  faint  glimmering  of  a  notion  that  there 
might  perhaps  have  been  fewer  wounded ;  but  then  that  was  so  obvious 
to  everybody.  The  conditions  subsequent  to  the  battle  they  accepted  as 
the  conditions  proper  and  natural  to  the  circumstances.  The  cheerful  fel- 
low with  the  improvised  crutches  was  so  filled  with  thankfulness  at  the 
possession  of  his  tree-branch  that  it  never  occurred  to  him  that  he  had 
reason  to  complain  of  the  absence  of  proper  crutches.  I  happened  by 
chance  to  know  that  packed  away  in  the  hold  of  one  of  the  transports 
lying  out  in  Siboney  Bay  there  were  cases  full  of  crutches,  and  I  was  on 
the  point  of  blurting  out  an  indignant  statement  of  the  fact  when  I  re- 
membered that  the  knowledge  would  not  make  his  walk  easier.  So  I  said 
nothing  about  it. 

"  I  had  to  make  the  journey  to  Siboney  myself.  There  was  nothing 
more  than  a  desultory  firing  going  on  at  the  front,  and  I  had  telegrams  to 
try  and  get  away.  So  I  passed  a  good  many  of  the  walking  wounded, 
and  heard  a  good  many  groans  from  palm  awninged  wagons.  The  men 
were,  all  the  same,  bravely  and  uncomplainingly  plodding  along  through 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  ANXIETY.  349 

the  mud.  As  they  themselves  put  it,  they  were  '  up  against  it,'  and  that 
was  all  about  it. 

"And  down  at  Siboney?  Well,  thank  God,  the  hospital  tents  had 
been  unloaded.  They  were  short  of  cots,  short  of  blankets,  short  of 
surgeons,  short  of  supplies,  short  of  nurses,  short  of  everything.  But, 
thank  goodness,  by  squeezing  and  crowding  and  economizing  space  there 
was  shelter  for  the  men  as  they  came  in.  And  thank  goodness,  too,  for 
the  Red  Cross  Society." 

During  the  Civil  War,  when  battle  was  raging  along  the  long  front  of 
thousands  of  miles,  President  Lincoln  haunted  the  homely  quarters  where 
the  Secretary  of  War  was  housed  in  those  days,  like  an  uneasy  spectre. 
Any  hour  of  the  day  or  night  when  it  was  known  that  the  armies  were 
engaged,  the  President  could  be  seen  in  pathetic  expectancy,  waiting  the 
word  from  the  battling  hosts.  Many  a  soldier  who  had  borne  unshaken 
the  deadliest  charges,  where  carnage  had  claimed  its  thousands,  was 
moved  to  tears  by  the  sight  of  the  awful  solicitude  of  the  chief  magistrate 
in  the  crises  of  the  campaign.  President  McKinley  knew  from  personal 
experience  what  Abraham  Lincoln  underwent  during  those  memorable 
days.  McKinley  passed  some  hours  of  the  same  sort  during  the  heat  and 
fury  of  the  Santiago  campaign.  Meagre  reports  of  the  varying  phases  of 
the  combats  at  El  Caney,  San  Juan  and  Aguadores  reached  the  White 
House  during  the  trying  hours  of  July  3d  and  4th.  But  there  were  more 
elaborate  preparations  and  appliances  for  keeping  instantaneously  au 
courant  with  the  developments  of  the  battlefield  in  Washington  during 
this  war,  than  there  were  during  the  troubled  incumbency  of  Lincoln. 
The  "  war  room  "  of  the  executive  mansion  served  as  an  assembly  for  all 
the  counsellors  of  the  executive.  The  walls  were  lined  with  charts  and 
the  insignia  of  the  game  of  war.  Maps,revealing  down  to  the  minutest 
detail  the  points  of  attack  and  strategic  positions  were  spread  out  to  en- 
able the  civic  Commander-in-Chief  to  comprehend  the  marches  and  move- 
ments of  the  armies  and  fleets.  From  hour  to  hour  the  vague  echoes  of 
what  was  going  on  along  the  lines  at  Santiago  came  with  exasperating 
incoherence. 

The  President  grew  grave  and  graver  as  the  tale  went  oh.  For  with 
the  unparalleled  records  of  valor,  at  the  crucial  points  of  the  battle  line 
came  straggling  accounts  of  the  cost  of  the  glory  won  on  the  Santiago 
hills.  Before  anything  definite  as  to  the  result  achieved  had  come  to 
hand,  it  was  known  that  more  than  a  thousand  lives  had  been  lost.  It 
was  not  known  that  these  had  been  the  price  of  El  Caney,  San  Juan, — all 
the  most  serious  outworks  of  the  Spanish  defence.  The  worn  look  on  Me- 


350  THE  TERRIBLE  HEAT. 

Kinley's  face  grew  deeper  and  deeper.  If  it  had  cost  so  much  to  merely 
storm  the  advance  works,  what  would  be  the  penalty  of  the  main  line  of 
battlements?  If  there  were  10,000  men  in  line  and  1,000  had  been 
wounded  or  killed,  how  could  Shafter  be  expected  to  continue  ?  The 
very  fear  that  began  to  haunt  the  mind  of  the  President  soon  flashed 
across  the  wires  like  an  ill-boding  echo.  Shafter  in  the  despondency  of 
his  losses,  confronted  by  an  aggravation  of  the  difficulties  of  transporta- 
tion, broke  down.  He  saw  nothing  but  retreat  before  him.  His  utmost 
effort  had  been  put  forth  and  the  enemy  gave  no  sign  of  yielding.  He 
had  no  reserves  within  reach,  indeed, it  would  have  done  little  good  if  lie 
had, as  the  roads  encumbered  with  the  long  train  of  wounded  would  have 
been  impracticable  for  an  advance.  The  flowers  of  the  army  had  been 
withered  in  the  hot  fire  of  the  two  days'  combat.  The  glorious  Regulars 
who  knew  how  to  die  were  no  longer  in  force  to  teach  the  volunteers  the 
conduct  of  the  soldier.  He  didn't  exactly  know  the  forces  of  the  Span- 
iards but  he  was  certain  that  now  he  was  besieging  an  army  equal  at  least 
in  numbers  to  his  own.  It  was  an  hour  of  such  bitterness  to  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  dumbfounded  strategists,  as  the  despatches  from  Manila 
must  have  caused  in  the  cabinet  of  the  Spanish  Queen  Regent.  The  Presi- 
dent realized  in  an  instant  the  fierce  cry  of  wrath  and  scorn  that  would 
salute  the  event,  if  things  were  going  to  turn  out  as  Shafter,  in  his  dis- 
couragement, hinted.  He  would  be  held  responsible  to  the  world  for  the 
hurrying  forward  of  incompetent  forces ;  for  the  crass  ignorance  of  a 
movement  that  showed  imprevoyance  in  every  detail.  Neither  Bull  Run 
nor  Fredericksburg  wrought  more  misery  on  Lincoln, than  the  few  hours 
of  doubt  as  to  the  outcome  of  Santiago  revealed  in  the  worn  face  of  Mc- 
Kinley. 

The  first  days  of  July  had  been  intolerably  hot  in  Washington,  the 
thermometer  had  gone  as  high  as  106°  in  the  shade.  What  then  must  the 
normal  temperature  have  been  on  the  sunburned  hills  of  Santiago,  in  the 
stifling  fumes  of  battle  smoke,  in  the  rush  and  hurry  of  charge  and 
action?  No  wonder  Shafter's  heart  fainted  when  he  saw  the  sanguinary 
lines  of  wounded  dragging  themselves  past  his  quarters.  It  looked  as  if 
the  entire  force  were  victims  of  the  Mauser.  But  even  more  cruel  than 
the  wan  cavalcade  cf  mangled,  the  hecatombs  that  covered  the  sun-blis- 
tered hillsides  made  it  seem  that  the  whole  army  was  disabled.  No  won- 
der that  Shafter,  himself  ailing,  despaired  of  pushing  forward,  where  to 
merely  breathe  seemed  a  hardship.  For  the  1,000  killed  and  the  1,000 
wounded  were  not  the  only  visible  results  of  the  week's  marches  and  com- 
bats. Many  were  inanimate  or  seemed  so,  from  heat,  the  water  and  the 


AN  ARMISTICE*  351 

food.  Shafter  knew  that  if  he  could  summon  5,000  able-bodied  men  out 
of  the  16,000  thousand  on  the  rolls  he  would  be  doing  extremely  well. 
In  the  war  room  in  Washington,  as  in  Shafter's  tent  at  Santiago,  this  was 
all  vividly  realized  so  soon  as  the  commander's  hint  of  retreat  came.  The 
councillors  of  the  executive  probably  realized  it  even  more  poignantly,  for 
they  had  already  heard  something  of  the  hideous  lack  of  system  and  pre- 
vision governing  the  administrative  details  of  the  campaign.  Fear  like  a 
robe  of  penitence  fell  upon  every  one  in  authority — for  there  was  a  dim 
introspective  vision  of  the  coming  storm,  when  millions  began  to  learn 
the  story. 

But  the  hardest  of  the  strain  was  the  secret  fear  of  all  that  Shafter  had 
not  ventured  to  tell  the  worst ;  that  more  agonizing  was  to  follow  !  It 
was  even  whispered  under  the  breath,  that  he  was  already  flying  in  dis- 
order along  the  choked  roads,  stripped  of  every  semblance  of  an  organized 
force.  To  lend  to  the  worst  apprehensions,  there  were  inexplicable 
breaks  in  the  despatches;  intervals  of  what  seemed  unnecessary  delay 
when  the  President  lost  all  hope.  He  was  steeling  himself  for  the 
catyclasm,  when  an  almost  grotesque  word  trickled  over  the  wire.  The 
armies  had  agreed  on  an  armistice  !  That  meant  time  for  reinforcements  ; 
it  meant  that  the  wretched  Spaniard  had  already  half  surrendered,  for  a 
man  in  his  place  would  never  consent  to  stop  fighting  an  instant  with 
such  conditions  confronting  him,  unless  he  was  making  ready  to  give  up. 
This  too  the  merest  amateur  in  the  besieging  ranks  realized,  and  from  the 
moment  the  white  flag  fluttered  out  over  the  bloody  spaces,  the  armies 
knew  that  whatever  further  fighting  went  on,  would  be  perfunctory.  The 
truce  was  all  in  favor  of  the  invader  and  in  no  wise  in  favor  of  the  be- 
sieged. But  as  the  wretched  Spaniard  was  compelled  to  take  counsel 
with  Madrid, and  as  the  Sagasta  cabinet  had  been  warned  that  the  forces 
could  not  resist  a  siege,  the  truce  was  meant  from  the  first  as  a  pre- 
liminary to  the  end.  This,  however,  General  Shafter  didn't  know.  He 
was  now  to  some  extent  relieved  of  the  burden  by  the  arrival  of  the  Gen- 
eral-in-Chief, Miles,  who  set  to  work  to  push  reinforcements  to  the  sorely 
worn  ranks.  The  pourparlers  went  on  from  the  temporary  truce  until 
the  15th.  General  Toral  the  Spanish  commander  who  had  succeeded 
General  Linares,  was  in  feverish  correspondence  with  the  authorities  in 
Madrid,  who  for  some  reason  not  explained,  delayed  a  definitive  answer 
to  the  soldiers'  prayer  to  be  permitted  to  give  up  the  useless  contest.  Even 
when  General  Shafter  felt  himself  strong  enough  to  take  the  city  by  a 
coup  de  main,  the  wiser  method  of  persuasion  went  on. 

It  is  worth  setting  down  that  the  irrepressible  soldiery,  so  far  as  their 


352  THE  HOUR  OF   TRIUMPH. 

wishes  were  expressed,  desired  carnage.  They  wanted  to  go  into  the 
city  in  the  tumult  of  battle.  These  too  were  the  men  who  had  gone 
through  the  Walpurgis  torments  of  those  early  July  days,  when  the  air 
burned  the  lungs  that  inhaled  it.  But  at  noon  on  the  15th  of  July  the 
tedious  preliminaries  were  brought  to  an  end.  The  chiefs  of  the  Federal 
army,  in  the  presence  of  the  two  lines,  Spanish  and  Yankee,met  a  short 
distance  from  the  intrenchments,  and  the  last  solemnity  was  observed. 
Followed  by  a  regiment  of  the  Regulars,  Shafter  and  his  staff  were  con- 
ducted to  the  civic  palace  where  the  flag  of  the  United  States  replaced  the 
banner  of  Spain.  There  was  little  attempt  at  the  spectacular,  but  the 
masses  who  witnessed  the  scene  were  impressed  with  the  indifference  of 
the  Spaniards.  For  both  the  citizens  and  soldiers  seemed  relieved.  The 
capitulation  revealed  to  General  Shafter  the  amazing  luck  that  had  at- 
tended our  whole  campaign,  for  the  forces  surrendered  were  almost 
double  the  number  brought  to  the  island  from  Tampa.  Those  who  had 
wrought  incessantly  for  weeks  were  rewarded  with  a  spectacle  such  as  we 
had  not  seen  since  the  armies  of  Washington  and  Ilochambeau  were 
drawn  up  at  Yorktown — the  filing  past  of  an  army  corps,  under  the  laws 
of  war.  Our  soldiery,  in  this  intoxicating  hour  of  triumph,  confirmed  all 
the  traditions  of  chivalry  we  have  been  accustomed  to  associate  with  them ; 
they  gave  the  Spaniards  no  cause  to  regret  the  giving  up.  Shafter  him- 
self like  the  stout  soldier  he  had  proven  himself,  refused  to  take  the 
sword  of  the  Spanish  commander.  In  an  hour  after  the  flag  of  the  re- 
public swung  out  over  the  turrets  of  the  municipal  palace  the  troops  of 
the  two  armies  were  mobilized  in  the  kindliest  confraternity.  The  good 
augury  was  still  later  fulfilled  by  a  document  which  forms  a  point  of  de- 
parture in  warfare.  On  leaving  the  country  for  Spain,the  armies  captured 
at  Santiago  issued  this  remarkable  testimony  to  the  cordiality  of  the  re- 
lations established  in  the  stress  of  war. 

"To  Major-General  Shafter,  Commanding  the  American  Army  in 
Cuba: 

"Sir:  The  Spanish  soldiers  who  capitulated  in  this  place  on  the  16th 
of  July  last,  recognizing  your  high  and  just  position,  pray  that  through 
you  all  the  courageous  and  noble  soldiers  under  your  command  may 
receive  our  good  wishes  and  farewell,  which  we  send  them  an  embarking 
for  our  beloved  Spain.  For  this  favor,  which  we  have  no  doubt  you  will 
grant,  you  will  gain  the  everlasting  gratitude  and  consideration  of  11,000 
Spanish  soldiers,  who  are  your  most  humble  servants. 

"PEDRO  LOPEZ  DE  CASTILLO, 

"  Private  of  Infantry." 


354  ALL  HAPPINESS  AND  HEALTH. 

"  Also  the  following  letter,  addressed  to  the  soldiers  of  the  American 
Army : 

"  Soldiers  of  the  American  Army  :  We  would  not  be  fulfilling  our  duty 
as  well-born  men,  in  whose  breasts  there  live  gratitude  and  courtesy, 
should  we  embark  for  our  beloved  Spain  without  sending  to  you  our  most 
cordial  and  sincere  good  wishes  and  farewell.  We  fought  you  with  ardor, 
with  all  our  strength,  endeavoring  to  gain  the  victory,  but  without  the 
slightest  rancor  or  hate  toward  the  American  nation.  We  have  been 
vanquished  by  you  (so  our  Generals-  and  chiefs  judged  in  signing  the 
capitulation),  but  our  surrender  and  the  bloody  battles  preceding  it  have 
left  in  our  souls  no  place  for  resentment  against  the  men  who  fought  us 
nobly  and  valiantly.  You  fought  and  acted  in  compliance  with  the  same 
call  of  duty  as  we,  for  we  all  but  represent  the  power  of  our  respective  states. 

"  You  fought  us  as  men,  face  to  face,  with  great  courage,  as  before 
stated,  a  quality  which  we  had  not  met  with  during  the  three  years  we 
have  carried  on  this  war  against  a  people  without  religion,  without  morals, 
without  conscience,  and  of  doubtful  origin,  who  could  not  confront  the 
enemy,  but,  hidden,  shot  their  noble  victims  from  ambush  and  then  im- 
mediately fled.  This  was  the  kind  of  warfare  we  had  to  sustain  in  this 
unfortunate  land.  You  have  complied  exactly  with  all  the  laws  and 
usages  of  war,  as  recognized  by  the  armies  of  the  most  civilized  nations  of 
the  world  ;  have  given  honorable  burial  to  the  dead  of  the  vanquished  ; 
have  cured  their  wounded  with  great  humanity  ;  have  respected  and  cared 
for  your  prisoners  and  their  comfort,  and  lastly,  to  us,  whose  condition 
was  terrible,  you  have  given  freely  of  food,  of  your  stock  of  medicines, 
and  you  have  honored  us  with  distinction  and  courtesy,  for  after  the 
fighting  the  two  armies  mingled  with  the  utmost  harmony. 

"  With  this  high  sentiment  of  appreciation  from  us  all,  there  remains 
but  to  express  our  farewell,  and  with  the  greatest  sincerity  we  wish  you 
all  happiness  and  health  in  this  land,  which  will  no  longer  belong  to  our 
dear  Spain,  but  will  be  yours  who  have  conquered  it  by  force  and  watered 
it  with  your  blood,  as  your  conscience  called  for,  under  the  demand  of 
civilization  and  humanity,  but  the  descendants  of  the  Congo  and  of 
Guinea,  mingled  with  the  blood  of  unscrupulous  Spaniards  and  of  traitors 
and  adventurers — these  people  are  not  able  so  exercise  or  enjoy  their 
liberty,  for  they  will  find  it  a  burden  to  comply  with  the  laws  which 
govern  civilized  communities.  From  11,000  Spanish  soldiers. 

"PEDRO  LOPEZ  DE  CASTILLO, 

"Soldier  of  Infantry." 

"Santiago  de  Cuba  21st  of  August,  1898. 
"  SHAFTER,  Major-General." 


THE  ROMANCE  OF  SANTIAGO.  355 

It  was  Cervera's  fleet  not  Santiago  that  decided  the  siege  of  that  city. 
With  the  ungovernable  curiosity  of  our  compatriots  for  information,  all 
the  accessible  data  bearing  on  this  most  ancient  and  picturesque  of  Cuban 
capitals  was  brought  into  requisition.  History,  however,  has  curiously 
neglected  to  set  forth  the  innumerable  layers  of  romance  that  bury  San- 
tiago in  a  vaguely  unreal  oblivion.  Alternately  the  city  of  Spanish 
power,  the  headquarters  of  its  viceroys  and  the  seat  of  rebellion,  Santiago 
has  for  a  new  world  city  as  much  interest  to  the  archeaologist  as  Cadiz  or 
Seville.  All  the  conquistadores  from  Columbus  to  Hernando  de  Soto 
paused  in  their  conquering  flight  in  this  sacred  city  named  after  the 
patron  saint  of  Spain,  Saint  lago.  Here  Ponce  de  Leon  loitered,  dreaming 
his  dreams  of  that  mysterious  spring  that,  once  tasted,  was  to  restore 
youth  to  the  jaded  and  beauty  to  the  outworn.  The  city  itself  is  an 
irregular  square  rising  steeply  from  the  edge  of  the  pellucid  water  of  one 
of  the  most  enchanting  bays  of  the  world,  and  sprawling  distractedly 
upward  to  those  heights  which  will  for  many  a  day  be  memorable  in  the 
annals  of  this  republic. 

To  the  traveler  who  has  seen  Spain,  the  city  is  a  fair  reproduction  of 
any  separate  segment  of  Toledo.  The  houses  like  all  tropic  edifices,  are 
built  for  the  double  purpose  of  shading  the  streets  and  lessening  the 
danger  in  the  event  of  earthquakes.  The  walls  of  the  ancient  edifices  are 
fortress-like  in  strength  and  not  without  the  picturesque  suggestion  that 
still  makes  a  Spanish  city  an  object  of  interest,  even  delight  to  eyes  that 
have  grown  weary  of  our  monotonous  brown  stone  grandeurs,  or  the  de- 
pressing "  flat  "  structures  that  have  come  to  make  our  cities  models  of 
hideousness.  It  is  not,  however,  so  much  the  city  as  the  people  which 
makes  Santiago  a  study  to  neighbors  even  so  near  as  ourselves.  For, 
though  within  a  few  hours'  sail  of  the  most  capacious  ports  of  the  United 
States,  Santiago  is  far  less  known  than  Bordeaux  or  Hamburg.  The  San- 
tiiigoans  live  very  much  as  their  forefathers  three  hundred  years  ago  must 
have  lived,  under  the  hard  mediaeval  conditions,  when  the  populace  had 
little  voice,  few  representatives  and  no  consideration.  The  monteros  for 
example,  working  people,  are  housed  in  huts  that  would  incite  a  riot 
among  the  most  downtrodden  of  the  Africans  of  the  South*  The  floors 
are  without  plank  and  the  walls  rough  finished  mortar  just  as  it  is  laid 
on.  The  roof  is  generally  broad  palmetto  leaves  and  sloped  down  to 
within  a  foot  or  two  of  the  ground.  In  this  scanty  "  castle  "  huddles 
usually  a  very  large  family,  for  the  Cubano  is  a  prolific  begetter.  Cloth- 
ing is  hardly  an  expense  in  the  calculation  of  these  monteros  families,  for 
the  children  run  about  quite  as  they  were  born — naked.  In  the  upper 


356  INDOLENCE  AND  IGNORANCE, 

strata  of  this  civic  system,  while  dwellings  are  marked  by  taste  and  even 
elegance  of  refinement,  the  male  Cuban  has  of  late  years  at  least,  fallen 
into  the  British  habit  of  club  life.  The  Don  Carlos  club  of  Santiago  is 
the  rendezvous  of  all  who  are  admitted  to  any  degree  of  social  distinction 
in  the  city.  The  single  thing  to  note  in  this  aristocratic  cenacle,  is  the 
utter  absence  of  any  literature  of  any  kind  in  the  clubrooms.  But  it  has 
long  been  a  singular  distinction  of  the  Cubans  that  they  are  the  most 
illiterate  of  any  well-to-do  race  in  Christendom.  For,  like  the  ancient 
aristocrats  of  the  feudal  days,  education  still  bears  the  stamp  of  low  birth 
or  equivocal  status.  Ignorance,  however,  is  rather  the  result  of  indolence 
than  a  pronounced  prejudice  against  learning.  And  in  a  system  in  which 
personal  initiative  found  little  encouragement,  no  attempts  have  ever 
been  made  in  any  of  the  Cuban  cities  to  put  schools  to  the  front  as  even 
the  most  obstinate  absolutisms  in  Europe  have  found  it  necessary  to  do. 
The  chief  distinction  of  the  city  of  Santiago  is,  that  the  seat  of  the  Catho- 
lic Church  is  situated  there.  The  archbishop's  palace  rivals  the  splendor 
of  the  ancient  castle  of  the  viceroys.  The  union  of  church  and  state  in 
in  its  militant  form,  is  significantly  illustrated  in  the  great  cathedral,  where 
an  armed  warrior  stands  in  effigy  beside  the  high  altar,  accoutred  as 
though  on  the  field  of  battle,  a  memorial  of  the  warlike  San  lago.  In 
everything  that  pertains  to  life  as  our  busy  people  understand  it,  Santiago 
carries  us  back  three  hundred  years,  and  we  see  the  people  as  the  eyes  of 
Cortez  or  Columbus  must  have  seen  them,  when  they  quit  the  banks  of 
the  Guadalquiver  to  gather  the  argosies  which  were  to  bring  Spain  the 
treasure,  that  were  to  ultimately  work  her  ruin. 

Santiago  did  not  have  the  good  fortune  to  be  burned  down  under  a 
vigorous  administrator  like  Tacon,  who  rebuilt  Havana.  Hence  its  nar- 
row, filthy  streets,  its  ancient  but  not  venerable  walls,  suggest  the  senti- 
ment of  Watts  reversed  in  its  aspect :  where  nothing  pleases  and  man  is 
vile.  For  certainly  it  seems  impossible  for  anything  with  refinement,  or 
our  idea  of  order,  to  subsist  in  streets  that  are  merely  sewers,  perpetually 
confronted  by  sights  repellent  and  disgusting.  And  yet,  accustomed  to 
the  place,  every  one  who  has  resided  in  its  filthy  shambles,  confesses  to  a 
certain  fascination.  For,  with  all  their  alleged  cruelty  there  is  a  certain 
childlike  and  confiding  side  to  the  Spanish  Cuban,  almost  irresistible  to 
our  cold-blooded  and  rather  calculating  race.  Possibly  the  lavish  splen- 
dor of  the  foliage  of  the  palms,  whose  leaves  are  large  as  umbrellas,  and 
the  indescribable  blossoms  that  break  out  in  the  interstices  of  old  walls, 
wherever  a  particle  of  soil  may  have  lodged,  serve  to  hide  the  ugliness  of 
outline  and  even  to  cover  the  decay  which  resembles  filth.  Under  the 


THE    SANTIAGOANS. 


357 


benignant  moonlight  the  life  of  the  town  has  all  the  fascination  of  Seville 
or  Cadiz.  The  streets  are  animated  with  languorous  cavaliers  and  seno- 
ritas,  just  as  we  have  seen  them  in  pictures  and  heard  them  sung  since 
Don  Quixote  jibed  chivalry  away.  There  is  but  one  public  square  and 
this  is  the  centre  of  the  pleasure  system,  for  here  all  ranks  and  conditions 
of  the  Santiagoans  meet  of  an  evening,  as  do  the  Venetians  in  the  Piazza  St. 
Marco.  Fronting  this  plaza,  rises  the  ungainly  fagade  of  the  cathedral,  a 
mingling  of  Moorish  and  Gallo-Roman  architecture,  imposing  only  by  its 
dimensions.  For  its  38,000  people,  Santiago  has  fifty  churches  and  six 
casinos.  The  latter  are  renowned  for  their  elaborate  fittings  and  for  the 
constant  gaiety  going  on  within  their  walls. 


PALACE   OF   THE   GOVERNOR-GENERAL,   SANTIAGO. 


V. 

IF  this  narrative  proves  anything,  it  places  beyond  dispute  the  valor  of 
our  soldiery,  by  sea  and  land.  The  mere  recital  of  the  prodigies 
wrought  by  navy  and  army  attest  the  unexampled  loftiness  of  soul,  the 
devouring  ardor  of  rank  and  file  to  do  all  that  falls  to  man  to  do  in 
danger.  Barely  however,  had  the  truce  sounded  and  peace  begun,  when 
a  dolorous  transformation  set  a  new  scene.  The  death  and  maiming 
which  were  spared  us  in  battle  set  in  with  astounding  swiftness,  the 
moment  the  deliberate  operations  of  withdrawal  began.  An  outbreak  of 
indignant  protest  soon  filled  the  land,  obscuring  for  the  time  the  momen- 
tous issues  to  be  decided  by  the  peace  commissions  ;  letters  from  thousands 
of  soldiers  in  camp  revealed  a  state  of  destitution,  of  neglect,  so  incredible 
that  it  required  verified  testimony  on  the  part  of  those  believed  most 
trustworthy,  to  convince  the  country.  Such  examinations  as  followed, 
revealed  a  repulsive  reign  of  unfitness  and  incapacity  not  found  at  the 
front  alone,  in  the  fever  smitten  chapparal  camps  of  Cuba.  The  rendez- 
vous from  Chickamauga  to  Washington  were  found  to  be  all  that  camps 
should  not  be.  It  was  found  that  our  sons  and  brothers,  our  husbands  and 
fathers,  eager,  high-minded,  noble,  were  made  the  spoil  of  low-minded  in- 
triguers, coralled  like  cattle  under  untrained  chiefs,  shipped  to  the  scene 
of  action  by  dunces  and  adventurers,  who  knew  no  more  of  war  than  the 
cowboy  or  the  fillibuster. 

From  the  moment  war  was  proclaimed  until  the  hour  peace  came,  it 
was  the  nefarious  influence  of  the  politician,  the  hateful  greed  of  syndi- 
cates, that  seemed  to  rule  the  war  office.  The  lust  of  gain,  the  privilege 
of  place,  the  odious  mechanism  of  what  is  vulgarly  known  as  the  "pull  " 
of  the  accidental  holders  of  place,  ruled  the  precincts  of  valor,  of  author- 
ity. Shylock  expounded  the  law  and  demanded  the  flesh  and  blood  of 
our  heroes,  our  defenders.  The  administrative  agencies  seem  to  have 
been  dominated  by  a  hierarchy  of  pitiless  speculators  demanding,  not  the 
pound  of  flesh  the  poet  makes  typical,  but  the  lifeblood  of  the  soldiery, 
the  savings  of  the  millions.  The  signal  was  given  by  the  unqualifiable  Con- 
gress that  forced  the  war.  That  body  passed  a  revenue  law,  which  ex- 
acted the  last  penny  from  toil,  and  left  substantially  untouched  the 
affluent  and  influential.  From  the  household  salt  to  the  miner's  kit,  the 

(358) 


THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT  ARRAIGNED.  859 

tax  fell,  heavily  inescapable,  while  the  lordly  yachtsman,  the  baron  of  the 
mines,  or  the  bond  manipulator  escaped  untouched.  The  small  army 
called  for  to  fight  the  spectre  of  a  power  that  never  meant  to  resent  our 
conduct  beyond  the  form  of  protest,  was  launched  with  a  machinery,  on 
paper,  as  costly  as  the  vast  force  that  put  down  the  rebellion.  Every 
time  server  who  knew  the  methods  of  the  departments,  every  knave  who 
knew  the  complaisance  of  Congressmen,  every  self-seeker  who  aspired  to 
sudden  wealth,  rallied  at  the  war  department,  at  the  various  executive 
counters  of  commerce,  and  exacted  tribute  from  the  administrative 
agents.  From  a  shoe  string  to  a  cavalry  bridle,  from  a  can  of  beans  to  a 
vial  of  quinine,  the  war  department  accepted  bids,  higher  by  wholesale 
than  any  reputable  merchant  ever  dreamed  of  asking  at  retail.  The 
peculation  in  the  naval  purchases  were  open  to  all  eyes,  the  people  were 
made  to  pay  for  useless  hulks,  tenfold, — a  hundredfold  the  valuation 
set  by  competent  appraisers. 

But  miscreant  as  this  assassin  traffic  was,  it  would  have  passed  un- 
heeded, had  the  soldiers  been  spared  the  dolorous  consequences.  When 
the  agonizing  cries  of  the  wounded,  the  maledictions  of  parents  and 
friends  uprose  over  the  scoundrelly  transports  furnished,  then  the  public, 
always  languid  over  abuses,  indifferent  over  the  criminal  malfeasances  of 
legislators,  broke  into  protest.  The  inhuman  greed  of  the  favored  Shy- 
locks  cost  the  republic  more  lives  than  the  Spanish  fleets  and  bullets. 
The  scenes  on  the  transports  dispatched  from  Santiago  eclipse  in  bar- 
barous inhumanity  the  torments  of  the  Turk  in  Armenia,  the  British 
prisons  of  the  revolution  of  1812.  While  we  were  pouring  out  treasure 
with  unstinted  measure,  the  sick,  the  wounded,  the  dying,  were  without 
the  essentials  to  existence.  At  this  moment  when  the  horrors  of  war, 
through  science,  were  reduced  to  the  lowest  terms,  we,  in  a  "  War  for  hu- 
manity "  murdered  our  wounded,  starved  our  convalescents,  and  conveyed 
the  heroes  of  glorious  fields  in  ships  that  a  humane  cattle  herder  would 
refuse  to  embark  his  herds  on.  We  have  seen  the  criminal  neglect  of  the 
commissary — the  medical  department,  all  the  secondary  forces  of  cam- 
paigning, during  the  awful  advance  and  siege  of  Santiago  :  we  have  seen 
an  army  pushed  against  scientifically  prepared  bulwarks,  unprovided  with 
a  single  requisite  for  the  campaign  involved.  We  have  seen  a  handful  of 
surgeons,  fainting  in  the  attempt  to  do  the  work  apportioned  for  hun- 
dreds ;  we  have  seen  men  fighting  three  days  without  cover,  without 
food,  without  intelligible  control.  All  this,  however,  may  be  explicable 
through  causes  involving  no  criminality.  But  the  lack  of  medical  aid, 
the  utter  absence  of  the  hospital  resources,  paid  for,  and  well  paid  for, 


360  THE  MEN  WITH   A   "PULL." 

by  the  people,  mean  that  knavery,  rather  than  imbecility  was  the  cause. 
Whether  rightly  or  wrongly,  the  head  of  the  war  department  was  uni. 
versally  held  responsible  for  the  misconduct  of  the  entire  administrative 
forces.  Put  in  place,  by  repulsive  and  abhorrent  forces,  Alger  was 
looked  upon  by  many  as  the  last  expression  of  the  type  of  official,  the 
weak,  the  wicked,  the  hatefully  incompetent  faction  of  party  foisted  upon 
the  tax  payers.  He  had  been  for  years  an  absurdly  pushing  candidate 
for  the  presidency. 

For  the  supply  of  the  soldiers,  the  chartering  of  trains,  the  use  of  rail- 
ways, the  thousand  and  one  contracts,  depending  on,  if  not  originated  by 
the  head  of  the  war  department,  were  from  common  report  what  the 
plain  people  call  theft.  That  is  to  say  a  sagacious  executive,  an  educated 
administrator  would  have  made  it  a  matter  of  personal  pride,  to  say 
nothing  of  patriotism,  to  secure  to  the  people  the  lowest  rates  and  the 
most  efficient  services.  There  was  not  a  regiment  moved  from  any  point 
to  any  other  point  in  the  country,  that  an  outcry  of  indignant  contempt 
was  not  heard.  Even  Theodore  Roosevelt,  bound  by  official  amenities,  to 
speak  moderately,  characterized  the  transportation  of  his  Rough  Riders, 
as  a  libel  on  civilized  mobilization.  Nor  is  it  possible  without  some  expe- 
rience in  the  actual  business  of  war,  to  wholly  comprehend  the  nefarious, 
inhuman  treatment  of  the  men  entrusted  to  the  despicable  agencies  signal- 
ized in  Cuba.  To  enrich  contractors,  they  were  improperly  clad ;  to  en- 
rich contractors,  they  were  improperly  fed,  or  as  at  Santiago,  not  fed  at  all. 
At  every  rendezvous,  the  tale  was  told  of  inferior  food,  flimsy  and  half 
made  garments,  winter  coats  under  a  torrid  sun — in  fact  plundering  of 
the  treasury  without  restraint.  The  sons  of  senators,  the  progeny  of  the 
group  that  command  a  "  pull,"  were  assigned  to  the  scientific  functions 
that  require  education,  training,  experience.  Their  names  were  flaunted 
daily  in  the  press  despatches,  where  glory  was  to  be  gained. 

But  the  schooled  legions  that  had  been  graduated  from  West  Point, 
during  the  last  thirty-five  years,  eager,  able,  competent,  were  passed  by 
unnoticed.  A  thousand  Cromwells  were  overlooked  to  gratify  the  sena- 
torial demands.  A  corps  that  would  have  given  Napoleon  an  army  of 
marshals,  was  ignored  to  conciliate  the  selfish  greed  of  the  politicians.  A 
thousand  Neys  were  repelled  by  the  war  department,  to  make  way  for 
the  scions  of  the  millionaire,  the  kinsmen  of  the  secretary  or  his  collabo- 
rators. Not  one  in  a  thousand  of  the  accomplished  soldiers,  graduated 
from  our  great  military  school,  found  an  opportunity  to  make  use  of  his 
attainments,  to  exhibit  his  gratitude  to  the  patrie.  Never  in  the  most 
absolutist  heydey  of  the  monarchies  of  the  old  world  was  such  open  nepo- 


THE  SANITARY  COMMISSION.  361 

tism,  such  subservience  to  class  and  rank  indulged.  Politics,  not  war, 
was  the  animating  sentiment  that  ruled  the  formation  of  the  army.  This 
we  saw  in  its  most  hateful  form  in  1861  and  onward,  but  it  was  to  a  cer 
tain  extent  forced  upon  the  inexperienced  chief  magistrate,  who  faced 
the  rebellion.  It  took  four  years  of  pillage  and  slaughter  to  stiffen  Lin 
coin  against  the  perfidy  of  the  contractor,  the  Shylock  and  the  privileged  ; 
it  was  supposed  that  the  lesson  had  been  taught  for  all  time.  But  the 
first  month  of  the  war  revealed  that  it  was  not.  The  contractor,  callous, 
grasping,  insatiate,  was  given  carte  blanche  in  the  war  department,  and 
knavery  held  the  army  by  the  throat  from  the  moment  it  reached  the 
rendezvous,  until  the  moment  the  discharge  papers  were  signed.  Where 
the  private  buyer  would  have  been  asked  to  pay  a  dollar,  the  government 
was  forced  to  pay  from  ten  to  one  hundred,  and  then  did  not  get  what 
the  specifications  called  for. 

During  the  Civil  War,  vast  as  were  the  preparations  made  by  the  au- 
thorities, our  battlefields  would  have  proved  Golgothas,  had  it  not  been 
for  an  enlightened  body  of  women  and  men,  known  as  the  Sanitary  Com- 
mission. This  organization  embraced  the  aid  of  the  kindly  disposed  in 
every  community  in  the  Union.  During  the  five  years  of  its  operations 
in  the  field,  it  received  and  expended  twenty-five  millions  of  dollars.  It 
saved  200,000  lives,  that  would  have  been  otherwise  sacrificed  by  lack  of 
prompt  care  and  intelligent  nursing.  For  no  matter  how  perfectly  organ- 
ized a  medical  department  may  be,  it  is  physically  impossible  to  transport 
and  keep  on  the  verge  of  the  battlefield,  surgeons  and  nurses  in  numbers 
sufficient  to  attend  the  mangled.  In  one  volley  from  musketry,  a  thou- 
sand wounded  may  fall.  How  would  it  be  possible  to  have  a  surgeon  at 
hand  for  each  sufferer?  The  Sanitary  Commission  to  a  great  extent 
solved  this  dreadful  problem  by  equipping  its  own  ambulances,  which 
moved  with  and  under  protection  of  the  armies. 

When  the  war  with  Spain  arose,  the  spirit  of  the  founders  of  the  Sani- 
tary Commission  came  back,  and  the  humane  all  over  the  land  took  in 
hand  the  work  of  preparation.  Money  was  contributed  in  sums  lavish 
enough  to  conduct  a  campaign.  An  army  of  nurses,  large  as  the  con- 
tingent of  soldiery  summoned  by  the  President,  came  eagerly-forward  to 
enlist  in  hospital  work.  With  enlightened  patriotism,  all  local  societies 
and  Samaritans  put  themselves  in  unison,  or  merged  their  efforts  in  the 
Red  Cross.  This  splendid  society  needs  a  \\ord  of  retrospect  to  make  its 
magnificent  utilities  comprehensible.  As  the  battle  is  not  always  to  the 
strong,  nor  the  race  to  the  swift,  all  the  heroism  of  the  brief  campaign  in 
Cuba  was  not  illustrated  by  the  panoplied  warrior.  No  history  that  fails 


362  THE  RED  CROSS. 

to  take  into  account  the  enduring  effects,  the  consummate  faculty  dis- 
played by  the  Red  Cross  legion,  would  be  in  any  sense  a  comprehensive 
picture  of  a  momentous  epoch.  Side  by  side  with  the  marches,  battles,  ^ 
sieges,  surprises — all  the  vicissitudes,  indeed  that  the  armies  and  navies 
met  and  vanquished,  stands  the  noble  ministry  of  the  Red  Cross.  Indeed 
the  name  of  Dewey,  himself,  was  hardly  better  known  than  that  of  Clara 
Barton,  the  sagacious  Captain-General  in  the  Samaritan  campaign. 

Wherever  the  weak,  the  wounded,  the  ailing,  the  neglected — the  in- 
numerable host,  that  in  the  best  managed  wars,  must  suffer  some  depriva- 
tion and  need  succor,  were,  the  assiduous,  patient,  benignant  ministers  of 
this  new  adjunct  to  war,  were  seen  and  felt.  There  was  not  a  home  or 
hamlet  in  the  land,  with  a  son  or  a  citizen  under  fire,  who  had  not  cause 
to  know  the  efficiency  of  Miss  Barton's  modest  ministers.  The  Red  Cross 
indeed,  is  one  of  the  evidences  that  civilization  has  diminished  some  of 
the  calamities  men  and  peoples  bring  upon  themselves,  when  they  give 
way  to  the  hereditary  instinct  and  invoke  war — where  peaceful  means  are 
looked  upon  as  too  slow. 

Forty  years  ago,  a  kindly  Swiss,  Henri  Dunant  was  caught  upon  the 
scene  of  carnage,  the  battlefield  of  Solferino  presented  after  the  French 
and  Austrians  had  fought  all  day.  The  wounded  were  lying  in  ghastly 
heaps,  deserted.  The  medical  train  was  unequal  to  attending  a  thou- 
sandth part  of  the  victims.  Dunant,  reflecting  on  the  hideous  spectacle, 
imagined  a  society,  whose  business  it  should  be  to  accompany  armies  and 
minister  impartially  to  each  victim  on  the  field,  irrespective  of  his  nation- 
ality. On  his  return  to  his  Swiss  home,  he  set  his  idea  forth  in  an  elo- 
quent plea,  suggesting  the  formation  of  a  corps  of  Samaritans,  devoted 
exclusively  to  the  wounded.  The  heart  of  the  European  world  was 
touched  by  the  recital.  A  convention  was  called  by  the  kindly,  the  phil- 
anthropic. This  remarkable  assembly  of  the  humane,  met  in  Geneva  in 
the  year  1864,  at  the  very  time  our  battlefields  were  covered  almost  con- 
tinuously with  hecatombs  of  the  maimed.  Representatives  from  every 
people  in  Christendom  attended  the  organization.  A  compact  was  signed 
— pledging  the  signatory  nations  to  an  inviolable  neutrality  toward  the 
members  of  the  society  during  all  succeeding  wars  while  at  work  on  the 
field  of  battle  and  covered  by  the  insignia,  adopted  in  compliment  to  the 
Swiss  republic — the  flag  of  the  confederation.  The  flag  of  Switzerland 
is  heraldically  described  as  "  on  a  field  gules,  a  cross  argent."  This  is  the 
flag  of  the  society  all  over  the  world,  the  colors  being  reversed.  The 
insignia  is  jealously  guarded,  and  the  brassards  and  armlets,  that  are 
sewed  on  the  sleeves  when  issued  in  time  of  war,  are  marked  with  private 


I 


Miss  CLARA  BARTON. 

President  American  Red  Cross  Society. 


MISS  CLARA   BARTON.  365 

devices,  so  that  both  armies  may  be  protected  from  spies,  and  none  but 
those  engaged  in  the  work  of  helping  the  wounded  shall  be  "immune." 

Sixty-two  nations  are  now  members  of  the  Red  Cross.  In  1882,  Miss 
Clara  Barton  was  accredited  to  the  Red  Cross  convention  as  the  delegate 
from  this  republic.  Since  then,  her  efforts  have  been  incessant  to  bring 
the  organization  up  to  the  same  efficiency  that  marks  any  department  of 
an  army  in  campaign.  Through  Miss  Barton's  suggestions  and  active 
advocacy,  the  scope  of  the  society  has  been  constantly  enlarging.  Some- 
thing like  training-schools  for  nurses,  have  been  organized — to  aid  the 
afflicted,  not  only  in  war,  but  when  calamities  occur  at  any  time.  Though 
comprehending  but  vaguely  the  vital  succor  this  organization  brings  to 
the  battlefield,  the  war  had  no  sooner  begun  than  the  society  was  borne 
down  with  proffers  of  aid,  both  by  volunteer  nurses,  medicines — even 
vessels,  to  carry  the  afflicted  from  port  to  port.  Alongside  the  fleets  in 
Florida  and  side  by  side  with  the  blockader  in  Cuban  waters,  the  Red 
Cross  banner  became  as  familiar  as  the  flag  of  the  republic. 

In  the  awful  days  of  deprivation  that  marked  the  advance  to  Santiago, 
the  Red  Cross  may  be  said  to  have  been  the  only  organized  aid  to  the  ail- 
ing, the  wounded,  the  helpless.  These  devoted  companies  hovered  where 
danger  was  deadliest ;  they  ministered  to  the  wounded,  under  shot  and 
shell ;  they  braved  the  deadly  fever  of  the  plague  smitten  camps  and  to 
their  zeal  and  devotion,  many  a  home  owes  the  safe  return  of  husband  or 
father,  son  or  brother.  No  sooner  were  the  ranks  under  fire  than  the  Red 
Cross  was  called.  The  stretchers  were  inadequate  to  carry  out  the 
maimed,  the  nurses  sought  their  charges,  almost  on  the  line  of  fire.  In 
the  extraordinary  march  to  Santiago,  the  army  not  only  lacked  proper 
raiment  and  food,  it  lacked  the  presence  of  a  medical  corps.  This  the 
Red  Cross,  to  a  surprising  extent  remedied.  But  everything  was  lacking, 
it  seems,  from  the  testimony  that  even  the  cooperation  of  the  constituted 
medical  hierarchy  was  refused,  or  if  rendered  was  in  a  spirit  so  churlish  that 
disaster  followed.  There  were  no  correspondents  to  proclaim  the  heroism 
of  this  devoted  band.  But  thousands  of  private  letters,  informed  the 
country  of  the  work  done,  water  borne  from  the  very  cannon's  mouth  to 
the  choking  soldiers,  tents  improvised  by  a  sheet  thrown  oVer  the  limb 
of  a  tree,  such  dainties  cooked  in  portable  stoves,  as  a  compact  larder 
afforded.  Above  all,  the  tender  handiwork  of  women. 

Incredible  to  say,  the  head  of  the  medical  department  of  the  United 

States  army,  opposed  himself  from  the  first,  to  the  utilization  of  the  Red 

Cross  agencies  in  succoring  the  wounded.     He  opposed  and  impeded  the 

going  to  Cuba  of  the  women  nurses,  yet  when  the  hour  of  need  came, 

20 


866 


SUFFERING  IN  THE  CAMPS. 


the  constituted  instruments  of  his  department  were  not  on  hand.  The 
food,  medicine  —  the  paraphernalia  of  the  most  elementary  hospital,  was 
nowhere  near  the  fields  where  1,700  dying  men  were  in  extremity.  The 
tale  of  the  lamentable  exhibition  of  mismanagement  had  begun  to  be 
told,  long  before  the  soldiers  left  the  various  camps  of  concentration. 
Acrimonious  controversies  filled  the  public  press.  In  these  it  was  shown 


THE   BED   CROSS   IN   THE  FIELD. 

that  by  design  or  incapacity,  thousands  of  men  were  hurried  to  isolated 
spots,  far  from  the  aid  of  civilized  communities  and  held  in  semi-impris- 
onment, with  none  of  the  supplies  at  hand  essential  for  health,  let  alone 
comfort.  The  outcry  from  Tampa,  Chickamauga  and  elsewhere,  coming 
in  the  stress  and  strain  of  preparation,  did  not  attract  general  attention  ; 
but  when  the  appalling  pictures  of  an  almost  studious  neglect  of  the 
wounded,  accompanied  the  thrilling  portrayal  of  the  battles  fought,  then 
the  public  mind  was  deeply  impressed. 

It  required,  however,  the  exposure  of  the  inhuman  transport  of  the 


THE  SENECA  AND  CONCHO.  367 

convalescents  on  two  steamers,  the  Seneca  and  Concho  to  arouse  public 
indignation  to  a  white  heat.  The  pictures  of  almost  depraved  inattention 
embodied  in  the  experience  of  the  victims  of  these  two  ships,  was  an  in- 
dictment of  the  humanity  as  well  as  the  capacity  of  all  in  any  way  re- 
sponsible. The  defects  were  indeed  so  harrowing  that  many  journals 
shrank  from  reproducing  the  ghastly  pictures.  A  Brooklyn  critic  was 
not  thought  to  exceed  the  proper  limits  of  reproval  in  asserting :  "  The 
state  of  things  on  the  Seneca,  the  other  day,  and  on  the  Concho,  this 
week,  was  a  disgrace  to  the  United  States.  It  made  the  army  bureau  of 
medicine  and  surgery  a  worse  enemy  to  the  sick,  wounded  and  suffering 
by  the  war,  than  the  Spanish  Mausers,  Cuban  filth,  yellow  fever  or  trop- 
ical typhoons  combined.  No  culprits  or  imbeciles  responsible  for  the 
wrongs,  must  have  to  do  with  the  investigation  in  any  other  role  than 
that  of  accused  defendants. 

44  And  such  of  the  incompetents  as  seek  to  put  the  blame  on  the  Red 
Cross,  should  be  especially  suspected.  The  Red  Cross  has  stood  out  as 
preeminently  the  far-sighted,  deft-handed,  alert,  systematic,  sane  and  sym- 
pathetic force  of  amelioration  in  this  war.  Its  women  and  men  expected 
bad  results  as  possibilities  —and  were  prepared  to  meet  them.  Wherever 
they  have  had  way,  and  sway,  things  have  gone  right.  Wherever  red 
tape  and  bureaucracy  have  stood  in  their  way,  Seneca  facts  and  Concho 
facts  have  indelibly  disgraced  our  government  and  torn  the  hearts  of  our 
people  with  agony  and  horror. 

"  The  medical  bureau  has  been  even  worse  than  that  of  the  quarter- 
master— general's.  More  could  hardly  be  said.  Troops  have  been  sent 
where  there  was  no  food.  Food  has  been  sent,  unfit  to  eat.  Camps  have 
been  located  in  pestiferous  places.  Men  not  even  at  the  front  have  died 
like  sheep  in  American  camps.  And  verified  complaints,  and  unanswer- 
able evidence  have  been  met  by  a  sturdy  mendacity,  an  invincible  igno- 
rance or  a  fiendish  indifference.  And  what  is  the  transportation  bureau — 
whatever  be  the  official  name  of  it — doing?  Is  it  smitten  too  with  in- 
competency?  Why  are  not  the  regiments  of  immunes  now  at  Santiago, 
that  the  well  of  the  fifth  corps  could  be  carried  to  the  Cuban  hills  and  the 
ill  brought  to  Montauk  Point  ?  Were  a  thousand  transports  at  anchor 
at  Santiago,  they  could  not  be  loaded  up  without  sufferers  until  the  im- 
munes were  there  for  garrison  duty.  We  dare  not  reproduce  the  details 
of  the  sufferings.  They  are  criminal,  because  largely  preventable  suffer 
ings.  We  dare  not  lift  the  veil.  The  facts  are  awful.  They  ought  to  be 
incredible,  for  they  ought  to  be  impossible.  The  war,  fortunately  is  over. 
But  the  accounting  with  the  people  of  Spain  should  not  prevent  the  ac» 


368  SCATHING    CRITICISM. 

counting  of  the  press,  the  people,  and  Congress,  with  those  whose  incom- 
petency  makes  them  worse  than  Spain.  For  Spain  was  licensed  to  hurt 
our  boys,  and  these  imbeciles  were  licensed,  paid,  commissioned  and 
sworn  to  help  them.  And  yet  because  of  them,  the  mortality  since  the 
enemy  surrendered,  far  exceeds  the  mortality  of  battle.  Shame  on  the 
fact !  Justice  in  the  form  of  punishment  for  those  to  blame  for  the  fact !  " 

Goaded  by  outcries  from  all  sides  in  this  tone,  Secretary  Alger  wrote  a 
note  of  almost  flippant  lightness,  dismissing  the  abuses  as  incident 
to  war ! 

An  ex-minister  of  the  United  States,  Robert  B.  Roosevelt,  voiced  the 
sentiment  of  the  country  in  a  swift  response.  In  a  letter  to  the  press,  he 
wrote :  "  I  have  read  with  surprise  and  equal  indignation  the  letter  of 
Secretary  Alger  to  General  Dodge.  Its  callous  and  heartless  indifference 
to  the  sufferings  of  our  soldiers,  is  most  unworthy  of  a  patriotic  public 
officer,  and  almost  incomprehensible  in  a  father  with  a  son  at  the  front, 
exposed  to  the  unnecessary  hardships  the  men  have  been  forced  to 
endure.  It  even  seems  to  me  to  furnish  the  ke}*note  to  the  situation,  for 
if  the  head  of  the  department  is  cynically  indifferent  and  careless,  the 
underlings  will  be  more  so,  and  feel  justified  and  sustained.  When  every 
father  and  mother  in  this  land  who  has  a  son  in  the  war,  is  bitterly  out- 
raged at  the  want  of  proper  precautions,  or  ordinary  forethought,  not  to 
say  downright  peculation — for  as  yet,  no  one  seems  to  know  where  the 
blame  should  be  placed — the  Secretary  of  War — the  man  whose  reputa- 
tion is  most  involved,  the  man  who  has  the  greatest  responsibility — coolly 
writes  to  General  Dodge : — *  You  and  I  know  what  this  means.  It  has 
always  occurred  and  always  will  occur.  That  is  war,  and  war  would  not 
be  war  without  it.'  Is  that  anything  but  a  carte  blanche  to  any  one  in 
any  way  connected  with  the  war  department  to  ill  treat,  under  feed  and 
even  rob  the  soldiers,  as  much  as  he  pleases? 

"  I  am  not  a  military  man,  Secretary  Alger,  but  I  take  issue  with 
every  one  of  your  brutal  and  self-sufficient  assertions.  It  has  not  always 
occurred,  except  when  incompetent  men  were  in  places  of  responsibility. 
It  will  not  continue  to  occur,  even  if  we  have  to  get  another  Secretary  of 
War.  It  is  not  war.  It  exhibits  on  the  other  hand,  utter  incapacity  for 
the  simplest  duties  of  war.  No  war  could  be  carried  on  successfully,  if 
such  things  were  to  be  allowed  to  exist,  as  your  letter  would  seem  to 
imply  that  you  are  perfectly  willing  they  should.  The  country  found 
itself  unexpectedly  brought  face  to  face  with  the  dread  realities  of  con- 
flict. A  call  was  made  for  volunteers  and  they  poured  out  to  the  number 
of  nearly  half  a  million,  counting  all  who  offered  their  services.  They 


ALWAYS  HUNGRY.  369 

knew  they  had  to  brave  the  bullets  of  the  enemy,  the  fever  and  the  pesti- 
lence and  the  loss  of  comforts  and  often  employment,  but  they  did  not 
think  that  they  were  to  be  half  starved,  and  then  told  that  to  complain 
was  unpatriotic ;  that  even  to  write  home  to  their  families  was  spreading 
disaffection. 

"  I  do  not  intend  that  this  attempt  to  assist  them  shall  be  made  per- 
sonal. No  one's  name  shall  be  brought  in  ;  no  one  shall  be  accused  of 
grumbling  as  the  Secretary  endeavors  to  do.  If  the  men  who  defend  the 
system  desire  to  make  it  personal  with  me  they  can,  but  they  shall  not 
cast  imputation  on  those,  who  having  given  up  everything  for  their 
country,  taken  their  lives  in  their  hands  and  left  home  and  family,  are 
half  starved  even  before  they  left  our  shores,  are  huddled  in  transports  in 
a  way  to  renew  the  horrors  of  old  time  slave  trade,  and  are  sent  home 
when  sick  and  wounded,  crowded  to  excess,  uncared  for,  without  water 
or  suitable  nourishment,  and  with  surgeons  unsupplied  with  instruments. 
If  Secretary  Alger  had  the  heart  of  a  man,  he  would,  instead  of  indulging 
in  ill-timed  sarcasms,  have  been  the  first  and  most  persistent  in  finding  out 
where  lay  the  blame  for  all  this  wrong  and  suffering,  and,  instead  oi 
announcing  that  they  were  to  continue,  would  have  been  the  most  urgent 
in  bringing  them  to  a  sudden  and  decided  termination,  instead  of  at< 
tempting  to  silence  complaints  by  insinuations  against  the  patriotism  of 
those  who  would  remove  the  cause  from  them. 

"  I  do  not  know  who  is  Commissary-General  and  have  had  no  personal 
quarrel  with  him  or  anybody  else,  but  I  do  know  that  the  army  ration  is 
abundant  and  far  better  for  the  men  than  the  '  stuff,' as  one  of  them 
called  it,  we  are  trying  to  get  to  them  often  vainly  I  fear,  in  place  of  the 
good  and  appropriate  food  which  the  government  ought  to  supply  to 
them.  But  when  one  of  them  writes  'mother  I  am  always  hungry,'  is  it 
surprising  that  that  mother  endeavors  to  get  to  him  the  best  she  can  and 
whatever  she  can  ?  Think  of  it  Mr.  Alger  and  see  if  it  does  not  awaken 
something  better  than  sarcasm  in  your  mind.  The  boy,  always  hungry, 
always  wet,  always  facing  the  Mauser  rifles  of  the  Spaniards,  in  the 
trenches  day  and  night,  ready  at  any  moment  to  charge  into  '  the  valley 
of  death '  as  they  did  up  the  heights  at  Santiago,  and  yet  through  the 
fault  of  some  one,  contractor,  official  or  whoever  it  may  be — forced  to  go 
4  always  hungry.'  Would  it  not  be  more  worthy,  more  patriotic,  more 
politic  even,  especially  in  the  head  of  the  department  which  is  responsible, 
to  endeavor  to  find  out  who  is  to  blame  and  bring  about  a  reform,  in- 
stead of  saying  contemptuously,  'Oh,  such  things  always  occur  and  will 
continue  '  ?  If  you  don't  think  so,  wait  until  you  hear  from  the  fathers 


370  ON  THE  "MASSACHUSETTS.*' 

and  mothers  of  the  suffering  and  uselessly  endangered  heroes  for  whom 
you  seem  to  have  so  little  sympathy." 

Nearly  every  family  that  had  a  son  or  kinsman  in  the  army  received  a 
picture  of  the  situation,  couched  in  terms  that  left  no  doubt  of  the  truth- 
fulness of  the  extraordinary  culpability  revealed  ;  a  soldier  on  board  ship, 
for  illustration  wrote : 

"  Figure  to  yourself  a  ship  of  not  more  than  3,500  tons,  transporting 
1,005  troops,  exclusive  of  crew,  and  some  1,500  horses  and  mules.  Such 
is  the  state  of  affairs  on  board  the  Massachusetts,  which  is  undoubtedly  a 
fair  sample  of  the  average  transport.  Two-thirds  of  the  promenade  deck, 
which,  is  usually  small,  is  allotted  to  officers ;  one-half  of  the  remainder  is 
improvised  into  a  hospital,  and  the  remaining  half  is  all  that  the  troops 
are  allowed  to  use.  The  main  and  lower  decks  are  entirely  filled  by  the 
horses  and  mules.  The  troops  are  packed  away  in  a  quarter  of  the  hold, 
still  lower.  The  space  is  entirely  filled  by  hammocks,  two  deep,  hung 
lengthwise,  and  but  eighteen  inches  apart,  with  an  average  of  fifty  to  the 
width  of  the  vessel.  There  are  five  troops  of  cavalry  on  board,  all  of 
whom  were  obliged  to  carry  below  to  their  sleeping  (?)  quarters  all  of 
their  saddles  and  other  paraphernalia,  weighing  upward  of  eighty  five 
pounds,  and  leaving  no  space  whatever  to  walk  about  in.  Everything  is 
piled  about  the  floor  in  extricable  confusion.  In  fact,  it  is  next  to  im- 
possible for  a  man  to  claim  his  own. 

"  The  filth  and  stench  in  the  quarters  are  impossible  to  describe.  For 
more  than  a  day  no  drinking  water  was  provided  for  the  men.  The  suffering 
from  thirst  was  intense.  Everywhere  could  be  seen  men  with  their  cups  in 
their  hands  simply  begging  for  a  drink  of  water.  When  water  was  at  last 
provided,  it  was  the  same  that  was  fed  to  the  mules,  run  into  a  large 
basin  and  allowed  to  stand  between  the  cattle  and  the  water  closets.  The 
water  could  not  fail  under  these  circumstances  to  become  more  or  less 
contaminated,  and  it  will  be  an  agreeable  surprise  to  those  on  board  if  a 
good  many  cases  of  typhoid  do  not  break  out  soon  after  landing,  as  a 
result.  As  to  the  lavatory  accommodations,  the  English  language  fails  to 
provide  words  to  describe  such  obnoxious  and  foul  arrangements  as  were 
improvised  at  the  last  moment,  apparently  by  the  ship's  carpenter  for  our 
use. 

"  Our  meals,  if  one  were  fortunate  (or  unfortunate)  enough  to  obtain 
them,  all  consisted  of  hardtack  and  salted  pork,  varied  occasionally  by 
canned  corn  beef  and  beans.  I  say  if  one  were  fortunate  enough  to  ob- 
tain them,  for  the  culinary  department  bore  more  resemblance  to  a  large 
grab  bag  than  anything  else.  If  one's  kit  happened  to  have  gone  astray, 


PECULATIONS,  LARGE  AND  SMALL.  871 

rather  the  rule  than  the  exception,  one  had  to  go  a  begging.  Sleeping 
on  board  is  next  to  impossible.  Below,  the  stench  and  suffocating  atmos- 
phere are  intolerable.  The  only  alternative  is  to  lie  down  on  the  deck 
Moor,  if  one  is  so  fortunate  as  to  find  a  place  for  himself.  Every  available 
inch  of  space  is  taken  up  in  this  way,  the  men  lying  together  like  sardines 
in  a  box,  thankful  at  least  for  a  breath  of  fresh  air  and  relief  from  obnox- 
ious odors  of  the  quarters  below  in  the  hold  of  the  vessel,  now  popularly 
known  as  '  hell.'  " 

Peculation  on  a  small  and  large  scale  was  practiced  in  the  furnishing 
and  supply  departments.  The  fiduciary  agents  entrusted  with  buying 
for  the  government,  were  often  found  in  league  with  the  contractor, 
awarding  bids  through  the  influence  of  political  agents,  rather  than  fit- 
ness to  produce  the  article  needed.  From  many  posts  of  the  country 
horrified  fathers  and  mothers  read  revelations  like  this,  taken  from  one 
of  the  most  serious  journals  in  the  West :  "  Quartermaster-Sergeant 
James  Young,  of  a  Kansas  regiment,  is  under  arrest  charged  with  selling 
supplies.  His  defence  is  that  every  other  officer  in  similar  position  has 
done  the  same.  Sergeant  Young  seems  to  be  a  proper  person  for  an  ex- 
ample. After  he  has  been  rigorously  dealt  with,  the  offenders  should  suf- 
fer till  the  quartermaster's  department  is  ruled  by  patriotism  instead  of 
cupidity.  Some  men  trade  on  noble  sentiment,  and  find  in  war  the 
rascal's  opportunity  for  gaining  riches.  It  is  as  infamous  as  anything  of 
which  we  have  accused  the  Spaniards.  When  splendid  young  men  offer 
themselves  by  thousands  in  the  ranks,  go  cheerfully  into  danger,  go  pa- 
tiently to  hospital  or  serenely  across  the  dark  river,  how  hateful  the  con- 
duct of  pilferers." 

A  studious  observer  who  had  been  for  years  among  European  armies 
and  knows  something  of  the  conditions  of  the  Civil  War,  summed  up  the 
situation  at  Tampa,  just  as  the  Shafter  expedition  was  on  the  eve  of  de- 
parture for  Santiago :  "  The  camp  at  Tampa  is  a  disgraceful  evidence 
either  of  political  jobbery  or  of  equally  gross  incompetence.  If  this  were 
in  Spain  we  would  say  that  a  Secretary  of  War,  willing  to  accept  the  re- 
sponsibility for  locating  troops  at  Tampa,  must  be  either  corrupt  or  other- 
wise unfit  for  office.  Mr.  Alger  accepts  responsibility  for  Tampa.  Can 
.any  one  ask  more  evidence  of  political  jobbery  than  that,  with  the  whole 
of  Florida  to  choose  from,  our  Secretary  of  War  should  have  insisted  on 
locating  our  main  army  of  invasion  at  a  point  where  only  one  line  of  rail- 
way owned  a  virtual  monopoly  of  all  transportation,  and  where  the  gov- 
ernment pays  two  cents  a  gallon  for  water  consumed?  Close  to  Tiimpa 
are  camping  grounds,  where  the  men  would  have  had  abundant  water 


372 


THE  CAMP  AT  TAMPA. 


supply  and  where  two  competing  roads  would  have  greatly  facilitated  the 
commissary  question.  Wh}r  did  not  the  War  Department  choose  such  a 
place?  Why  did  the  Secretary  of  War  treat  as  impertinence  any  ref- 
erence to  the  state  of  things  at  Tampa  ?  Why  are  all  Regular  army  offi- 
cers outspoken  on  this  subject,  when  they  are  talking  to  a  friend,  and 
why  are  they  afraid  to  be  quoted?  The  reason  is  that  they  all  feel  that 
some  one  at  the  head  has  a  political  or  pecuniary  interest  in  perpetuating 
things  as  they  are,  and  that  officers  are  not  thanked  for  telling  the  truth. 


A  CONVALESCENT  CAMP, 


PART  II. 

WHILE  the  immense  flotilla  was  waiting  the  signal  to  sail  at  Tampa, 
the  army  on  shore  saw  among  the  fleet  an  enormous  steamer  with 
a  flag  whereon  a  Red  Cross  was  a  constant  signal  to  the  ill  or  ailing.  On 
the  large  smoke  stacks  the  same  sign  invited,  while  from  the  broad  sides 
likewise  gleamed  this  world  known  signal  of  humane  dedication.  This 
vessel,  The  State  of  Texas,  though  officially  ignored,  was  laden  with  the 
most  precious  freight  that  sailed  in  the  thirty  ships  of  General  Shafter's 
armada.  Aside  from  the  Samaritan  ranks  that  crowded  the  splendid 
ship,  the  cargo  represented  the  heart  givings  of  the  whole  land — twelve 
hundred  tons  of  needed  comfort  to  the  ailing.  This  mass  of  stores  was 
originally  contributed  for  the  Cuban  reconcentrados,  but  the  interven- 
tion of  another  and  worse  foe  than  the  lawlessness  of  the  isle,  made  the 
offering  unavailable.  None  but  Red  Cross  workers  were  on  the  ship. 
There  were  men  and  women  experienced  in  many  scenes  of  war,  disease, 
disaster — wherever  in  short,  the  human  needs  the  help  of  the  human. 
All  were  veterans  of  varied  experience  where  disaster  made  the  work  of 
mercy  no  less  terrible  than  the  horrors  of  the  battlefield.  Ten  of  them 
had  worked  among  the  reconcentrados.  No  phase  of  human  suffering, 
perhaps,  could  be  more  appalling,  no  condition  of  human  wretchedness 
more  repulsive  than  they  had  faced  in  that  ordeal  of  relief  in  Cuba. 

As  the  admiral  to  the  fleet,  the  general  to  his  army,  the  managing 
veteran  at  the  head  of  the  Red  Cross,  Clara  Barton,  is  to  this  Samaritan 
order.  The  seventy  years  of  her  life  have  neither  impaired  her  faculties 
nor  diminished  her  emulous  eagerness  to  do  and  dare.  No  soldier  in  the 
barrack  held  himself  so  disciplinedly  at  the  call  of  authority,  as  this  ven- 
erable incarnation  of  benignity  holds  herself  at  the  beck  of  duty — of 
goodness.  Her  work  in  Cuba,  before  the  brazen  gates  of  war  closed  her 
out,  was  equal  to  the  hardest  undergone  by  a  commander  of  a  corps  at 
Santiago.  It  is  testimony  of  the  universal  recognition  of  this  extraordi- 
nary woman's  genius  in  well-doing,  that  the  blunt  soldier,  Blanco,  saw 
her  quitting  the  Cuban  capital  with  misgivings.  "  Your  departure,  Miss 
Barton,"  he  said,  "  means  more  to  me  than  the  departure  of  your  Consul- 
General.  It  means  the  possibility  of  war." 

The  sight  of  this  great  woman  fairly  awed  the  official  hierarchy  at 

(3733 


374  MISS  BARTON'S  WORK. 

Tampa,  who  thought  themselves  in  slavish  bondage,  if  they  devoted  six 
hours  a  day  to  routine.  The  observer  near  Miss  Barton  saw  her  day  be 
gin  with  a  mail  that  would  dishearten  a  statesman  aided  by  a  corps  t.i' 
stenographers.  No  woman  could  arouse  such  sentiment  as  is  felt  in  this 
heroine's  ordinary  atmosphere,  who  is  not  possessed  of  the  qualities  that 
make  the  exceptionally  great.  The  character,  conduct,  distinction  of 
the  mass  who  obey  her  behests,  is  at  once  a  tribute  to  her  genius  and  a 
testimony  to  the  results  that  genius  achieves.  Their  inspiration  is  the 
belief  in  her  honesty  and  singleness  of  purpose.  Understanding  of  the 
work  comes  afterward,  and  later  enthusiasm.  It  is  this  inspiration  that 
holds  men  and  women  in  the  service  of  the  Red  Cross  without  pay. 

One  of  the  assurances  that  reconciled  the  pacific  millions  to  war,  if 
there  could  be  such  a  state  of  mind  as  reconciliation  to  what  all  of  gentle 
mould  abhor,  was  the  circumstantial  exposition,  published  in  every  jour- 
nal of  the  day,  that  medical  science  had  gone  hand  in  hand  with  the 
lethal  weapons  in  betterment  and  invention  :  that  to  be  wounded  was  no 
longer  certain  death,  hardly  even  a  temporary  pain.  Medical  amateurs 
impregnated  the  ranks  with  such  confidence  in  the  manifold  appliances 
for  mitigating  bullet  wounds,  that  thousands  of  the  credulous,  yearned 
for  this  heroic  distinction — a  scar  in  defence  of  the  flag.  Theoretically 
our  national  medical  service  was  perfection.  If  prescription  and  precept 
could  make  it  so,  it  certainly  would  be.  But — between  the  rubrics,  as 
set  down,  and  the  practice  as  witnessed,  there  was  a  most  melancholy 
gulf.  For  a  body  of  men  known  as  a  division,  which  may  comprise  from 
5,000  to  7,000  men,  a  hospital,  tent,  or  building,  if  such  be  accessible,  is 
prescribed.  Three  per  cent,  of  the  enlisted  men  are  assigned  to  aiding 
the  wounded  to  this  haven  in  the  time  of  battle.  The  able-bodied  men 
thus  taken  from  the  ranks  are  subjected  to  severe  discipline.  They  are 
thoroughly  drilled  and  have  absolute  and  entire  charge  of  the  wounded 
from  the  moment  they  fall,  until  they  pass  into  the  hands  of  the  surgeons 
in  the  field  hospital.  These  men  are  provided  with  stretchers  and  are 
expected  to  keep  close  to  the  deadly  line  of  the  advancing  soldiery — to 
pick  up  the  wounded.  Naturally,  to  avert  calamity  the  hospital  is  be- 
yond the  range  of  fire — that  is  the  old  range — before  the  new  gun  came 
into  use.  This  necessitates  carrying  of  wounded  from  one  to  three 
miles.  The  surgeons  are  rigorously  prohibited  from  performing  any  am- 
putating function  under  fire.  The  fate  of  the  wounded  rests  in  the  hands 
of  the  one  who  applies  the  "  first  dressing."  In  other  days  amputation 
was  regarded  as  vital,  the  moment  the  wounded  reached  the  doctor. 

In  the  Civil  War  it  was  the  practice  to  set  up  a  kind  of  hospital,  with- 


FIRST  DRESSING.  375 

out  even  a  tent,  in  many  cases,  just  out  of  range  of  the  enemy's  musketry 
fire,  where  temporary  dressings  were  hurriedly  ajpplied,  and  amputations 
performed,  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  checking  hemorrhage.  The  probe 
was  active,  the  removal  of  the  foreign  substance  being  regarded  as  a  mat- 
ter of  moment.  The  "first  dressings  "  would  do,  it  was  considered,  until 
the  wounded  could  be  carried  to  a  more  permanent  hospital.  All  this  is 
changed.  The  first  dressing  calls  for  the  utmost  care  and  nothing  short 
of  perfection  is  aimed  at  by  the  regulations.  To  any  one  who  knows 
the  severe  requirements  of  septic  or  antiseptic  surger}T,  it  must  be  ob- 
vious that  the  battlefield  is  no  place  for  the  first  dressing.  The  medical 
experts  hold  that  it  is  far  better  that  a  wounded  man  should  wait  three  or 
four  hours,  if  necessary,  protected  from  the  danger  of  hemorrhage  by  the 
windlass  or  circular  bandage,  which  every  litter  bearer  carries,  and  knows 
how  to  apply,  than  to  risk  his  life  in  the  first  dressing,  that  leaves  any- 
thing to  be  desired.  As  a  rule,  the  soldier  who  is  not  killed  outright, 
will  save  life  and  limbs,  if  the  first  dressing  is  perfect.  It  is  another  dis- 
covery of  the  fraternity  that  except  when  it  kills  instantly,  it  is  not  the 
bullet  that  kills.  The  thousands  of  men,  an  eminent  surgeon  declares, 
who  have  died  of  their  wounds  in  the  past,  really  died  of  conditions  that 
were  due  to  the  wounds,  but  could  have  been  prevented  if  the  surgeons 
had  only  known  how. 

A  plodding  French  student,  whose  name  is  unknown  out  of  his  own 
country,  revolutionized  the  art  of  the  surgeon,  in  the  discovery  of  anti- 
septic treatment.  This  was  Guilbert  Declat.  He  confided  the  result  of 
his  labors  to  the  French  medical  academy  and  Pasteur  declared  it  the  be- 
ginning of  a  new  scientific  treatment.  It  was.  A  Scotch  surgeon,  Doc- 
tor Lister,  possessed  himself  of  the  preparation,  pushed  it  on  a  little 
farther  and  it  is  now  known  as  the  "  Lister  method."  The  discovery  has 
revolutionized  medical  treatment  in  a  majority  of  cases  long  considered 
difficult  if  not  irremediable.  Dr.  Schwam  found  that  the  decay  of  meat 
was  always  accompanied  by  the  multiplication  of  microscopic  creatures. 
Then  he  examined  the  ordinary  atmospheric  air,  and  he  found  that  it  was 
filled  with  microscopic  life.  He  thought  that  if  he  could  exclude  the 
air  from  meat  it  might  not  putrefy.  And  it  did  not.  He  thought  gan- 
grene might  be  regarded  as  a  sort  of  putrefaction,  due,  like  the  decay  of 
meat,  to  microscopic  creatures  in  the  air.  He  covered  wounds  with  some- 
thing that  could  exclude  these  minute  organisms  or  else  destroy  them, 
and  the  result  was  no  more  gangrene  and  no  more  erysipelas.  If  these 
creatures,  these  bacteria,  caused  putrefaction,  might  they  not  be  the  cause 
of  infection,  also,  since  there  seemed  to  be  something  common  to  putre- 


376  ANTISEPTIC  SURGERY. 

faction  and  the  morbid  processes,  to  diptheria,  erysipelas,  splenic  fever, 
septic  poisoning  and  the  like?  To  understand  the  part  atmospheric 
germs  bring  about  in  causing  death,  following  wounds,  is  to  enable  the 
practitioner  to  comprehend  the  importance  of  a  perfect  "  first  dressing." 
The  whole  purpose  is  to  exclude  or  destroy  the  germs  that  kill.  Only 
the  experienced  surgeon  can  appreciate  the  care  this  requires,  and  he 
argues  that  it  is  impracticable  on  the  field  of  battle. 

It  was  chiefly  because  of  the  necessity  of  making  the  first  aid  to  the 
wounded,  so  complete  as  to  elude  the  common  causes  of  death,  that  "  emer- 
gency hospitals  "  were  established  in  cities.  The  injured  were  liable  to 
fall  into  incompetent  hands,  which  was  not  formerly  looked  upon  as  so 
grave  a  matter.  Now  it  is  known,  that  the  first  surgeon  to  touch  a  case 
must  have  all  the  appliances  and  conveniences,  and  all  the  knowledge  and 
skill,  and  also  the  sense  of  the  importance  of  his  art,  to  enable  him  to  de 
feat  the  minute  enemies  of  life.  It  is  known  that  any  attempt  to  disin- 
fect a  wound  thoroughly,  in  the  street  or  at  a  corner  store  is  practically 
futile.  For  the  same  reasons  it  is  held,  it  cannot  be  done  on  the  battle- 
field. Probing  for  bullets  in  the  confusion  and  lack  of  paraphernalia  is  in- 
terdicted. All  the  instruction  given  by  authorities  in  military  surgery, 
direct  that  the  arrest  of  hemorrhage,  which  is  the  single  immediate  dan- 
ger, shall  be  effected  by  the  use  of  elastic  bandages.  It  is  safe,  it  is  held, 
to  trust  to  this  entirely  for  four  or  five  hours,  but  not  longer.  As  it  com- 
pletely checks  the  flow  of  blood  to  the  injured  part,  serious  consequences, 
including  gangrene,  might  follow,  if  too  long  continued. 

It  is  one  of  the  many  functions  of  modern  surgery,  to  treat  wounds  of 
the  extremities  as  though  saving  them  was  a  matter  of  course.  Amputa- 
tion is  not  attempted  except  in  cases  in  which  the  soft  parts,  involving 
also  the  vessels  and  nerves,  are  so  lacerated  as  to  make  the  nutrition  of 
the  injured  member  impossible.  In  the  Civil  War,  it  was  the  exception 
to  spare  an  injured  limb ;  the  first  suggestion,  save  in  the  case  of  slight 
flesh  wounds,  being  amputation,  because  a  stump  was  less  dangerous  than 
a  wound.  Dr.  Senn,  the  chief  operating  surgeon  with  Shafter's  army,  de- 
clared that  operative  interference  is  indicated  in  all  penetrating  gun-shot 
wounds  of  the  skull,  while  gun-shot  wounds  of  the  chest  are  to  be  treated 
by  hermetically  sealing  the  apertures  under  the  strictest  asceptic  condi- 
tions. Penetrating  gun-shot  wounds  of  the  abdomen,  which  were  for- 
merly regarded  as  equivalent  to  death,  can  be  subjected  to  operation  with 
many  chances  of  success.  If  a  patient  is  in  a  condition  that  he  is  likely 
to  survive  the  comparatively  slight  shock  of  the  operation,  laparotomy  is 
performed,  if  life  is  threatened  by  hemorrhage.  It  is  possible  to  save  the 


ADVANCE  IN  MEDICAL  SCIENCE.  377 

lives  of  persons  whose  intestines  have  been  perforated  many  times  by  a 
bullet.  Such  wounds  were  formerly  inevitably  mortal.  A  study  of  the 
practice  of  modern  military  surgery  shows  that  in  a  vast  majority  of 
wounds,  it  is  the  dressing  and  not  the  operation  that  is  chiefly  depended 
on.  Chest  wounds  are  the  most  dangerous,  but  frequently  the  hemor- 
rhage, which  is  the  only  cause  for  fear  when  the  possibility  for  poisoning 
has  been  excluded,  stops  automatically. 

All  this  knowledge  which  would  have  seemed  profound  scholarship  to 
the  medical  staff  of  Napoleon's  armies,  was,  if  not  familiarly  known,  at  all 
events,  laboriously  inculcated  in  the  staff  quarters  of  the  regiments.  In- 
deed, treatises  embodying  most  of  the  foregoing  were  dealt  out  to  the 
private  soldiers,  who  were  expected  to  arm  themselves  with  antiseptic 
appliances,  for  self-aid  in  the  emergencies  of  the  battlefield.  To  the 
ordinary  pack  the  soldier  earries,  a  compact  little  pharmacopceia  was 
added — so  that  if  deprived  of  a  surgeon,  he  might  himself  stanch  a  bad 
wound,  and  even  make  a  maimed  member  serviceable  for  a  time.  But, 
the  road  from  Siboney  to  Santiago  dealt  disasterously  with  these  sage 
precautions.  Everything  portable  oozed  away,  so  to  speak,  in  the  swel- 
tering heat,  the  tangled  thickets,  the  path  of  pain,  which  made  even 
clothing  an  abrading  torment. 

It  may  be  doubted  whether  the  familiarizing  of  the  soldier  with  the 
occult  part  of  surgery  makes  to  his  value  as  a  fighting  machine  or  his 
constancy  in  the  dismal  purlieus  of  science,  the  hospital.  It  is  no  stimu- 
lation to  the  spirit  to  know  that  the  modern  wound,  occasioned  with  a 
bullet  that  can  be  sped  with  certainty  two  miles  and  with  some  effect, 
more  than  that,  is  less  fatal  to  the  tissues,  because  it  cuts  everything  op- 
posing it,  like  a  blade ;  that  science  to  meet  this  has  invented  remedies 
that  stay  poison,  help  nature  and  discard  the  need  of  cutting  and  slashing 
— which  of  old  was  the  remedial  panacea  of  surgery.  The  battlefield 
ought,  after  sixty  centuries  of  description,  to  be  a  well-known  horror  to  the 
most  morbid — but  the  hospital  on  the  field  evades  the  most  intrepid  un- 
dertaker in  embalming  horror.  For  on  the  cot  or  on  the  pallet,  lies  the 
relic  of  what  an  hour  or  two  before,  was  the  embodiment  of  that  mysteri- 
ous entity,  the  soldier ;  the  agent  of  a  people's  final  mandate,  the  execu- 
tioner of  everything  like  civic,  religious  or  even  moral  precept.  He  may 
murder,  he  may  burn,  to  a  certain  extent  he  may  pillage ;  he  may,  must 
in  short,  put  behind  him  every  admonition  taught  at  the  fireside,  the 
school,  the  church,  the  social  forum.  A  bit  of  lead  has  for  the  moment 
made  him  as  useless  to  himself  01  his  country,  as  when  he  came  naked 
into  the  world. 


378 


A  VIVID  CONTRAST. 


This  is  the  vivid  contrast  which  makes  the  scene  of  the  Red  Cross 
ministry,  or  the  regimental,  or  division  hospital,  a  spectacle  as  thrillingly 
suggestive,  as  its  forerunner,  the  battlefield.  Painters  of  old — the 
greatest  among  the  masters,  essayed  as  a  piece  of  realistic  horror — the 
Dance  of  Death,  but  the  most  agonizing  of  these  falls  far  short  of  the 
spiritual  atrocity  the  field  hospital  realizes,  when  death  has  set  his  signets 
from  cot  to  cot.  The  mind  of  the  sufferer  would  be  the  most  thrilling  of 
introspections— as  the  consciousness  shapes  itself  into  the  smitten  body. 
For  one  of  the  abiding  phenomena  is  the  uncertainty  of  the  dim  con- 
ciousness,  whether  the  body  is  awaking  beyond  the  bourne,  or  that 
reality  is  before  the  inert  eyes. 


ON   A  HOSPITAL  SHIP, 


VI. 

TO  a  people  like  ours  who  see  a  marsh  on  the  prairies  transformed  into 
a  city  ranking  fourth  or  fifth  in  dimensions  among  the  municipali- 
ties of  the  world,  it  excites  but  languid  interest  to  follow  the  vicissitudes 
of  a  capital  like  Havana  founded  in  1508!  Yet  this  enchanting  entrepot 
of  one  of  the  loveliest  lands  known  to  man,  ought  to  typify  the  people  for 
whom  the  republic  has  sacrificed  blood  and  treasure.  Havana,  though 
the  Cuban  metropolis,  never  gave  a  scintilla  of  indication  that  any  num- 
ber of  her  citizens  had  the  shibboleth  of  "  Cuba  Libre  "  at  heart.  In  the 
history  of  revolts  it  is  usually  the  capital  that  speaks  the  decisive  word  ; 
but  from  the  first  glimmerings  of  the  restive  incompatibility,  which  has 
finally  ended  in  the  subtraction  of  Cuba  from  the  dominion  of  Spain — 
Havana  has  been  more  royalist  than  royalty  itself.  Every  great  capital 
in  the  world — save  possibly  St.  Petersburg,  has  either  incited  revolution 
or  by  accepting  it,  made  revolution  triumphant.  Yet  of  all  cities  Havana 
would  warrant  prophecy  in  its  insurgent  instincts.  Its  population  is  of 
the  electric,  mercurial  congruity  that  revolution  thrives  on.  For  though 
the  seat  of  the  Cubanos,  Havana  is  peopled  by  races  not  even  nominally 
amalgamated.  This,  when  we  contrast  the  conditions  of  any  large  city 
in  the  new  world,  may  serve  to  explain  how  Spanish  power,  so  uniformly 
unwise  in  administration  has,  down  to  the  unfurling  of  our  flag,  succeeded 
in  holding  the  disparate  citizenship  in  a  subserviency  unmatched  by  the 
sinister  acquiescence  of  Warsaw  or  Dublin.  One  obvious  reason  for 
Havana's  steadfast  loyalty  arose  in  the  sway  of  its  aristocracy.  The 
Quixote  tenaciousness  of  the  Castilian  in  his  rank  and  hereditaments, 
never  went  farther  in  puerility  than  the  pretensions  of  the  race  that  made 
the  city  the  capital  of  Spain's  most  priceless  conquest.  Perhaps  even 
more  interpenetrating  than  the  occult  influence,  and  immeasurably  more 
pervasive,  was  the  long  tenure  of  slavery.  When  that  institution  was 
swept  away,  the  slave  holders  had  not  been  tried  in  the  furnace  of  war, 
as  our  aristocratic  compatriots  of  the  South  were.  When  slavery  ended  in 
the  South,  it  left  the  body  of  the  people  as  the  devils  exorcised  of  old:  the 
need  of  a  new  life  came  with  the  crash  of  those  employed  in  the  old :  from 
the  pragmatic  patriarchy  of  hereditary  mastership  of  human  chattels,  the 
Southerner  confronted  the  instant  need  of  bread-winning,  and  the  new 
man.  was  in  the  majority  of  cases  fashioned  by  the  new  conditions.  But 

(879) 


380  THE  CASTE  OF  CUBA. 

in  Cuba  and  its  luxurious  capital,  the  transformation  brought  about  by 
the  abolition  of  slavery  was  merely  in  the  legal  aspect.  The  rich  were 
still  rich  and  more  lordly,  not  so  easily  rich  as  when  the  teeming  sugar 
galleons  brought  the  gold  of  the  world's  wave ;  and  tobacco  plantations 
were  wrought  by  labor  involving  little  or  no  outlay,  but  still  means  of 
inexhaustible  affluence.  The  spirit  however  aroused  by  the  new  con- 
ditions of  social  forces,  made  for  the  unrest  that  presently  took  the  form 
of  revolt.  Where  caste  is  based  upon  accidence  of  form  rather  than 
established  usage,  the  discriminated  range  of  mankind  is  certain  to  find 
cause  to  hate,  even  the  most  benignant  social  tyrant,  and  everything 
seems  tyrannical  that  is  based  on  the  imprescriptive  practices  of  men  to 
men.  The  families  that  make  up  the  caste  of  Cuba  and  its  capital,  have 
not  only  all  the  glories  of  Spain  to  boast  of  as  their  heritage,  they  have 
300  years  of  ardent  patriotism  emblazoned  among  the  proudest  tablets  of 
their  Castiliari  or  Andalusian  Patria  pedigrees.  For  Cuba  was  born  in 
war  and  lived  by  conquest — that  is  the  repulse  of  nation  after  nation — 
taking  advantage  of  Spain's  growing  decrepitude,  to  possess  this  radiant 
land.  The  navies  of  every  European  state  have  at  one  time  or  another 
come  to  disaster  under  the  guns  of  the  Morro.  Only  once  were  the 
walls  of  Havana  penetrated  by  a  stranger,  when  the  British  surprised  a 
landing  and  reduced  the  defences  by  siege. 

The  personality,  so  to  speak,  of  Havana  is  by  far  the  most  distinctive 
of  any  city  on  this  continent.  One  man  of  energy  was  enough  to  impress 
upon  the  city  a  certain  individuality,  that  once  seen  or  felt  can  never  be 
quite  obliterated,  no  matter  how  many  cities  the  same  eyes  may  see  or  the 
same  senses  comprehend.  In  the  year  1802  the  Havana  of  the  conquista- 
dores,  was  burned  to  the  ground.  It  was  rebuilt  by  the  man — still 
revered,  as  much  as  so  mercurial  a  race  can  revere,  the  Viceroy  Tacon. 
From  a  jocund  penetralia  of  light  timber,  the  city  arose  in  stone,  brick 
and  marble.  But  the  climate  was  a  drawback  to  the  adoption  of  edifices 
Northern  taste  regards  alone  as  imposing.  The  residential  streets  are 
almost  uniformly  of  one  story;  this  expression  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind, 
gives  a  misleading  inference.  This  single  story  would  match  most  of  the 
two-  and  three-floored  houses  of  the  well  to-do  buildings  in  northern 
cities ;  the  space  cut  from  the  height  is  added  to  the  length  and  breadth. 
Each  house  has  a  court  or  garden — much  as  you  see  them  in  Spain. 
Travelers  are  often  struck  by  a  suggested  resemblance  between  Havana 
and  what  one  can  see  of  Pompeii.  There  is  a  fanciful  likeness  in  the 
contour  and  the  lineaments  so-to-speak.  This  is  suggested  by  the  gay 
coloring  of  the  walls,  the  almost  naive  decoration  and  ornamentation 


BRIG  -GEN'L  GEORGE  M.  STEEXBERG. 

Surgeon-General,  U.  S.  A. 


MAJOR-GEN'L  JOSEPH  C.  BRECKENRIDGE. 

Inspector-General,  U.  S.  A. 


BRIG.-GEN'L  DAXIEI.  \V.  FLAGLKR. 

Chief  of  Ordnance,  U.  S   A. 


MAJOK-GK.N'L  HENKY  C.  CORBIN 

Adjutant-General,  U.  S.  A. 


LIKE  A   CROWN  JEWEL. 


383 


interior  and  exterior.  This  rococo  taste  is,  however,  not  seen  only  in 
Havana.  It  is  flagrant  in  Italy,  in  Southern  Spain.  But  the  effect  in 
such  a  sunshine  as  bathes  Havana,  is  far  unlike  that  created  in  Seville  or 
Florence.  Here  the  air  is  of  that  rarefied  borealis  transparency,  whicb 
suggests  perpetual  mirage.  The  shapes  you  see  seem  airy  forms  and  no 
color  can  be  too  vivid.  We  never  cease  to  wonder  at  the  evidence  the 
French  give  of  knowing  nothing  of  the  insular  race  across  the  Channel 
that  separates  England  from  France  ;  yet  in  our  very  doorstep  Havana 
lies  like  a  crown  jewel  of  exquisite  rarity  in  the  circlet  of  Caribbean 
beauties,  and  we  know  no  more  of  the  city,  or  of  the  people  than  the 


MOERO   CASTLE,    HAVANA. 

French  do  of  London,  or  the  Madrilinese  of  New  York.  We  visit  Madrid 
or  Berlin  or  St.  Petersburg  and  let  our  impressions  take  the  tincture  of 
awe  over  the  venerable,  yet  Havana  is  earlier  in  the  rank  of  great  cities 
than  any  of  these.  It  is  Spanish  arid  yet  it  is  not;  for  there  is  no  sug- 
gestion of  the  imposing  deliberation  of  centuries  in  building  Madrid,  the 
impressively  sinister  of  Toledo,  Granada  or  Valladolid.  It  is  not  even 
comparable  to  Cadiz,  though  both  cities  are  creations  of  the  second  flight 
of  Spanish  greatness.  The  penetralia  of  narrow  streets,  do  not  at  first 
suggest  the  ease,  even  affluence  of  dwelling  quarters  in  a  cit}-  of  the 
republic.  Yet  these  uninviting  lanes  and  alleys  swarm  with  the  real 
21 


384  BEAUTY   AND   DELIGHT. 

life  of  the  capital — the  bourgeois  ranks.  Even  the  aristocratic  quarters 
do  not  suggest  the  unrestrained  affluence  we  associate  with  the  affluent 
in  this  country.  Beauty  and  delight  meet  the  eye — but  nature  is  as  much 
in  the  cause  as  art  or  architecture.  The  lordliest  aristocrat  is  housed  in 
a  mansion,  half  of  whose  magnificence  comes  from  the  indescribable 
verdure  that  makes  the  island  of  Cuba  the  realization  of  the  most  gor- 
geous romance.  Even  in  the  city  limits,  corresponding  with  our  exclusive 
residence  quarters,  the  mansion  of  the  noble  and  affluent  is  embowered 
in  blossom,  that  seems  part  of  the  radiant  architecture.  The  only  com- 
parison that  will  give  the  reader  the  reality  in  full,  is  a  landscape  of 
Turner— all  glistening  marbles,  amethyst  skies  and  verdurous  plateaux. 
But  for  that  matter  the  whole  visible  fabric  of  the  city  is  aglow  with 
color.  Nature  has  to  deepen  her  tints,  increase  her  glowing  hues,  to  hold 
her  own  with  blue,  and  yellow,  scarlet  and  purple  columns,  walls,  pillars 
and  vestibules.  It  is  naturally  the  expression  of  an  exotic  race  ;  a  weight 
of  nerves  at  low  tension  save  in  anger  or  love.  Indeed,  the  student 
sojourning  in  the  Cuban  capital,  insensibly  confuses  the  people  with  the 
extraneous  signs  and  tokens  of  their  temperament  and  taste.  The  houses 
are  not  calculated  for  the  "castle  "  of  the  Briton,  the  home  of  the  dwellers 
in  the  United  States.  Of  all  Americans  the  Cuban  is  the  least  intelligible 
however,  from  his  outer  show.  The  windows  of  the  one  storied  house 
are  open  to  the  street,  so  that  the  passers-by  can  study  the  domestic 
regime,  as  dawdlers  crowd  before  shop  windows  to  see  industrial  occu- 
pations in  our  large  cities.  It  has  its  own  suggestion  too,  that  the  win- 
dows are  invariably  barred  by  thick  irons — precisely  as  the  basement- 
stories  in  old  Italian  cities  are.  There  is  no  concealment  from  the  curious. 
Every  domestic  office  from  breakfast  to  bedding,  is  confidingly  exposed 
to  the  passer-by. 

The  dwellers  on  the  island  are  vaguely  estimated  at  something  over 
1,500,000— probably  an  accurate  census  will  reveal  2,000,000.  Though 
nominally  of  one  race — Spanish,  the  islanders  are  sharply  differentiated 
into  Cubanos,  sons  or  descendants  of  the  earliest  settlers,  late  comers, 
and  negroes.  Among  these  is  found  a  mingling  of  what  is  vaguely 
called  Creoles — the  issue  of  mixed  Spanish  and  Cubanos.  There  is 
immeasurable  pride  of  ancestry  among  the  Cubanos  and  with  it  the 
rivalry  of  caste.  The  distinctions,  though  fleeting  and  insensible  are  as 
clearly  marked  as  the  lines  that  separate  the  Brahmin  caste  from  the 
Pariah  races  in  the  Indies.  The  son  or  scion  of  the  Spaniard,  born  in 
Cuba  is  reckoned  a  Cubano.  Indeed,  the  subtle  distinction  accepted  by 
custom  is  very  much  like  the  terms  of  our  own  law ;  the  progeny  of  a 


PUZZLING  DISTINCTIONS.  666 

citizen  in  this  republic  born,  wheresoever  he  may  be  born,  under  whatso- 
ever flag,  in  whatsoever  dominion,  is  legally  a  citizen  of  the  Union.  But 
the  progeny  of  a  Spaniard  born  in  the  island  of  Cuba,  is  never  admitted 
to  be  a  Cuban.  On  the  other  hand,  the  son  of  a  Spaniard  born  on  the 
island  is  never  ranked  as  a  Spaniard.  All  these  puzzling  and  impre- 
scriptible distinctions  add  to  the  complexities  of  the  social  fabric;  the 
pride  of  place,  the  pride  of  ancestry,  the  inscrutable  pride  of  former  slave 
holding,  these  make  up  a  series  of  conditions  that  the  administrator  of  the 
laws  must  count  with  in  holding  the  scales  of  justice.  When  underneath 
all  these  come  the  ranks  of  the  children  of  poverty,  the  progeny  of  the 
servile,  it  will  be  seen  that  a  firmer  hand  and  a  clearer  conscience  than 
the  Spanish  hierarchy  brought  to  the  work  might  well  despair  in  recon- 
ciling such  clashing  pretensions.  Naturally  in  this  absorbing  pride  of 
place,  adoration  of  ancestry,  there  was  no  place  for  that  incommunicable 
essence  \ve  know  as  patriotism.  The  most  devoted  of  the  men  who 
sacrificed  all  they  had  for  "  Cuba  Libre  "  were  not  inspired  by  the  noble 
ideal  of  a  homogeneous  liberty;  never  dreamed  of  equal  rights.  Cuba 
Libre  meant  a  regency  of  the  despised,  the  downtrodden,  the  helot  and 
the  servile.  To  obtain  a  condition  of  things  that  should  bring  down  the 
sway  and  humble  the  pride  of  the  privileged  castes,  that  was  the  ideal  of 
the  Cuba  Librists !  It  was  the  reclamation  of  their  vengeance  that  first 
admonished  General  Shafter  that  our  chief  difficulties  had  just  begun 
when  the  valor  of  the  fleets  and  the  efforts  of  the  army  had  given  him 
possession  of  Santiago.  Indeed,  it  would  seem  that  the  countries  endowed 
by  nature  with  charms  that  enchant  the  eye  and  distract  the  sense,  are 
recompensated  spiritually  by  a  perpetual  struggle  between  the  passions  of 
disparate  ranks.  There  is  no  land  fairer  to  the  eye  than  Cuba.  Its 
valleys  are  lovelier  than  any  tropic  clime  known  to  man,  for  the  seasons 
of  rain  keep  the  foliage,  the  grasses,  all  growing  things,  in  the  perpetual 
green  which  makes  the  British  Isles  so  softly  beautiful  to  the  traveler 
from  the  New  World.  Summer  is  rarely  half  over  before  the  vernal 
charms  of  our  fields  and  hills,  our  mountains  and  valleys  fade ;  the  grasses 
are  burned  and  withered,  the  foliage  is  parched  and  shriveled.  But  in 
Cuba,  an  almost  daily  downpour  keeps  the  root  of  everything  appetent. 
The  soldier  bent  on  the  emprize  of  death  is  not  keenly  susceptible  to  the 
beauties  of  nature,  but  it  is  attested  that  the  seasick  ranks  of  Shafter's 
expedition,  broke  into  cries  of  wonder  and  delight  as  the  bewildering 
radiance  of  Santiago's  surroundings  unfolded  themselves  in  the  rare 
pure  air. 

With  slight  racial  differences,  the  aristocratic  Cuban  may  be  likened  to 


386  NEW  CONDITIONS. 

the  planters  of  the  South  before  the  war.  The  same  mingling  of  urbane 
hospitality,  tender  solicitude  for  kin  and  Choctaw  inhumanity  toward 
the  servile  races.  Enriched  and  ruined  alike  by  slavery,  the  Cuban 
emerged  into  the  new  condition,  irreverent,  profligate,  insincere,  but  courtly 
in  manner,  fascinating  in  social  conduct.  An  emptier  form  than  ag- 
nosticism rules  their  religious  moments — which  are  rare.  They  believe, 
or  pretend  to  believe  and  follow  the  outward  form,  where  the  inward 
grace  and  sentiment  are  lacking.  To  such  a  people  there  could  be 
no  interest  in  the  form  of  government,  provided  the  social  conditions 
they  inheiit  remain  undisturbed.  The  gradual  draining  of  the  island's 
treasures  by  Spain — that  is  the  singular  prosperity  coming  from  the  soil 
and  its  illimitable  products,  alienated  the  old  patrie  worship,  while  it  did 
not  for  an  instant  warp  them  to  the  idea  of  autonomy  or  independent  ex- 
istence as  a  state.  Had  the  Spanish  officials  sent  out  to  administer  the 
island  made  it  less  apparent  that  they  were  bent  chiefly  upon  enriching 
themselves,  the  Cubanos  would  have  been  as  loyal  to  the  crown  as  the 
Canadians  are  to  Britain. 

In  the  early  days  the  island  was  intelligently  administered  and  Cuba 
was  in  reality  the  pearl  of  the  Spanish  monarchy.  But  the  decadence  of 
trade,  the  suspended  development  of  the  people,  was  not  wholly  due  to 
the  maleficieut  system  maintained  by  Spain. 

For  years,  any  one  born  outside  the  walls  of  the  Sacred  City  of  Santiago, 
has  been  called  a  Cuban.  The  patrician  groups,  that  is  the  Cubans  of 
pure  title,  are  a  distinctly  agreeable  race  physically.  They  are  well-built, 
slender,  sprightly  of  movement  and  comely  in  visage — often  the  historic 
Spanish  type.  They  are  of  the  same  perplexing  mental  structure  as  the 
Italians  or  French,  when  expatriated— though  they  have  never  attained 
the  colonial  solidarity  of  the  French  Canadians.  Indeed,  the  climatic  in- 
fluence on  races  could  find  no  more  conclusive  demonstration  than  the 
contrast  between  the  French  in  Canada  and  the  same  race — the  Latin — 
in  tropic  countries. 

The  climate  of  Cuba  is  alternatively  seductive  and  leonine ;  the  coasts 
are  swept  by  simoon-like  storms,  the  mountains  and  valleys  inundated  by 
rains  of  inconceivable  violence.  The  foliage  is  dazzling  in  color,  exuber- 
ant to  incomparable  brilliance,  yet  not  always  wholesome.  The  nature 
of  the  sons  of  the  soil,  partakes  of  these  climatic  phenomena — even  to  the 
flora  of  the  thickets. 

In  milder  moods  there  are  no  people  more  seductive  than  the  Cubanos ; 
in  intrigue,  feud,  jealousy,  authority,  the  annals  of  the  Italian  republics 
present  no  more  harrowing  instance  of  the  refined  cruelty  of  plot  and 


CAPTAIN-GENERAL,  RAMON  BLANCO  Y  ARENAS.  MARQUIS  DE  PENA  PLATA. 


A  SON  OF  THE  SOIL.  389 

passion.  Yet,  Spanish  in  lineament ;  Spanish  in  mould,  manners  and 
entity,  the  Cubano  is  distinctly  the  son  of  the  soil.  He  feels  but  languid 
interest  in  the  motherland.  If  he  be  educated — and  few  of  the  Cubanos, 
save  the  aristocratic  rich  are  educated,  he  is  filled  with  sentimental 
reverence  for  the  glories  of  the  fatherland,  the  masters  in  literature,  the 
splendid  pedestal  once  held  in  the  arts.  To  the  elder  Cubanos  the  island 
is  or  was  part  of  Spain.  He  never  looked  upon  himself  as  a  temporary 
exile  from  the  patria.  Indeed,  the  descendants  of  the  colonists  bore  the 
same  relation  to  Spain  that  the  Canadians  of  the  Upper  Provinces  bear  to 
Great  Britain.  It  is  very  rarely  that  the  Canadian  of  Ontario  or  Mani- 
toba or  the  Western  Dominion,  speak  of  themselves  as  Canadians.  It  is 
oddly  enough  as  "Englishmen"  they  invariably  refer  to  themselves.  It 
is  this  constructive  solidarity  of  the  Cubanos  with  the  mother-country, 
that  bred  such  confusion  in  the  minds  of  our  compatriots  in  the  bewilder- 
ing narratives  of  the  insurrection.  Whereas,  the  majority  among  us  be- 
lieved that  all  Cubans  were  revolters,  the  fact  is  that  not  ten  per  cent,  of 
the  well-to-do— the  segment  that  rule  in  other  countries,  had  the  remotest 
sympathy  with  the  insurgents.  This  has  been  demonstrated  so  clearly 
since  our  armies  undertook  the  invasion  of  the  island,  that  the  very 
presses  which  brought  about  the  war  are  loudest  in  their  vituperation  of 
the  cabals  and  juntas,  figuring  so  long  as  the  representatives  of  an 
overwhelming  majority.  There  were  men  of  high  honor  and  incorruptible 
integrity  eager  to  secure  home  rule  for  the  island — but  they  were  very 
few  ;  they  would  have  been  the  first  to  revolt  from  the  hideous  anarchy  of 
class  government  the  hordes  of  adventurers  aimed  at. 

But  though  the  vast  majority  of  the  Cubanos  were  inveterately  opposed 
to  the  island's  seizure  by  the  "Cuba  Libre  "  group,  they  were  not  by  any 
means  partisans  of  the  Spanish.  They  had  longing  aspirations  for  a 
republican  regime.  They  have  learned  by  excoriating  experience  that 
the  spirit  or  aptitude  for  self-rule,  is  born,  and  if  made,  is  made  very 
slowly.  Cuba  was  a  republic  for  a  few  tumultuous  months,  after  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  Bourbons  from  Spain  in  1868,  but  gladly  returned  to  the 
monarchical  system  when  Alphonso  XII.  secured  the  throne.  The  insur- 
gent ranks  in  Cuba  represent  about  what  the  anarchist  elements  embrace 
in  this  country  and  in  Europe.  It  would  have  been  as  fair  for  a  Euro- 
pean state,  for  example,  to  judge  this  republic  by  the  Chicago,  Pittsburg 
and  other  outbreaks  during  the  last  fifteen  years,  as  for  us  to  assume  that 
the  insurgents  represented  the  people  of  Cuba.  When  war  was  sprung 
upon  Spain  for  the  liberation  of  the  island,  it  was  the  conviction  of  those 
who  favored  it  in  good  faith,  that  at  the  word  the  people  of  the  island 


390  UNCIVILIZED    CONDUCT. 

would  rise  enmasse  to  meet  our  expeditions  and  fight  the  battle  with  the 
Spaniards. 

It  was  firmly  believed  by  the  majority  that  an  army  of  from  40,000  to 
100,000  men  would  spring  from  the  Cuban  jungles,  asking  of  us  nothing 
but  arms;  that  even  in  Havana  and  the  large  cities,  the  Spanish  garrisons 
would  find  themselves  occupied  in  overawing  the  sympathizers  with  lib- 
erty and  home  rule.  Expeditions  of  arms  and  munitions  were  sent  to 
many  parts  of  the  island ;  descents  were  made  at  points  designated  by 
the  juntas  in  New  York,  Philadelphia  and  Washington.  In  no  instance 
were  our  stupefied  commanders  met  by  forces  bearing  the  remotest  re- 
semblance to  an  organized  army.  In  the  eastern  part  of  the  island — 
dominated  by  Santiago — but  impenetrable  to  the  legions  of  Spain,  from 
three  to  five  thousand  tatterdemalions  were  brought  together  when 
Sliafter's  army  disembarked.  But  they  were  useless  as  soldiers  and  re- 
fused to  aid  in  the  auxiliary  operations  of  road-making.  Perhaps  half  of 
these  men  aided  in  the  military  operations,  but  the  ingrained  ferocity 
of  the  race  became  a  menace  to  the  civilized  conduct  of  the  war.  They 
could  hardly  be  restrained  from  mutilating  the  dead  ;  they  could  not  be 
checked  in  the  odious  pillage  of  the  battlefield.  It  required  volleys  from 
the  small  boats  of  the  fleet  to  stop  them  from  assassinating  the  ghastly 
remnants  of  Cervera's  fleet.  Never  were  benevolent  legions,  warring  for 
humanity  so  grotesquely  disillusionized.  The  French  were  a  good  deal 
surprised  by  the  indifference  of  the  Neapolitans  and  even  the  Poles, 
when  the  republic  made  its  war  for  humanity  in  1795-6,  but  some  noble 
natures  and  real  patriots  were  found.  Our  army  found  few  or  none  in 
Cuba. 

The  hierarchal  representatives  of  the  insurgent  movement  alternated 
between  threats  against  the  soldiery  of  the  United  States  and  proffers  of 
aid,  if  the  Cuban  republic  could  be  declared — if  only  for  a  day.  The 
significance  of  this  lies  in  the  fact,  that  were  the  Cubans  recognized — if 
only  for  an  hour,  the  magnificent  millions  in  bonds,  that  paid  for  the  larmoy- 
ant  propaganda  in  the  United  States,  would  have  a  legal  value,  and  the 
inside  managers  of  the  juntas  would  be  rich  beyond  the  rivalry  of  bonanza 
princes. 

This  country  was  reluctant  to  accept  the  first  testimonies  of  the  reality. 
But  the  private  letters  of  the  soldiery,  written  from  the  field,  the  reluc- 
tant admissions  of  the  staff,  the  indignant  protests  of  the  naval  command- 
ers— obliged  to  interrupt  the  work  of  rescue  of  the  victims  from  the  dis- 
mantled hulks  of  Cervera's  fleet  to  stop  murder — put  doubt  out  of  the 
question.  It  is  true  that  allies  occupying  the  relations  imposed  in  free- 


THE  INTRIGUE  REVEALED.  391 

ing  struggling  peoples,  do  not  often  cooperate  in  amity.  The  British 
armies  sent  to  Spain,  in  1808,  nominally  to  free  the  people,  found  the  na- 
tives all  and  more  than  our  troops  found  the  insurgents.  But  the  Span- 
iards at  least  volunteered  enmasse :  there  was  never  a  battlefield  where 
they  did  not  immensely  outnumber  the  British  troops  and  on  many  a 
desperate  field  they  bore  themselves  with  fortitude,  even  heroism.  In 
our  own  struggle  in  1779  the  aristocrats  who  came  in  command  of  the 
French  legions,  were  disposed  to  make  little  of  our  ill-clad  levies ;  but 
once  on  the  battlefield,  the  legions  of  the  lilies  paid  soldierly  homage  to 
the  devoted  soldiery  of  Washington  ;  on  every  field  where  the  allies 
wrought  in  common,  the  continental  battalions  made  up  in  valor,  what 
they  lacked  in  pomp  or  the  paraphernalia  of  war.  There  were  ample  op- 
portunities for  the  insurgents  to  prove  both  fortitude  and  sincerity  in  the 
campaign  in  Cuba,  but  beyond  voluable  protestations,  they  were  hardly 
heard  or  seen.  Professedly  familiar  with  the  points  selected  for  invasion, 
they  might  have  saved  the  unacclimatized  ranks  of  Shafter  from  the 
bloody  reprisals  of  Guantanamo,  El  Caney,  Sevilla  and  San  Juan.  The 
final  disclosure  of  their  temper  and  pretension  was  made  in  the  refusal  to 
cooperate  with  Shafter  and  their  murderous  attack  upon  a  column  of  our 
prisoners.  The  exact  status  of  the  Cuba  Libre  intrigue  was  at  once  re- 
vealed— beyond  the  hope  of  its  deluded  or  subsidized  advocates  to  deny 
or  to  explain. 

With  the  blockading  of  the  port,  Havana  became  a  city  so  unlike 
its  usual  gay  self  that  the  reports  received  from  time  to  time  gave  evi- 
dence that  the  first  serious  dissatisfaction  to  the  home  power  had  become 
manifest.  An  evidence  of  this  was  shown  in  the  precautions  taken  by 
the  Captain-General,  Blanco,  for  his  proclamations  indicated  that  lie 
felt  distrustful  of  the  loyalty  of  the  masses  of  the  citizens.  It  was  for- 
bidden to  express  any  opinion  unfavorable  to  Spain  or  the  conduct  of  the 
war,  the  transgressor  to  be  shot  without  trial.  The  police  force  became 
dissatisfied  and  were  replaced  by  the  military.  Supplies  reached  the  city 
only  irregularly  and  from  the  first,  famine  added  to  the  perplexities  of  the 
wretched  commander.  Even  more  formidable  than  the  gathering  armies 
of  the  republic,  to  the  120,000  soldiers  under  Blanco's  command,  the 
spectre  of  famine  uprose. 

The  courage  of  the  loyal,  and  the  hopes  of  the  indifferent  were  main- 
tained by  the  preposterous  reports  of  daily  victories  of  the  Spanish  forces 
among  the  Philippines  and  along  the  Spanish  coasts.  From  the  day  of 
the  declaration  of  war,  relaj's  of  the  army  were  at  work  feverishly 
strengthening  the  fortifications  already  considered  impregnable  to  the 


392 


UNDER  THE  BLOCKADE. 


ordinary  appliances  of  war.  Within  a  week  after  the  guns  began  to  roar 
over  the  Spanish  possessions,  the  ill-to-do  were  wanderers  from  their 
Havana  homes,  only  the  rich  were  enabled  to  pay  the  exorbitant  rates  of 
living  enforced  by  the  blockade. 

Yet,  while  the  beleaguering  guns  were  expected  to  open  daily  upon  the 
harbor,  there  was  no  evidence  of  apprehension  that  the  city  could  be  cap- 
tured. There  was,  however,  vague  and  almost  ludicrous  fear  of  the  pro- 
digious missiles  fired  from  the  Yankee  battleships,  the  fame  of  which 
went  to  such  exaggeration,  that  even  the  soldiery  became  timid,  though 
never  distrustful  of  their  own  ability  to  meet  and  defeat  our  legions. 


GUN   SQUAD   AT   PRACTICE. 


PART  II. 

IN  one  sense  it  may  be  said  that  all  of  Cuba's  woes  came  from  her  re- 
laxation in  slavery.  While  the  influence  of  the  French  Revolution 
roused  the  neighboring  colonies  both  in  the  Caribbean  Sea  and  the  vast 
continent  of  South  America,  the  seductive  ease  and  the  unlaboriously 
won  wealth  of  slave-holding,  lulled  the  Cubans  to  what  may  be  called  an 
immoral  political  repose.  Hence,  while  all  the  other  colonies  of  Spain 
felt  the  leavening  touch  of  revolution,  and  in  many  cases  entered  actively 
into  the  business  of  expelling  alien  rulers,  Cuba  remained  tranquil,  not 
Mily  tranquil  but  chivalrously  loyal  to  the  Castilian  crown.  There  were, 
iiowever,  groups  here  and  there  suffering  under  the  heel  of  the  slave-hold- 
ing aristocracy,  instigated  to  attempt  some  amelioration  in  the  oligarchic 
irm  of  Cuban  rule.  These  attempts,  however,  were  for  many  years 
poradic  as  they  were  fierce.  For  in  every  case  it  was  the  servile  segment 
of  the  Cuban  people,  mainly  negroes,  and  in  some  instances  Creoles,  who 
whispered  rather  than  proclaimed  the  word  "freedom."  In  1837.  a  more 
general  movement  was  made  to  induce  the  Spanish  government  to  revise 
the  extortionate  tax  system,  and  to  admit  deputies  from  the  Cuban  peo- 
ple into  the  national  Cortes.  In  response,  Spain  redoubled  its  exactions, 
nd  a  cry  very  much  like  that  of  Lombardy,  which  Victor  Emmanuel  de- 
;lared  the  world  could  not  afford  to  pass  unheeded,  arose  all  over  the 
island.  This  seems  to  have  been  the  first  of  the  systematic  attempts  to 
expel  Spanish  rule. 

From  an  anarchic  interlude,  which  in  many  of  its  excesses  reached  the 
horror  of  the  San  Domingo  outbreak,  a  lesser  form  of  exaction  was  ap- 
plied, more,  however,  because  the  hitherto  colossal  commerce  of  the  isle 
had  fallen  off  and  the  home  treasury  began  to  feel  the  pinch,  than  to 
comply  with  public  clamors.  In  1868  the  excesses  brought  about  by 
Isabella's  long  term  of  misgovernment  roused  the  Spanish  people ;  she 
was  driven  from  the  throne  and,  with  a  temporary  republic  in  the  mother- 
country,  Cuba  found  itself  free. 

Carlos  Manuel  Cespedes,  a  Cuban  aristocrat  of  immense  wealth  and  an 
energy  quite  unlike  that  of  his  race,  was  selected  as  the  head  of  the  state 
and  the  independence  of  the  island  proclaimed.  There  seems  to  have 
been  the  real  passion  of  freedom  in  this  attempt.  Cespedes'  forces  seized 
the  city  of  Bayamo  and  when  brought  to  bay  by  enormously  superior 

(393) 


394  A  DOLOROUS  EPISODE. 

forces,  the  undaunted  mass  burned  their  town  and  scattered  as  best  they 
could,  rather  than  surrender.  For  months  Cuba  was  to  every  intent  and 
purpose  in  the  same  condition  that  Gladstone  described  Bulgaria  with  the 
single  exception  that  both  rebel  and  royalist  vied  in  ferocity  and  the  in- 
human excesses  that  marked  brute  strength. 

Spanish  confidence  in  a  peaceful  issue  to  the  Cuban  complication,  came 
from  the  memory  of  our  forbearance  in  a  still  more  poignant  tragedy  than 
the  Maine.  Few  even  of  those  who  contended  most  hotly  for  an  end  of 
negotiations,  recalled  in  sucli  terms  as  the  atrocity  deserved,  the  dolorous 
episode  of  the  Virginius.  Yet,  it  is  certain  that  deep  in  the  popular  mind 
the  memory  of  that  ferocious  vengeance  lingered;  that  the  name  Spaniard 
recalled  the  sanguinary  fate  of  the  Virginias. 

It  was  in  the  year  1873.  We  were  still  healing  the  gashes  made  by  the 
civil  war.  The  Cuban  struggle  had  begun  and  was  carried  on  fitfully,  by 
some  of  the  men  identified  with  the  last  revolt.  Recruits  were  not  diffi- 
cult to  raise  from  the  disbanded  soldiery  of  the  armies  of  the  North  and 
South.  Our  ports  were  filled  with  suspicious  crafts,  keeping  the  adminis- 
tration in  hot  water.  General  Grant,  who  was  president,  was  loath  to 
make  conditions  harder  for  the  Spanish  Republic,  then  fitfully  struggling 
for  existence  with  the  universally  admired  Emilio  Castellar  as  its  presi- 
dent. 

In  the  early  part  of  October  the  Virginius,  a  side  wheeler  paddle 
steamer,  originally  built  for  the  Confederates,  in  Great  Britain,  and  cap- 
tured by  our  blockaders,  came  into  the  possession  of  the  Cuban  Junta  in 
New  York.  The  object  of  the  voyage  was  to  convey  leaders  of  the  Cuban 
forces  to  the  island.  Her  commander  was  Captain  Fry  of  Louisiana,  who 
had  won  high  repute  for  bravery  in  the  Confederate  service.  On  reaching 
Jamaica,  a  British  port,  the  vessel  took  on  munitions  of  war  and  one  hun- 
dred and  sixty  Cuban  passengers.  She  was  searched  at  Kingston  and 
also  at  Port  au  Prince,  Hayti,  where  she  halted  en  route  for  Santiago — 
the  port  destined  to  witness  the  intrepidity  of  our  soldiers  and  mariners. 
No  sooner  had  the  Virginius  left  Kingston  than  the  Spanish  consul  tele- 
graphed her  departure  to  General  Burriel,  commandant  at  Santiago.  He 
at  once  despatched  the  gunboat.  Tornado  to  intercept  the  filibuster.  She 
was  sighted  on  the  last  day  of  October  and  a  vigorous  chase  began.  The 
gunboat  was  soon  discovered  to  be  the  faster  craft  and  the  Virginius 
made  haste  to  throw  over  her  compromising  cargo. 

Two  thousand  Remington  rifles,  two  hundred  horses  for  the  insurgent 
staff,  millions  worth  of  the  munitions  the  Cubans  cruelly  needed,  were 
flung  overboard.  Still  the  gunboat  gained.  All  night  the  crew  and  pas- 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  VIRGINIUS.  395 

sengers  fed  the  fires  with  furniture,  even  the  meats  from  the  larder. 
The  night  gave  hope ;  in  the  morning  they  would  be  in  neutral  waters. 
They  were  in  fact,  within  three  miles  of  Jamaica  and  therefore  inviolable, 
when  at  daybreak  the  vessel  was  found  leaking.  There  was  no  escape. 
Varona,  one  of  the  Cuban  generals,  begged  Captain  Fry  to  blow  up  the 
ship  rather  than  fall  into  the  merciless  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  But  Fry, 
who  was  without  fear,  decided  to  haul  down  the  stars  and  stripes  and 
trust  to  the  law  of  nations. 

Whatever  mission  the  vessel  might  have  been  performing,  there  was  no 
evidence  to  incriminate  passengers  or  commander.  She  was  put  in  charge 
of  a  prize  crew  and  hurried  to  Santiago.  Two  courts  were  organized,  one 
naval,  the  other  military.  Before  these  two  bodies  appeared  one 
hundred  and  fifty-five  persons,  found  on  board  the  Virginius  when  run 
down.  Of  these,  thirty-seven  were  condemned  to  be  shot  by  the  naval 
judges,  seventeen  by  the  military.  The  trial  was  so  summary,  the  execu- 
tion so  swift,  that  the  Washington  government  could  not  interfere  in  time 
to  stay  the  massacre ;  even  the  Spanish  cabinet  was  kept  in  the  dark 
until  fifty-three  victims  had  been  slaughtered.  Unheard-of  cruelty  marked 
the  last  agonies  of  the  victims.  They  were  forced  to  kneel  to  receive  the 
assassin  fire  ;  it  was  proclaimed  with  hideous  unction  by  the  Spanish 
prelate  of  Santiago,  that  twenty  of  the  doomed  crew  had  asked  the  offices 
of  the  church  and  died  in  the  communion  of  their  murderers  !  WThat  lent 
the  ghastliest  horror  to  the  tragedy  was  the  inability  of  the  condemned 
to  speak  or  comprehend  the  language  of  the  accusers  in  the  court. 
Ten  minutes  was  the  maximum  time  allowed  to  each  prisoner  on  trial. 
The  monstrous  Tribunal  of  the  Terror  in  1793,  were  more  observant  of 
legal  forms ! 

Naturally,  the  consul  of  this  republic  protested  against  the  seizure  of 
a  ship  flying  the  union  flag;  against  the  malignant  haste  of  the  trial ; 
against  the  travesty  of  legal  forms,  against  the  competency,  in  short,  of 
every  g tep  taken  by  the  Spaniards.  The  bloodthirsty  business,  would  have 
gone  on  until  the  last  man  of  the  unfortunates  had  been  done  to  death, 
had  not  the  urgings  of  our  consul  received  the  portentous  backing  of  a 
man-of-war.  The  captain  of  the  ship,  informed  of  the  emergency,  promptly 
sent  word  that  he  would  blow  the  city  to  fragments,  if  another  man  of  the 
Virginius  were  injured.  The  halt  gave  time  for  intervention.  The 
Washington  cabinet  spoke  out  decisively.  The  Spanish  cabinet,  or  rather 
Castellar,  took  instant  steps  to  make  such  amends  as  were  possible.  In- 
demnities were  promptly  paid  for  the  murdered,  and  an  apology  in  due 
form  made  to  the  republic. 


396  CUBA  FOR  SALE. 

But  the  feeling  aroused  took  little  note  of  these  perfunctory  testimonies. 
War  was  demanded  in  many  parts  of  the  republic.  Indignation  meetings 
were  held,  and  the  press  voiced  the  general  sentiment  in  demanding  an 
instant  attack  on  Cuba  and  the  expulsion  of  a  power  so  inhuman  in  its 
vengeances.  In  the  angriest  paroxysms  of  wrath,  it  was  acknowledged 
that  Castellar  and  the  Spanish  republicans  were  sincerely  shamed  and 
penitent,  as  right-minded  men  should  be,  while  the  monarchists  and  aristo- 
crats, tacitly  approved  the  butchery  and  made  the  liberal  contrition  and 


EXECUTION   OF  THE   VIRGTNIUS'   CREW. 

amends,  the  grounds  of  an  active  campaign  against  the  tottering  republic. 
But  in  spite  of  all  this,  it  required  a  man  of  Grant's  towering  prestige  in 
the  presidency  to  stay  Congress  from  the  very  declaration  made  in  April, 
1898. 

It  was  at  this  epoch,  that  the  Virginius  episode  came  to  destroy  one  of 
those  rare  chances  which  come  in  the  life  of  peoples  and  make  a  mock  of 
diplomacy.  For  the  republican  government  in  Spain,  finding  it  rather 
inconsistent  to  refuse  the  Cubans  what  they  demanded  themselves,  entered 
into  negotiations  with  General  Grant's  Secretary  of  State  to  sell  the  island 


LIEUT  -GENERAL  JOHN  M.  SCHOFIELD.  R.:AK-ADMIRAL  MONTGOMERY  SICARD. 


COMMOPORK  JOHN  C.  WATSON.  CAPTAIN  CHARLES  D.  SIGSBEE. 


AGAIN  IN  REBELLION. 


399 


for  "  One  hundred  million  piastres."  General  Sickles  was  even  on  his 
way  to  Madrid,  empowered  to  accept  the  proffer,  when  the  news  of  the 
Virginias  tragedy  brought  the  negotiations  to  an  end.  For  the  people  of 
the  republic  were  in  no  humor  to  pay  out  money  to  the  "  butcher  power  " 
responsible  for  the  slaughter  of  its  citizens,  even  though  those  citizens 
were  constructively  amenable  to  the  laws  governing  neutral  intercourse. 

From  this  time  until  1878  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Cubans  seemed  to 
have  died  out,  or,  was  repressed  by  the  agencies  peculiar  to  the  ministries 
which  held  power  down  to  1895,  when  the  rebellion  broke  out  again 
though,  curiously  enough,  mainly  in  the  newspapers.  Detailed  reports 
of  battles  and  conquests  by  scores  of 
"patriot"  chiefs,  were  reported  from 
week  to  week  in  the  presses  of  this 
republic,  though  it  is  very  doubtful 
whether  any  very  considerable  portion 
of  the  readers  paid  any  heed  to  the 
monotonous  iteration.  In  formulating 
their  griefs  the  leaders  of  the  insur- 
rectionary movement,  dwelt  mainly 
upon  the  commercial  distresses  and 
the  poverty-stricken  condition  of  the 
island :  attributing  these  to  the  mis-' 
government  of  the  mother-country. 
Yet,  at  the  same  time,  the  neighbor- 
ing colonies  of  Great  Britain,  which 
every  one  supposes  to  be  adminis- 
tered on  the  high  plane  Britain  pro- 
fesses to  adopt  with  colonies,  were  in 
exactly  the  same  condition.  Indeed,  the  episode  of  the  Eyre  outbreak  in 
Jamaica,  was  a  precise  parallel  to  the  enormities  charged  upon  Spain  by 
the  publicists  of  this  and  other  countries.  For  the  Jamaicans  too,  like 
Cuba,  were  suffering  from  the  manumission  of  the  laboring  population, 
the  necessity  for  a  recuperative  movement  and  the  readjustment  of  con- 
ditions to  an  entirely  new  system  of  labor.  Above  all,  Cuba  was  suffer- 
ing from  the  rivalry  of  Asia,  Egypt,  Europe  and  the  United  States,  in  the 
products  which  had  hitherto  made  her  a  monopolist  in  sugar  and  tobacco. 
For  nearly  thirty  years  the  island  had  been  trying  to  readjust  her  re- 
sources to  these  new  conditions,  and  under  such  an  unenterprising  people 
as  the  Spaniards,  this  was  of  course  slow  work.  Unlike  other  peoples, 
the  rich  were  growing  poorer  while  the  poor  were  perishing. 


A    CUBAN    PATRIOT. 


400 


DISSATISFIED  AND   HOMELESS. 


Immediately  on  being  freed  the  negroes  refused  to  work;  the  importa- 
tion of  Chinese  labor  proved  a  costly  failure.  The  Spaniard  accustomed 
to  the  lash  in  coercing  the  slave  found  it  difficult  to  manage  the  equiva- 
lent of  what  we  call  "poor  whites"  in  the  South.  Hence,  great  planta- 
tions fell  into  decay;  the  farming  regions  became  weed-grown  wastes; 
the  negroes  lent  themselves  to  the  demagogues  and  of  course  the  Spanish 
system  was  not  elastic  enough  to  stretch  from  the  tyranny  of  the  past  to 

the  liberalism  of  the  new 
conditions.  In  the  in- 
terior parts  of  the  island, 
hordes  of  the  dissatis- 
fied and  homeless,  wan- 
dered through  the  bnr- 
ren  lands,  and  these  in 
turn  have  been  made 
the  "patriot "  battalions 
the  world  heard  so  much 
of  during  the  recent 
troubles.  With  such 
conditions  to  go  upon, 
naturally  the  tales  told 
have  been  thrilling,  the 
activity  of  men  seeking 
their  own  ends  has 
found  unlimited  oppor- 
tunity ;  the  form  and 
semblance  of  a  repub- 
lican state  was  pro- 
claimed early  in  the 
struggle,  but  the  most 
adventurous  and  most  industrious  seeker  never  found  a  Cuban  capital  or 
seat  of  government  or  any  of  the  indications  of  a  united  popular  desire 
to  replace  Spanish  rule  by  native. 

It  was  easy  to  foretell  the  unwisdom  of  Spain's  action  from  the  moment 
the  parent  state  undertook  to  suppress  a  revolution,  which  was  fictitious 
from  the  first.  We  dealt  with  the  same  conditions  in  this  country  be- 
tween 1865  and  1872,  though  so  far  as  representing  general  sentiment  can 
be  judged,  the  odious  Klu-Klux  of  the  South  far  more  nearly  represented 
a  majority  of  the  southern  people,  than  the  motley  hordes  of  the  Garcias 
and  Gomez  in  Cuba.  It  is  easy  to  show  now  how  humane  laws  and  a  re- 


GENERAL   MARTINEZ    CAMPOS. 


GOMEZ'  WAITING  GAME. 


401 


taxation  of  repression  would  have  made  the  existence  of  insurrection  im- 
possible: would  have  estopped  the  campaign  for  sympathy  carried  on  in 
the  presses  of  this  republic,  silenced  the  demagogues  in  Congress  and 
given  the  Cubans  an  opportunity  to  reclaim  a  system,  not  unlike  that 
which  satisfies  millions  of  freedom-loving  citizens  in  Canada  or  Aus- 
tralia. But  Spain  wasted  her  legions;  it  is  reckoned  that  as  high  sis 
200,000  men  have  been  employed  in  the  series  of  half  hearted  and  mis 
directed  military  campaigns  that  have  desolated  the  most  populous  prov- 
inces of  the  island. 

It  was  not,  however,  until  the  astute  and  really  capable  administrator, 
Martinez  Campos,  was  removed,  that  the  evils  of  Spanish  maladministra- 
tion took  a  form  that 
aroused  universal  con- 
demnation. The  tales  of 
misery,  dissatisfaction, 
cruelty  and  the  failure  of 
all  legitimate  repressive 
measures,  began  to  form 
the  staple  news  of  the 
presses  of  the  world.  Yet 
upon  examination,  there 
was  never  in  Cuba,  even, 
under  Weyler's  adminis- 
tration, m  >re  of  the  misery 
of  want  or  the  dissatisfac- 
tion that  comes  from  an 
arrogant  indifference  to 
the  protests  and  desires  of 
the  people,  than  the  official 
rep  >rts  to  the  British  Par- 
liament presented  on  the 
recent  famine  in  Ireland, 
or  India.  It  is  alleged — 
but  it  is  difficult  to  find 
proof  in  the  matter,  that  a 
large  percentage  of  the  possessions  of  the  Cubanos  have  pnssed  into  the 
hands  of  Spaniards;  that  this  alien  invasion  has  brought  about  a  spirit 
not  unlike  that  which  existed  between  the  Irish  of  the  Bogs  and  the 
English  of  the  Pale.  If  this  were  really  the  case  it  would  explain  the 


GENERAL  MAXIMO  GOMEZ. 


402  THE  RECONCENTRADO  SYSTEM. 

Cuban  movement,  but  the  Cubans  themselves  deny  the  fact  and  in  proof 
remained  to  the  last  loyal  to  the  home  government. 

The  followers  of  the  rebel  leader  Gomez  explain  his  methods  of  cam-^ 
paign  as  a  waiting  game.     He  proposed  to  exhaust  the  Spanish  purse  and  * 
deplete  the  ranks  of  the  invading  army  not  by  arms  or  combat,  but  by 
fever  and  the  natural  obstacles  of  the  country.     Some  of  these  our  own 
soldiers  have  witnessed.     For  it  was  the  jungles  of  Santiago,  the  fevers 
and  the  uncanny  denseness  of  the  chapparal  that  made  the  seizure  of 
Santiago  most  difficult. 

To  combat  the  method  invented  by  Gomez,  Weyler  despising  the  mobs 
hidden  in  the  jungle,  invented  what  has  become  known  as  the  "  trocha  " 
system.  This  was  a  series  of  immense  ditches  running  from  sea  to  sea, 
from  north  to  south  across  the  island  at  regulated  distances.  Behind 
these,  the  rebels  were  supposed  to  be  cooped  up  ready  for  seizure  or 
slaughter — whichever  seemed  preferable  to  the  Spanish  commander.  But 
a  soldiery  capable  of  fighting  in  the  open  was  found  unequal  to  the  tor- 
menting ordeal  this  extraordinary  system  involved  ;  for  a  twenty-mi! 
ditch,  howsoever  well  secured  by  barbed  wire  and  blockhouses  at  regula 
distances,  must  be  watched  day  and  night  by  a  man  at  every  yard  of  dis- 
tance, to  hold  an  enterprising  army  of  scouts,  such  as  the  Cuban  insur- 
gents fought  with,  under  control.  The  trochas  were  a  failure.  The 
hungry  legions  of  Gomez  crawled  through  thfim  at  a  thousand  points : 
stole  to  unguarded  plantations,  pillaged  and  slaughtered  and  fled  back 
again  to  the  jungles  with  impunity. 

Then  the  exasperated  Weyler  imagined  the  "reconcentrado"  system, 
which  was  to  gather  up  all  the  isolated  agricultural  population  in  city 
camps,  and  by  absolutely  denuding  the  country  starve  Gomez'  army  into 
submission.  It  was  war — if  General  Sherman's  definition  of  war  be 
applicable — that  is,  hell — but  the  result  secured  for  the  insurgents,  what 
neither  their  own  leadership  nor  their  own  intrigues  could  have  ever  brought 
about — the  reports  of  the  miseries  of  the  expatriated  population  roused 
indignant  remonstrances,  even  from  the  absolutist  presses  of  Berlin  and 
St.  Petersburg.  It  was  this  device  of  Weyler's  that  made  the  action  of 
Congress  possible  ;  that  gave  the  warlike  presses  text  and  illustration  for 
the  lurid  denunciations  and  incessant  demands  for  intervention. 

It  was  said  that  200,000  of  this  depopulated  people  died  of  starvation. 
In  the  very  presses  in  which  these  figures  were  reported,  it  was  vouched 
that  300,000  men  were  without  occupation  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and 
there  was  scarcely  a  large  community  in  the  United  States  in  which  an 
equal  percentage  of  the  slaves  of  want  were  not  set  forth  as  objects  of 


A  CONGRESSIONAL  PILGRIMAGE. 


403 


public  charity.  From  Bombay  and  the  great  cities  of  India,  came  reports 
day  after  day  of  from  a  thousand  to  three  thousand  dying  in  the  agonies  of 
starvation.  In  fact  during  the  very  years  in  which  Cuban  melodrama 
unrolled  itself  in  the  presses  of  the  republic,  the  massacres  in  Armenia, 
the  atrocious  overthrow  of  the  Greeks,  came  side  by  side  with  the 
Weyler  "atrocities"  in  the  Cuban  island. 

Congressional  missions 
on  the  invitation  of  a  yel- 
low journal,  made  a  pil- 
grimage to  the  scene,  and 
it  was  probably  the  report 
of  the  grave  and  reverend 
Senator  Proctor  of  Ver- 
mont, that  finally  kindled 
the  spark  that  spread  into 
war.  For  he  saw — as  he 
might  have  seen  in  the 
Five  Points  in  New  York, 
in  the  slums  of  London 
or  the  nether  depths  of 
Chicago,  assemblies  of  the 
miserable,  the  starved  and 
the  homeless ;  and  all  this 
charged  against  the  Span- 
ish system,  stiffened  the 
nation's  arm  for  the  im- 
pending blow. 

But  hand  in  hand 
with  our  pressure  upon 
Spain,  came  by  every  mail 

concession  after  concession,  until  in  the  Act  of  Autonomy  the  island  of 
Cuba  stood  about  in  the  same  relation  to  Spain  that  any  State  of  this 
Union  stands  to  the  whole  republic.  But  it  was  too  late.  Yet  it  is  very 
doubtful  if  the  Maine  calamity  had  not  come  fortuitously  for  the  hopes  of 
the  warlike,  if  this  republic  could  have  been  cajoled  into  action.  A  de- 
lay of  a  year  would  have  given  the  United  States  the  island  at  a  hun- 
dredth part  of  the  price  in  money  we  have  paid  for  the  privilege  of  the 
slaughter  among  her  possessions.  But  then  we  should  not  have  been  the 
victors  over  Cervera,  nor  Montojo  !  We  should  not  have  known,  as  the 
British  reviews  with  veiled  sarcasm  inform  us — that  we  are  indisputably 
22 


GENERAL  VALERIANO  WEYLER. 


404 


THE   DIABOLISM  OF   CASTE. 


the  lion's  whelps ;  that  on  the  seas  we  can  do  nearly  as  well  as  the 
mistress  of  them,  and  that  on  land — by  some  practice — we  may  be  made 
a  military  nation. 

Atrocity  in  every  conceivable  form  marked  the  sporadic  uprisings  in  the 
provinces  of  Cuba.  Human  life  counts  but  feebly,  when  the  passions  of 
war  are  let  loose,  but  the  conflicts  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  insur- 
gents took  on  almost  from  the  first,  the  unspeakable  ferocities  of  the  ven- 
detta. To  this,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  was  superadded  the  sanguinary 
spirit — servile  insurrection — the  malign  diabolism  of  caste.  History  has- 
recorded  with  a  shudder  the  enormities  that  wasted  Santo  Domingo  in  the 
beginning  of  the  century.  With  but  slight  modification  the  same  ex- 
cesses, the  same  barbarous  reprisals,  mark  the  outbreaks  on  the  Cuban 
theatre. 

Though  the  antagon- 
ists are  loosely  charac- 
terized as  Spaniards  and 
Cubans,  all  who  took 
up  arms  were  in  charac- 
ter and  traits  essentially 
Spanish.  Whatsoever, 
therefore,  we  picture  the 

^"VBHF      ~MmHj  Spanish  to  be  for  good 

or  ill,  that  also  the  in- 
surgents were.  With 
this  qualification: 
There  were  a  large  fol- 
lowing of  blacks,  a  slight 
mingling  of  Cuban  born, 
who  had  passed  more  or 
less  time  in  the  states 
of  this  republic:  there 
were,  too,  restless 
nomads  from  the  neigh- 
boring South  American 
states — peopled  by 

Spaniards  in  race,  if  not  in  birth — men  to  whom  insurrection  was  a  habit, 
a  pastime.  In  the  qualities  that  go  to  make  up  inspiring  leadership, 
the  long  and  bloody  record  is  searched  in  vain  for  a  single  noble 
figure.  The  nearest  approach  to  the  patriot,  as  we  conceive  him  was 
the  mulatto — Maceo — whose  death  the  Spaniards  rightly  welcomed 


GENERAL   ANTONIO   MACEO. 


FIGHTING  FOR  HIS  RACE.  405 

as  the  most  vital  blow  struck  at  the  insurrection.  Yet  Maceo  would 
never  have  been  accepted  as  a  leader  among  such  a  people  as  ours. 

Hardly  a  fortnight  after  the  opening  of  hostilities,  the  Home  Rule  par- 
liament came  in  session,  in  form  if  not  in  fact  Cuba  was  as  free  to  fix  her 
own  destinies  as  any  State  of  this  Republic.  Yet  there  was  none  of  the 
popular  demonstration  Paris  witnessed,  when  its  National  Assembly  came 
together  under  circumstances  nearly  as  trying  as  those  which  beset  the 
new  venture.  Indeed,  the  members  of  the  chambers  seemed  conscious 
that  they  were  legislating  for  a  lost  cause.  The  session  continued 
spasmodically  during  the  siege,  but  the  laws  enacted  gave  no  indication  of 
what  the  islanders  might  expect  had  the  concession  come  in  time.  The 
body  was  made  up  of  the  aristocrats  among  the  Cubanos,  but  the  process 
of  electing  them  hardly  fulfilled  the  idea  of  a  constitutional  regime. 

In  most  insurrectionary  movements  some  figure  stands  out  distinctly 
marked  either  by  achievement  or  special  fitness.  In  the  long  tale  of  ig- 
noble slaughter  which  the  Cuban  insurrection  has  presented,  there  is  but 
one  man  who  seems  to  have  given  his  whole  soul  into  the  resolution  of 
what  we  used  to  understand  by  patriotism.  This  was  Antonio  Maceo, 
who  was  fearless  in  fight  and  prudent  in  counsel.  He  was  the  last  of  an 
ephemeral  line  of  mulattoes,  and  he  fought  for  his  race  rather  than  for 
liberty.  He  seems  to  have  been  the  only  man  born  with  an  instinct  for 
leadership  on  the  field  of  battle.  He  conducted  his  desultory  enterprises 
with  a  skill  and  sagacity  which  reminds  the  reader  of  the  prowess  and 
sagacity  of  our  own  Marion  in  the  swamps  of  South  Carolina,  when  con- 
tending against  British  superiority  during  the  war  of  Independence.  It 
was  Antonio  Maceo  who  counselled  uprisings  in  every  part  of  the  island, 
where  two  or  three  dissatisfied  could  be  brought  together  in  the  name  of 
Cuba  Libre.  He  had  heard  vaguely  of  the  atrocious  war  of  Toussaint 
L'Ouverture  in  San  Domingo,  and  he  plead  by  day  and  preached  by  night 
to  spare  neither  age  nor  sex  nor  any  condition  of  man  that  opposed  the 
yearnings  of  the  colored  people. 

It  was  Antonio  Maceo  who  undertook  to  prove  the  stupidity  of  Wey- 
ler's  trochas.  It  was  he  who  taught  the  nomad  hordes  to  shelter  them- 
selves under  the  bushes  and  even  to  make  use  of  the  shrubbery  to  de- 
ceive the  Spaniards.  Decorating  a  squad  of  his  followers  with  a  veil  of 
thick  branches,  he  moved  with  the  patience  of  an  animal  of  prey  on  the 
verge  of  the  woods,  reaching  spots  favorable  for  his  work,  and  then 
slaughtered  all  who  came  within  reach  of  the  machete,  the  pistol  or  the  fire- 
arm of  any  description  his  followers  might  happen  to  possess. 

In  his  final  plan  of  campaign  he  concerted  the  conjunction  of  Maximo 


406 


REPELLANT  FREEBOOTERS. 


Gomez,  Calixto  Garcia  and  his  brother  Jose,  to  make  one  determined 
onset  upon  the  Spanish  troops  at  Artemisia.  The  plan  failed  and,  An- 
tonio Maceo  conceived  that  suspicion  of  his  fellow  conspirers,  which  is 
the  beginning  of  the  end  of  revolutionary  enterprises.  It  is  indicative  of 
the  animating  purpose  of  the  insurgent  ranks  that,  when  Antonio  Maceo 

met  his  fate,  he  was  at  the 
head  of  four  thousand 
followers,  and  that  he  was 
defeated  by  a  column  of 
four  hundred  men.  The 
blow  was  so  stunning  that 
the  adherents  of  his  cause 
undertook  to  prove  that 
Maceo  had  been  assassi- 
nated by  hired  minions  of 
Spain  in  his  own  ranks, 
but  the  evidences  were  in- 
contestable that  the  four 
hundred  disciplined  Span- 
ji  iards  had  routed  the  four 
I  thousand  overconfident 
and  unruly  Cubans. 

That  our  soldiery  were 
not  hasty  in  stigmatizing 
the  Cuban  insurgents  as 
irreclaimable  malefactors, 
perfectly  impartial  foreign 
observers  attest.  There 
were  with  the  armies  that  went  to  Cuba,  correspondents  and  official 
note-takers  from  nearly  every  country  in  Europe.  The  letters  published 
in  the  European  presses  picture  the  unqualifiable  hordes  that  flocked  to 
our  flag,  as  the  most  repellent  freebooters,  with  no  more  idea  of  the 
amenities  of  civilized  warfare  than  the  black  nomads  of  Dahomey  or  Ash- 
ante.  Of  freedom  in  any  other  sense  than  the  license  to  pillage  and  as- 
sassinate, they  had  no  more  conception  than  the  Philippine  Malays, 
sworn  to  take  a  certain  number  of  lives,  to  win  the  Moslem  paradise. 
Not  one  in  a  thousand  could  read — not  one  in  ten  thousand  knew  the  ob- 
ligations of  citizenship.  But  let  us  look  at  them  as  set  down  by  careful 
observers  as  hostile  to  Spain,  as  the  most  intemperate  Jingo  amongst  us. 
44  The  Cubans,"  says  the  correspondent  of  the  London  Telegraph,  "are 


GENERAL   GALIXTO   GARCIA. 


UNDISCIPLINED   THIEVES.  407 

incapable  of  realizing  what  true  liberty  means.  Here  and  there  a  man 
like  Gomez  or  Muceo  has  some  power  of  realizing  it,  but  the  overwhelm- 
ing majority  desire  not  liberty,  but  domination.  They  desire  to  possess 
themselves  of  the  offices  and  power  now  held  by  their  Spanish  rulers,  and 
if  they  are  permitted  by  the  United  States  government  to  become  unre- 
strainedly possessed  of  them,  they  will  repeat,  on  an  exaggerated  scale, 
all  the  cruelties  and  oppressions  of  which  the  Spaniards  have  been  guilty. 
The  plain  truth  of  the  matter  is,  that  sooner  or  later  the  United  States 
will  be  obliged  to  lick  the  Cubans  into  something  resembling  a  civilized 
community,  and  the  sooner  the  work  is  undertaken  the  better.  During 
the  last  few  weeks  of  the  war  I  saw  a  good  deal  of  the  Cuban  soldiers, 
and  if  they  are  to  be  taken  as  a  fair  sample  of  the  race  to  whom  they  be- 
long, they  are  as  unfit  for  freedom  or  constitutional  government,  as  the 
savages  we  routed  out  of  Coomassie  jungles  a  couple  of  years  ago.  These 
armed  insurgents  are  a  little  better  than  a  horde  of  undisciplined  thieves 
and  murderers.  Like  most  mongrel  races,  they  possess  all  the  evil  quali- 
ties of  both  the  races  from  which  they  have  sprung,  with  little  or  none  of 
their  good  qualities.  They  have  all  the  cruelty  of  the  Spaniard,  without 
his  chivalry  and  bravery,  and  like  him,  only  in  a  more  inordinate  degree, 
they  are  filled  with  an  insane  vanity,  which  they  mistake  for  pride.  With 
their  negro  blood,  they  have  inherited  an  unbounded  capacity  for  lying, 
and  they  are  expert  thieves,  while  they  possess  none  of  the  negro's  jollity 
and  good  nature." 

He  then  describes  a  number  of  acts  of  cruelty  he  witnessed.  One  of 
them  happened  on  the  memorable  day  when  Cervera's  fleet  was  destroyed. 
"  A  young  Spanish  officer  on  the  Maria  Teresa,  who  had  been  wounded 
by  a  shell,  was  lying  on  the  burning  deck,  with  his  clothes  in  flames.  A 
comrade  hastily  tore  the  clothes  off  the  wounded  youth  and,  lashing  him 
to  a  spar,  threw  him  overboard  in  hope  of  saving  his  life.  The  Cubans 
saw  this  and  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  wounded  man  must  be  an 
officer  of  some  importance.  Instantly,  a  score  or  more  of  them  began 
shooting  at  the  poor  burned  and  wounded  figure  as  it  drifted  about 
among  the  breakers.  This  horrible  brutality  was  too  much  for  the  chiv- 
al -(MIS  American  officers  and  sailors  engaged  in  the  work  of  rescue,  and 
th"  gnus  of  the  Gloucester  and  Iowa  opened  fire  on  the  murderous  wretches 
HM<1  ilrove  them  off  the  beach  into  the  woods.  I  have  since  heard  that 
bitter  complaints  were  made  by  the  insurgents  that  the  work  of  slaughter 
was  -it  permitted  to  continue. 

•-. About  4.000  of  them  were  present  at  Santiago  under  Garcia  and 
Castili  >.  but  for  effective  fighting  purposes  they  were  not  worth  forty 


408  ROBBING  THE  DEAD. 

American  soldiers.  They  are  all  right  for  a  treacherous  ambuscade  or 
fighting  behind  cover,  but  they  seem  incapable — with  their  present  train- 
ing at  any  rate,  of  standing  in  a  regular  line  of  battle.  There  was  a  fine 
lot  of  things  lying  around  loose,  and  the  brave  Cubans  made  an  excellent 
use  of  their  time.  While  American  soldiers  were  fighting  the  Spanish 
soldiers  on  the  hill  of  San  Juan  or  among  the  fields  and  hedges  of  El 
Caney,  their  Cuban  allies  were  sneaking  about  in  the  rear,  picking  up 
the  overcoats  and  valises  that  the  soldiers  had  lain  down,  so  that  they 
might  be  less  hampered  in  the  charge  up  the  steep  slopes,  for  Cuban  lib- 
erty. During  the  battle  I  saw  Cubans  coming  back  in  fifteens  and 
twenties — with  full  cartridge  belts — not  a  shot  expended— and  full  sacks 
of  soldiers  belongings  on  their  backs,  which  they  were  hurrying  with  to 
their  own  encampment.  These  ruffians  were  so  busy  looting,  that  they 
refused  point  blank  even  to  help  the  wounded,  and  I  know  from  the  evi- 
dence of  my  own  eyes,  that  they  did  not  hesitate  to  rob  the  bodies  of 
American  dead.  A  colored  United  States  cavalryman  came  upon  one  of 
them  robbing  the  body  of  a  dead  American  officer,  and  to  the  everlasting 
honor  of  the  negro,  he  brained  the  Cuban  scoundrel  with  the  butt  of  his 
rifle  and  killed  him  on  the  spot.  Neither  would  the  Cubans  work.  After 
the  battle  when  the  United  States  troops  were  laboring  night  and  day, 
repairing  the  roads,  digging  trenches  and  building  earthworks,  General 
Shafter  asked  that  some  Cubans  should  be  sent  to  assist  in  the  work,  in 
order  that  Santiago  might  be  more  speedily  reduced,  and  that  food  and 
ammunition  might  be  more  easily  and  rapidly  conveyed  to  the  front.  Senor 
Garcia  sent  back  a  reply  stating  he  would  be  glad  if  the  American  com- 
mander would  remember  that  the  Cubans  were  soldiers,  not  laborers.  I 
forbear  giving  the  comments  of  General  Shafter.  Such  are  some  of  the 
characteristics  of  the  people  for  whom  the  United  States  has  sacrificed 
the  lives  of  hundreds  of  her  sons  and  expended  millions  of  treasure.  A 
more  worthless  race  or  one  less  fitted  for  freedom,  does  not  exist,  and  it 
will  be  an*  evil  day  for  Cuba  and  her  civilization,  if  the  insurgents  ever 
obtain  unrestricted  domination  in  that  unhappy  land." 


RKAR-ADMIRAL  GKORGK  DKWKY, 


BOOK  THREE. 
I. 

AS  war  releases  the  ignoblest  in  the  nature  of  man,  it  none  the  less 
accentuates  the  noblest.  In  a  people  primevally  young,  autoch- 
thonic  so  to  speak,  war  is  a  crucible  for  the  refining  of  the  superior 
natures,  while  exaggerating  the  turpitudes  of  the  baser.  The  war  was 
hardly  ten  days  old  when  one  of  the  figures  that  people  in  all  times 
reckon  as  epoch  makers,  emerged  at  the  hour  and  the  place  needed. 
Dewey  would  have  been  the  same  man  had  the  republic  never  given  him 
the  momentous  charge  which  he  fulfilled  so  consummately,  but  in  peace 
he  would  have  lived  his  allotted  years,  served  his  prescribed  time  in  the 
monotonous  responsibilities  of  the  naval  hierarchy,  and  would  have 
passed  on  like  many  another  man  of  the  same  mould,  whose  name  is 
known  only  in  the  illustrious  roster  of  our  sea  soldiery.  When  the 
passion  of  praise  his  conquest  of  the  Spanish  fleet  aroused,  broke  out, 
there  was  just  enough  of  the  romantic  in  his  past,  to  enchant  the  hero 
worshipper.  He  had  fought  with  the  most  illustrious  of  all  sea  captains, 
the  incomparable  Farragut.  He  had  been  part  of  that  immortal  fleet 
which  refused  to  recognize  the  invulnerability  of  iron  rams;  he  treated 
them  as  he  would  any  other  craft,  ran  them  down  or  riddled  them  with 
"wooden  ships,"  quite  as  equal  to  equal.  He  had  seen  with  his  ardent 
youngster  eyes,  the  glorious  Viking,  lashed  to  the  mast  of  the  stout  Hart- 
ford, in  the  habor  of  Mobile,  when  sinister  rams  and  the  mysterious  tor- 
pedo were  in  the  full  first  prime  of  the  awe  they  inspired.  He  had 
indeed  served  a  hero  novitiate,  and  came  by  right  of  achievement  to  the 
glory  that  crowns  his  age.  His  was  found  a  fitting  title  to  stand  in  the 
scroll  of  immortality  upon  which  the  republic  has  embalmed  the  names  of 
John  Paul  Jones,  Decatur,  Hull,  Bainbridge,  Perry,  McDonough,  and 
scores  more. 

To  the  country,  a  result  like  Manila  comes  as  a  surprise ;  to  the  men 
that  make  up  the  navy,  rank  and  file,  the  work  done  in  Manila  waters 
was  a  matter  of  course.  That  is  to  say,  there  is  not  an  officer  graduate 
from  Annapolis,  who  would  for  an  instant  distrust  his  capacity  to  fight 
the  ships  placed  under  his  command,  to  the  utmost  extent  of  their  capaci- 
ties. This  does  not  mean,  of  course,  that  all  would  meet  the  happy  issue 

(411) 


412  DEWEY,  THE  YANKEE. 

Dewey 's  onset  secured.  Dewey,  in  other  words,  is  not  the  "heaven 
sent "  hero  the  emotional  love  to  adore.  He  is  a  man  far  past  the 
meridian,  and  had  there  been  no  war,  he  would  have  passed  into  the 
limbo  of  the  retired,  his  name  unknown,  his  fame  undreamed.  He  is  to 
the  core  the  quintessence  of  the  Yankee.  Born  in  Vermont  in  1837,  he 
met  the  by  no  means  stimulating  vicissitudes  of  the  hardy  Green  moun- 
tains, very  much  as  his  ancestors  before  him.  It  is  significant  of  the  part 
chance  plays  in  the  fates  of  even  the  elect,  that  until  far  beyond  the  age 
when  the  bent  of  the  boy  is  decided,  Dewey  knew  nothing  of  the  sea. 
He  was  a  farmer  lad  when  he  was  appointed  a  cadet  at  Annapolis  in 
1854,  in  his  seventeenth  year.  Four  years  later  he  was  graduated  from 
the  academy  in  a  class  of  which  nearly  every  man  achieved  distinction  in 
the  Civil  War.  In  that  war  too,  Dewey  met  the  various  responsibilities 
put  upon  him,  with  precisely  the  same  certainty  of  touch  and  accuracy  of 
calculation  the  world  admires  in  the  Manila  spectacle.  He  went  through 
the  admirable  routine  of  our  young  sea  lions — a  cruise  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean ;  and  then  in  1862  promptly  with  the  opening  of  the  naval  cam- 
paign, took  up  the  burden  he  has  ever  since  borne,  beginning  as  a  lieuten- 
ant on  the  steamship  Mississippi.  Then  he  was  attached  to  the  West 
Gulf  blockading  squadron,  and  Dewey  from  the  first  found  himself  in  the 
field  fate  was  preparing  for  the  glories  of  our  fleets.  He  was  thus 
brought  under  the  command  of  the  most  heroic  figure,  the  most  success- 
ful admiral  that  ever  fought  a  ship  or  commanded  a  squadron — the  in- 
comparable Farragut. 

It  was  in  these  stupendous  combats,  that  the  young  lieutenant  learned 
the  vital  lesson  of  daring  wisely,  as  illustrated  in  the  passing  of  the 
Spanish  outworks,  and  adventuring  on  the  unknown  perils  of  mines,  tor- 
pedoes and  shore  batteries,  at  Manila.  For  never  in  the  history  of  naval 
warfare,  were  deeds  of  such  daring  undertaken  and  carried  out,  as  Far- 
ragut made  part  of  the  mission  of  his  fleets.  A  young  lieutenant  grown 
to  a  veteran,  who  had  passed  in  the  wooden  fleets  of  Farragut  through 
the  deadly  pitfalls  and  iron  hail  of  the  Confederate  defences  before  New 
Orleans  and  Mobile,  must  have  counted  with  confident  certainty  on  what 
such  steps  as  he  had  at  his  disposal,  could  do  before  the  Spanish  defences 
at  Cavite.  In  a  memorable  attempt  of  Farragut  to  destroy  or  capture 
the  massive  batteries  on  the  bluffs  of  Port  Hudson,  the  Mississippi  paid 
the  penalty  of  too  close  an  approach  to  the  shore.  She  was  riddled  and 
undone.  The  crew  were  compelled  to  take  flight  to  save  themselves,  and 
Dewey  among  them,  fled  to  the  swamps  on  the  other  side  of  the  great 
river-  Thereafter,  during  the  long  years  of  the  Civil  War,  Dewey  alter- 


AFLOAT  AND  ASHORE.  41 S 

nated  between  the  squadrons,  emerging  from  the  contest  in  1865  a  lieu- 
tenant-commander. His  first  service  after  the  war,  was  on  the  imperish- 
ably  glorious  Kearsarge,  in  European  waters.  He  pursued  the  uneventful 
regime  of  his  profession  with  the  relief  of  a  year  at  Annapolis,  and  then 
took  to  the  sea  again  in  command  of  the  Narragansett.  His  next  billet 
was  the  survey  of  the  Pacific,  which  lasted  three  years.  In  1876,  he  was 
appointed  Light  House  Inspector,  and  later,  Secretary  of  the  Board.  In 
1882  he  commanded  the  Juniata,  from  this  he  was  awarded  the  rank  of 
Captain  and  entrusted  with  the  Dolphin,  the  first  of  the  "White  Fleet." 
He  was  in  command  of  the  European  squadron  until  1888,  when  he  was 
assigned  to  the  Bureau  of  Recruiting  and  Equipment  at  Washington.  In 
February,  1896,  he  was  named  Commodore,  and  President  of  the  Board  of 
Inspection  and  Survey.  These  varying  tenures  embrace  twenty-three 
years  of  land  service  and  sixteen  at  sea.  It  was  in  Jan.,  1898,  that 
Dewey  raised  his  flag  on  the  Olympia,  in  the  Asiatic  squadron.  Had  he 
been  given  his  way,  he  would  never  have  been  in  the  decisive  fleet  that 
was  to  influence  the  result  of  the  war;  to  paralyze  both  the  hope  and  the 
stroke  of  Spain  ;  for  slight  as  the  chances  of  the  over-matched  monarchy, 
had  the  Manila  fleet  not  succumbed  with  such  startling  completeness,  the 
squadrons  of  Cervera  and  Camara  would  have  wrought  with  more  heart ; 
and  that  is  a  large  part  of  combat  even  with  modern  instruments  of 
warfare. 

When  assigned  to  Asiatic  waters,  Dewey  proffered  the  executive  posts 
of  the  fleet  to  young  and  promising  officers,  who  were  more  than  reluc- 
tant to  accept.  The  hope  that  the  political  cast  given  the  Cuban  compli- 
cation, must  end  in  war,  had  for  a  year  or  more  held  high  in  the  hearts  of 
the  junior  ranks  of  the  navy  ;  for  being  educated  for  battle,  these  casuists 
hold  that  war  is  essential  to  their  rounded  careers.  Hence  the  Asiatic 
squadron  gave  little  promise  of  the  chances  that  would  befall  in  the 
event  of  war  with  Spain.  It  was  never  dreamed  that  operations  would 
extend  to  the  Philippines,  even  were  war  brought  about  by  the  tumultuous 
incitements  of  the  congressional  and  journalistic  fomentors.  There  was 
therefore  in  the  assignment  to  the  far  east,  the  heart-burning  of  the  sort 
gallant  men  feel  when  the  looming  vision  of  opportunity  is  obscured  by 
the  dull  needs  of  prescriptive  routine.  Dewey  accepted  his  fleet  as 
honorable  banishment,  and  his  successful  competitor,  Howell,  assumed  com- 
mand of  the  European  squadron,  with  roseate  visions  of  what  was  to  be. 

Naturally,  after  the  event  at  Manila  every  one  who  had  been  brought 
into  relation  with  the  Yankee  viking,  had,  or  invented,  some  touch  of 
portraiture  to  satisfy  the  eager  curiosity  of  his  countrymen.  But  beyond 


414  FORECASTLE  STORIES. 

the  fact  that  as  a  man  he  is  of  the  approved  type,  as  an  officer,  of  the 
most  distinguished  qualities  and  qualifications,  Dewey 's  personality  does 
not  lend  itself  to  the  vagaries  of  the  poet  or  eulogist.  He  is  the  quint- 
essence of  the  race  best  known  perhaps  in  the  James  Russell  Lowells, 
Emersons,  John  A.  Andrews — astutely  reticent  by  natural  predilection, 
yet  garrulously  confiding  in  an  esoteric  way.  Dewey  is  the  best  ideal 
of  the  Yankee — cultivated,  generous,  self-reverencing,  self-judging,  re- 
ceptive to  every  alternation  that  embodies  experience.  His  best  and 
most  interesting  eulogists  are  found  in  the  men  before  the  mast,  perhaps 
the  most  penetrating  critics  of  capacity  that  a  man  in  authority  in  a  fleet 
is  subjected  to.  He  is  known  to  be  wisely  lenient  to  petty  offences,  and  it 
is  emphasized  in  every  anecdote  bearing  on  his  career,  that  he  was 
intolerant  only  to  liars.  He  affected  deafness  and  blindness  to  the 
temporary  straying  of  the  crew,  that  is  to  say,  the  aberrations  that  signalize 
Jack,  when  his  rare  vacations  on  shore  leave  him  helpless  before  the 
seductions  of  the  cup.  A  tar  in  Washington  who  sailed  with  the  con- 
queror of  Spain's  Manila  fleet,  confides  this  fascinating  picture  of  the 
Dewey  known  in  the  "forecastle": 

"  He's  what  I'd  call  a  little  fellow  as  to  height,  but  he  surely  looked 
bigger'n  a  Dutch  frigate  when  he  stood  on  his  side  of  the  mast  and  you 
were  up  in  front  of  him.  But  he  was  a  tender-hearted  man  on  the  cruise 
when  he  and  I  were  shipmates.  He'd  try  not  to  see  or  hear  things  that 
he  didn't  want  to  see  or  hear.  None  of  us  knew  him — up  forward  I 
mean — as  a  commander.  Some  of  us  had  been  shipmates  with  him  when 
he  was  a  deck  officer,  and  had  never  got  the  worst  of  it  at  his  hands. 
But  we  weren't  sure  how  he'd  *  stack  up'  as  a  skipper.  We  weren't  long 
in  finding  out.  We  had  to  sailorize  all  right,  but  there  wasn't  much 
'brigging'  with  Dewey.  He  didn't  like  to  see  a  man  in  double  irons  on 
his  tours  of  inspection.  We  hadn't  been  to  sea  with  him  very  long  before 
we  '  got  next '  to  how  he  despised  a  liar.  One  of  the  petty  officers  went 
ashore  at  Gibraltar,  got  mixed  up  with  the  soldiers  in  the  canteens  up  on 
the  hill  and  came  off  to  ship  *  paralyzed.'  He  went  before  Dewey 
at  the  mast  next  morning.  He  gave  Dewey  the  •  two-beers-and-sun- 
stroke '  yarn.  '  You're  lying,  my  man,'  said  Dewey.  '  You  were  very 
drunk.  I  myself  heard  you  aft  in  my  cabin.  I  will  not  have 
my  men  lie  to  me.  I  don't  expect  to  find  total  abstinence  in  a  man-o'- 
war's  crew,  but  I  do  expect  them  to  tell  me  the  truth,  and  I  am  going  to 
have  them  tell  me  the  truth.  Had  you  told  me  candidly  that  you  took 
the  drop  too  much  on  your  liberty,  you'd  have  been  forward  by  this  time, 
for  you,  at  least,  returned  to  the  ship.  For  lying  you  get  ten  days  in 


BRIG. -GENERAL,  THADDEUS  H.  STANTON.  BRIG  -GENERAL  GUIDO  N.  LIEBKI 

Paymaster-General,  U.  S.  A.  Judge-Advocate-General,  TJ.  S.  A. 


BRIG.-GENERAL  JOHN  M.  WILSON. 

Chief  of  Engineers,  U.  S.  A 


BRIG-GENERAL  A.  W.  GREELEY. 

Chief  Signal  Officer,  U.  S.  A. 


ONE  CHRISTMAS   DAY.  417 

irons.  Let  me  have  the  truth  hereafter.  I  am  told  you  are  a  good  sea- 
man. A  good  seaman  has  no  business  lying.' 

"After  that  there  were  few  men  on  board  who  didn't  throw  themselves 
on  the  mercy  of  the  court  when  they  waltzed  up  to  the  stick  before 
Dewey,  and  none  of  us  ever  lost  anything  by  it.  He'd  have  to  punish  us 
in  accordance  with  regulations,  but  he  had  a  great  way  of  ordering  the 
release  of  men  he  had  to  sentence  to  the  brig,  before  their  sentences  were 
half  worked  out. 

"  Dewey  was  the  best  liberty -granting  skipper  I  was  ever  shipmates 
with.  He  hated  to  keep  quarantined  men  aboard,  when  the  good-conduct 
men  were  flocking  off  to  the  beach.  One  fine  Christmas  Day  in  Genoa 
harbor,  all  the  men  entitled  to  shore  liberty  lined  up  at  ten  o'clock  in  the 
morning  to  answer  muster  before  taking  the  running  boats  for  the  shore. 
There  were  about  forty  of  us — myself  among  the  number,  who  were 
quarantined  aboard  for  having  raised  Cain  ashore  in  Nice  a  few  weeks 
before.  Our  quarantine  was  for  three  months,  and  it  wasn't  half  run  out 
on  this  Christmas  Day.  Dewey  stood  at  the  break  of  the  poop,  with  his 
hands  on  his  hips,  watching  the  liberty  party  line  up.  Us  fellows  that 
couldn't  go  were  standing  around  the  gangway,  smoking  our  pipes,  and 
looking  pretty  down  in  the  mouth,  I  guess.  The  big  liberty  party — there 
were  a  couple  of  hundred  men  in  the  batch — finally  got  away,  and  the 
ship  was  practically  deserted,  except  for  us  quarantined  fellows.  Dewey 
watched  us  for  a  while  out  of  the  tail  of  his  eye.  We  were  leaning  over 
the  side,  watching  the  receding  boats  with  the  big  liberty  party.  Dewey 
went  up  on  the  poop  and  walked  up  and  down,  chewing  his  moustache, 
and  every  once  in  a  while  shooting  a  look  at  us  men  up  forward.  Finally, 
he  walked  down  the  poop  ladder  and  straight  forward  to  where  we  were 
grouped. 

"  *  You  boys  hop  into  your  mustering  clothes  and  go  on  off  to  the 
beach.  I'll  let  you  have  a  couple  of  the  running  boats  when  they  return. 
Come  back  with  the  other  fellows  when  you  get  ready.  Don't  raise  any 
more  trouble  ashore  than  you  can  help.' 

"  There  wasn't  a  man  in  the  gang  of  us  that  didn't  want  to  hug  little 
Dewey  for  that,  and  you  can  gamble  that  we  gave  him  a  *  cheer  ship  '  that 
rang  around  the  harbor  of  Genoa.  We  all  got  marked  in  the  log  as 
'clean  and  sober,'  too,  when  we  got  back  to  the  ship,  for  we  weren't  going 
to  do  any  cutting  up  on  Dewey,  after  the  way  he'd  treated  us." 

Volumes  of  the  closest  study  couldn't  present  a  more  graphic  picture  of 
the  great  seaman,  for  the  eye  of  the  sailor  is  like  the  eye  of  the  child, 
single  in  its  purpose  of  seeing  things  as  they  are.  Naturally,  the  origin 


418  OF  "  LATIN  "  BLOOD. 

of  the  family  becomes  a  subject  of  discussion.  Like  Farragut,  the  ancient 
stem  of  the  race  grew  in  what  is  vaguely  called  "  Latin  "  soil.  The  first 
Deweys  were  Douais — probably  named  from  the  city  in  northern  France. 
Emigration  and  residence  in  England  bred  the  corruption  of  the  name, 
we  see  in  all  those  transplanted  from  the  Gauloise  surroundings.  It 
therefore  appears  that  two  of  the  most  illustrious  of  our  naval  heroes 
were  growths  of  "  Latin  "  blood — a  point  worth  signalizing  while  the 
idiotic  clamor  of  "Anglo-Saxon"  antecedents  are  counted  as  indicative  of 
some  rare  superiority  in  men  or  peoples.  A  British  journal  contributes  an 
anecdote  of  Dewey  that  reveals  one  of  the  ineffaceable  traits  of  his 
Gauloise  origin,  "  While  on  his  European  post,  in  1883,  Dewey  was  forced 
to  put  himself  under  an  eminent  British  specialist.  He  was  suffering 
from  abcess  of  the  liver  in  a  very  complex  form,  and  was  not  expected  to 
survive  an  operation  to  which  he  had  to  submit.  When  about  to  undergo 
it,  the  last  words  he  murmured  before  he  became  quiet  under  the  in- 
fluence of  the  anaesthetic  were,  *  I've  made  up  my  mind,  and  I  won't  die/ 
and  he  didn't,  to  the  general  astonishment.  After  he  became  con- 
valescent, I  used  sometimes  to  push  him  about  the  hospital  gardens  in  a 
bath  chair,  and  on  one  occasion  I  remember  his  saying  to  me  (apropos  of 
the  operation)  '  You  know,  I've  got  a  wife  and  children  depending  on  me 
at  home,  and  I  couldn't  afford  to  die  just  then.'  I  know  that  the  doctors 
said  that  nothing  but  his  extraordinary  determination  pulled  him  through, 
and  that  they  never  had  a  pluckier  patient." 

Startling — almost  theatric  as  were  the  climaxes  of  the  three  months' 
war,  none  of  the  episodes — many  of  them  equally  grandiose,  diverted  pub- 
lic interest  from  the  vicissitudes  besetting  Dewey.  From  the  first  memo- 
rable intimation  of  his  well-won  immortality,  the  heart  of  the  republic 
thrilled  in  grateful  adoration  over  his  name,  his  winning  personality.  It 
was  impossible  to  tell  enough  about  him.  Every  mail  from  the  Orient 
was  awaited  with  an  interest  as  keen  as  we  can  imagine  concentered  on 
the  Spanish  galleons  four  centuries  ago,  when  each  bore  to  the  descendant  of 
the  Ctesars,  the  announcement  of  new  realms,  more  imposing  in  area  than  the 
greatest  empire  of  Europe.  Of  Dewey  himself,  the  anecdotage  was  meagre. 
His  life  had  been  what  Shakespeare  describes  Duncan— So  clear  in  its 
high  ministry,  that  there  was  nothing  left  to  disentangle  or  equivocate 
over.  For  months  he  was  claimed  by  every  sect  in  the  church,  by  both 
the  great  political  parties  and  even  the  dilletante  delighted  in  an  unveri- 
fied legend,  which  represented  the  great  captain  as  so  careful  in  attire, 
that  his  comrades  nicknamed  him  "Gentleman  George."  Never  in  the 
history  of  war  in  modern  times  did  conquest  bring  such  instant  fruition 


WARRIOR  AND  STATESMAN. 


419 


to  the  man.  Congress  vied-  with  the  Navy  Department — the  press  with 
both,  to  give  the  great  sailor  lofty  testimonial  of  the  republic's  grateful 
recognition.  Any  grade  within  the  President's  gift  was  urged,  and  in- 
stantly. Indeed  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  country  ordered  a  revival  of 
the  grade  illustrated  by  the  greatest  of  all  sea  kings — Farragut — the 
towering  rank  of  "  Admiral."  For  as  in  the  army — while  a  man  may  be 
u  "rear"  admiral — the  complete  and  rounded  office  of  Admiral  was 
abolished  when  Admiral  Porter,  the  successor  of  Farragut  died. 

But,  Dewey  in  his  far  away  station,  apparently  gave  little  heed  to  his 
own  personal  fortunes.  He  had  at  one  master-stroke  put  himself  in  the 
category  of  the  most 
-admired  sea  captains  of 
any  age ;  but  the  very 
completeness  of  his  con- 
quest, for  a  time  put 
upon  him  a  role  of  the 
utmost  difficulty.  It 
was  in  the  second  func- 
tion— that  of  warrior 
and  statesman,  that  the 
vigor  of  his  mind,  his 
incomparable  equipoise, 
added  to  the  immeasur- 
able esteem, — admira- 
tion of  his  countrymen. 
We  saw  him  in  the  con- 
fusion of  the  conquest 
on  that  memorable  May 
day,  giving  as  much 
solicitous  care  to  the 
safeguarding  of  the 
wretched  Spanish  ma- 
riners, as  before  the 
event  he  had  given  to 
the  million  details  essential  to  the  victory.  Knowing  the  harrowing 
anxiety  that  his  countrymen  must  suffer  with  but  an  inkling  of  the  battle, 
or  perhaps  an  untruthful  version  from  the  Spaniards,  Admiral  Dewey 
made  an  effort  to  overawe  the  Spanish  Captain  General  Augusti,  and 
by  securing  the  surrender  of  the  city — which  was  at  his  mercy,  obtained 
access  to  the  cable.  The  British  consul  had  hurried  to  the  fleet,  so  soon 


CAPTAIN  GENERAL   AUGUSTI. 


AUGUSTI'S  FAMOUS  MESSAGE.  421 

as  the  destruction  of  Montojo  was  an  accomplished  fact,  and  represented 
the  futility  of  the  Spaniards  attempting  to  resist  our  further  onset. 

Admiral  Devvey  knew  perfectly  the  powerlessness  of  his  enemy,  but  he 
was  diplomat  enough  to  know  that  the  Spaniard  was  not  his  own  master. 
That  the  surrender  of  the  city  would  never  be  forgiven  in  Madrid,  until 
the  walls  were  battered  down  and  the  "  honor  "  of  Spain  vindicated.  He 
therefore  made  use  of  the  British  official  to  send  Captain-General  Augusti 
word,  that  the  city  of  Manila  was  in  a  state  of  blockade ;  that  the  United 
States  forces  would  occupy  Cavite ;  that  if  a  single  shot  were  fired  at  the 
fleet,  he  would  destroy  everything  within  range  and  that  if  he  were  not 
permitted  to  use  the  cable,  he  would  cut  it.  The  telegraph  company  ex- 
pressed their  desire  to  have  the  cable  then  neutralized,  but  the  Captain- 
General  peremptorily  refused  the  transaction.  Hence,  as  he  could  not 
use  the  line  himself,  Admiral  Dewey  cut  it,  and  thenceforth  could  com- 
municate with  Washington  only  by  way  of  Hong  Kong,  600  miles  away. 
Just  as  his  messengers  cut  the  wire,  it  was  carrying  to  Madrid  Augusti's 
famous  message — that  the  Yankee  fleet  had  retired  "disabled." 

Without  soldiers  to  hold  the  city,  its  seizure  after  bombardment  would 
have  been  a  task  beyond  the  forces  of  Dewey's  command.  But  it  was 
imperative  that  Cavite,  the  strong  place  of  the  city,  should  be  held. 
There  the  fleet  had  a  base ;  all  sorts  of  supplies  were  stored  in  its  ample 
magazines,  its  wharves  could  accommodate  the  shipping  bringing  stores 
and  troops.  When  the  fleet  of  Montojo  was  in  extremis,  a  white  flag  had 
been  hoisted  over  the  arsenal,  but  it  was  net  until  Monday  that  the  Ad- 
miral sent  Commander  Lamberton  to  take  possession. 

As  this  officer  approached  the  landing,  on  the  Petrel,  he  saw  with  dis- 
may, that  the  white  flag  was  no  longer  flying.  The  open  places  could  be 
seen  crowded  with  troops  and  many  evidences  of  belligerency  in  the  atti- 
tude of  the  men.  Apprehensive  of  treachery,  Commander  Laraberton 
got  into  a  launch  with  Commander  Wood,  leaving  orders  that  if  they  were 
not  back  in  an  hour,  to  open  fire  on  the  arsenal.  On  landing,  the  two  of- 
ficers asked  to  be  conducted  to  the  commander.  This  proved  to  be  a 
Captain  Sostoa,  who  informed  Lamberton,  that  his  Admiral  had  retired  to 
Manila  and  that  he,  Sostoa,  was  in  charge.  "  May  I  ask,  Captain,"  said 
Lamberton,  "why  your  men  are  under  arms  after  yesterday's  surrender?" 

"There  was  no  surrender,"  replied  Sostoa. 

"But,"  said  Lamberton,  "the  white  flag  was  hoisted," 

"  Yes,"  retorted  Sostoa,  "  but  not  as  a  surrender,  only  as  a  toKen  of 
truce  during  which  we  might  remove  our  women  and  children  to  a  place 
of  safety." 


422 


YOU  FIRED  THL   FIRST   SHOT.' 


"But,  Captain,"  said  Lamberton,  "an  arsenal  is  not  exactly  the  place 
for  women  and  children  in  times  of  war.  They  should  have  been  removed 
before  the  bombardment  began." 

"Ah,  well,  you  see,"  said  Captain  Sostoa  with  a  shrug.  "You  Ameri- 
cans came  in  to  visit  us  at  such  an  extremely  early  hour  that  we  had  no 
time  to  remove  our  women  and  children.  If  you  had  begun  to  fight  at  a 
less  unreasonable  hour  " — 

"  Excuse,  me  Cap- 
tain," said  Lamberton. 
"You  fired  the  first  shot. 
But  there  is  no  use 
talking  of  past  events, 
nor  is  it  my  place  to  do 
so.  I  am  sent  here  as 
a  representative  of  Com- 
modore Dewey  of  the 
United  States  Asiatic 
squadron,  to  take  pos- 
session of  this  arsenal, 
and  my  further  instruc- 
tions are  that  all  Span- 
iards, whom  I  find  here, 
must  surrender  their 
arms  and  persons  as 
prisoners  of  war.  If 
this  is  not  done  and 
done  quickly,  the  en- 
gagement will  be  re- 
newed." 

To  this  Sostoa  replied 
that  he  could  do  noth- 
ing without  consulting  his  superior. 

"  But  we  will  regard  you  as  sufficiently  representative,"  Lamberton  re- 
joined. Then  the  Spaniard  requested  that  the  terms  of  the  surrender 
might  be  put  down  in  writing.  Lamberton  glanced  at  his  watch.  Forty 
of  the  sixty  minutes  had  elapsed,  and  in  twenty  more  the  Petrel's  guns 
would  be  banging  away,  and  while  Lamberton  and  Wood  knew  very  well 
what  the  issue  of  the  new  fight  would  be,  so  far  as  the  fleet  and  the 
arsenal  were  concerned,  their  own  predicament  would  be  rather  anomal- 
ous. Lamberton  wrote  down  these  terms: 


COMMANDER   B.   F.   LAMBERTON. 


ONLY  FIVE  MINUTES  LEFT.  428 

"Without  further  delay  all  Spanish  officers  and  men  must  be  with- 
drawn, and  no  buildings  or  stores  must  be  injured.  As  Commodore 
Dewey  does  not  wish  further  hostility  with  the  Spanish  naval  forces,  the 
Spanish  officers  will  be  paroled,  and  the  forces  at  the  arsenal  will  deliver 
all  their  small  arms." 

The  conversation  had  been  in  Spanish,  but  as  the  conditions  were  writ- 
ten in  English,  Sostoa  wanted  them  translated  and  clearly  explained. 

Again  Lamberton  looked  at  his  watch.  Five  minutes  of  the  hour  only, 
remained. 

"  Excuse  me  Captain,"  he  said,  "  but  there  is  an  absolute  reason  why  I 
should  return  at  once  to  the  vessel.  I  will  give  you  until  noon,  and  if 
on  that  hour  the  white  flag  is  not  again  hoisted  over  this  arsenal,  we  shall 
again  open  fire." 

They  reached  the  landing  and  the  launch  just  in  time,  for  as  they  put 
off  from  the  steps  they  could  see  the  men  moving  into  position  around 
the  Petrel's  guns,  preparatory  to  opening  fire. 

Captain  Sostoa  did  not  wait  for  noon,  but  hoisted  the  white  flag  at  a 
quarter  of  eleven ;  and  when  Lamberton  returned  to  take  possession,  he 
found  that  the  captain  had  marched  off  to  Manila  with  every  man,  and 
that  every  man  had  taken  his  rifle. 

On  the  withdrawal  of  the  Spaniards,  hordes  of  natives  who  had  been 
lurking  in  the  neighboring  thickets  swarmed  into  the  deserted  town. 
They  sacked  everything  accessible  and  portable.  It  was  for  some  time  a 
matter  of  doubt  whether  the  mass  would  heed  the  small  band  of  marines 
landed  to  hold  the  place.  No  sooner  however,  were  the  marines  seen 
marching  through  the  streets,  than  an  extraordinary  spectacle  unrolled 
itself.  While  the  natives  were  pillaging  the  arsenal  and  even  the  hospi- 
tals, the  Spaniards  formed  in  a  woeful  procession  headed  by  priests  and 
nurses.  They  came  in  the  humble  posture  of  condemned  martyrs,  mak- 
ing a  last  prayer  to  their  inhuman  tormentors !  The  officers  could  not 
comprehend  the  meaning  of  the  tearful  embassies,  until  a  copy  of  Cap- 
tain-General Augustus  proclamation  was  produced.  It  would  be  impos- 
sible to  characterize  the  mingled  credulity  and  ignorance  of  a  people  in 
compacter  form :  the  viceroy  of  the  Queen  of  Spain  was  not  ashamed 
to  put  his  official  signature  to  rhodomontade  which  rivals  the  naivete  of 
Don  Quixote : 

"Spaniards:     Between  Spain  and  the  United  States  of  North  America 

hostilities  have  broken  out.     The  moment  has  arrived  to  prove  to  the 

world  that  we  possess  the  spirit  to  conquer  those  who,  pretending  to  be 

loyal  friends,  take  advantage  of  our  misfortunes  and  abuse  our  hospital- 

23 


424  RIDICULOUS  BOASTING. 

ity,  using  means  which  civilized  nations  count  unworthy  and  disrepu- 
table. The  North  American  people,  constituted  of  all  the  social  excres- 
cences, have  exhausted  our  patience  and  provoked  war  with  their  perfid- 
ious machinations,  with  their  acts  of  treachery,  with  their  outrages 
against  the  law  of  nations  and  international  conventions. 

"  The  struggle  will  be  short  and  decisive.  The  God  of  victories  will 
give  us  one  as  brilliant  as  the  justice  of  our  cause  demands.  Spain,  which 
counts  upon  the  sympathies  of  all  nations,  will  emerge  triumphantly  from 
this  new  test,  humiliating  and  blasting  the  adventurers  from  those  states 
that,  without  cohesion,  and  without  a  history,  offer  to  humanity  only  in- 
famous traditions,  and  the  ungrateful  spectacle  of  chambers  in  which  ap- 
pear united  insolence  and  defamation,  cowardice  and  cynicism. 

"  A  squadron  manned  by  foreigners  possessing  neither  instruction  nor 
discipline,  is  preparing  to  come  to  this  archipelago  with  the  ruffianly  in- 
tention of  robbing  us  of  all  that  means  life,  honor,  and  liberty.  Pretend- 
ing to  be  inspired  by  a  courage,  of  which  they  are  incapable,  the  North 
Americans  undertake  as  an  enterprise  capable  of  realization,  the  substitu- 
tion of  Protestantism  for  the  Catholic  religion  you  profess,  to  treat  you  as 
tribes  refractory  to  civilization  ;  to  take  possession  of  your  riches  as  if 
they  were  unacquainted  with  the  rights  of  property,  and  to  kidnap  those 
persons  whom  they  consider  useful  to  man  their  ships,  or  to  be  exploited 
in  agricultural  or  industrial  labor. 

"  Vain  designs !     Ridiculous  boastings ! 

"  Your  indomitable  bravery  will  suffice  to  frustrate  the  attempt  to  carry 
them  into  realization.  You  will  not  allow  the  faith  you  profess  to  be 
made  a  mock  of ;  impious  hands  to  be  placed  in  the  temple  of  the  true 
God;  the  images  you  adore  to  be  thrown  down  by  unbelief.  The  aggres- 
sors shall  not  profane  the  tombs  of  your  fathers,  they  shall  not  gratify 
their  lustful  passions  at  the  cost  of  your  wives' and  daughters'  honor,  or 
appropriate  the  property  that  your  industry  has  accumulated  as  a  provi- 
sion for  your  old  age.  No :  they  shall  not  perpetrate  any  of  the  crimes 
inspired  by  their  wickedness  and  covetousness,  because  your  valor  and 
patriotism  will  suffice  to  punish  and  abase  the  people  that,  claiming  to 
be  civilized  and  cultivated,  have  exterminated  the  natives  of  North  Amer- 
ica, instead  of  bringing  to  them  the  life  of  civilization  and  of  progress. 

"  Philippines,  prepare  for  the  struggle,  and  united  under  the  glorious 
Spanish  flag,  which  is  ever  covered  with  laurels,  let  us  fight  with  the  con- 
viction that  victory  will  crown  our  efforts,  and  to  the  calls  of  our  enemies 
let  us  oppose  with  the  decision  of  the  Christian  and  the  patriot,  the  cry 
of  *  Viva  Espana ! '  Your  general, 

"BASILIO   AUGUSTIN   DAVILA. 


A  FALLEN  PROPHET.  425 

"  Manila,  23d  April,  1898." 

The  reaction  among  the  gullible  masses,  offered  enough  of  the  lighter 
vein  to  recompense  the  fleet  for  the  trials  of  the  brief  campaign.  All  the 
wounded  were  tenderly  cared  for,  and  those  able  to  bear  transportation 
were  put  under  the  charge  of  the  Red  Cross  to  be  conveyed  to  Manila. 
When  the  long  train  of  hurt  and  maimed  reached  that  hapless  town,  the 
stupefaction  of  the  Spaniards  was  complete.  They  could  not  be  made  to 
believe  that  the  ferocious  Yankees  had  relinquished  their  prey.  The 
Captain-General  became  a  fallen  prophet,  he  issued  no  more  proclama- 
tions, his  first  having  been  so  swiftly  discredited.  Dewey's  immense  task 
began  only  when  the  civic  problems  to  be  dealt  with  presented  them- 
selves. He  had  the  capital  of  the  Philippines  under  his  guns,  but  with 
no  soldiery  to  man  the  conquered  posts,  he  was  every  hour  at  the  mercy 
of  the  enemy.  The  creed  and  contention  of  "  Sea  power  "  as  the  last  and 
final  evidence  of  dominion  received  an  interpretation  that  will  tend  to . 
check  the  assumptions  of  the  school  that  hold  navies  alone,  as  the  final 
and  exclusive  instruments  of  national  defence  and  conquest.  For  though 
Dewey  had  secured  from  his  fleet  the  most  complete  victory  ever  won, 
he  was  as  helpless  for  offence,  as  though  his  guns  had  been  ploughshares. 
It  would  be  at  least  six  weeks  before  he  could  count  on  a  platoon  of  the 
fifteen  thousand  troops,  promptly  designated  to  sail  to  his  succor.  Mean- 
while, the  Spaniards  though  fleetless,  were  in  sufficient  numbers  to  defend 
every  mile  of  accessible  territories.  Indeed,  in  the  hands  of  an  enterpris- 
ing chief,  the  armies  of  Spain  might  have  forced  the  fleet  to  remain  far 
from  shore,  compelling  the  invader  to  get  his  supplies  entirely  from  his 
base  in  San  Francisco. 

Nor  was  this  the  least  of  Dewey's  perplexities.  Though  the  work  of 
defending  Spain's  empire  had  been  done  by  incompetent  or  dishonest 
agents,  was  nowhere  what  it  should  be,  the  nature  of  the  ground,  to  a 
large  extent  remedied,  if  it  did  not  supplement  science.  Before  his  de- 
parture Captain-General  Blanco  had  worked  with  diligence  to  make  the 
approaches  to  Manila  difficult.  Immense  guns  from  Europe  were 
mounted  in  modern  earthworks,  and  strong  garrisons  of  Spanish  troops 
were  brought  from  Spain  to  man  them.  Cavite  fortress  was  counted 
upon  as  the  principal  stronghold. 

The  town  of  Cavite  lies  on  the  southeastern  part  of  the  great  bay, 
twenty  miles  from  the  quarantine  station  at  the  harbor  entrance,  and  ten 
miles  from  Manila.  The  ancient  fortress,  which  defended  the  harbor 
when  Draper  raised  the  British  flag  over  Manila,  was  reckoned  impreg- 
nable to  infantry  attack.  The  insurgents  with  their  bows  and  arrows 


426 


MANILA'S  DEFENSES. 


and  old  muskets,  have  assailed  it,  many  a  time,  in  vain.  The  Fortress 
stands  upon  a  rise  of  ground  and  looks  precisely  like  the  Morro  Castle  at 
the  entrance  of  Havana  harbor.  On  the  Cavite  peninsula,  between  the 
castle  and  the  shore,  modern  earthworks  were  thrown  up.  The}7  were 
not  more  than  ten  feet  high,  but  thick  enough  to  stop  the  heaviest  pro- 
jectiles of  modern  guns.  Behind  the  earthworks  were  mounted  eight 
eight-inch  cannon,  built  by  the  Krupps.  They  were  mounted  en  bar- 
bette, non-disappearing  carriages  and  comparatively  close  together.  The 
Captain-General,  had,  when  the  fleet  was  destroyed,  25,000  regular  troops 
and  100,000  natives,  officered  by  Spaniards.  Under  ordinary  circum- 
stances, these  natives — bloodthirsty,  profligate,  licentious,  fight  valor- 


SPANISH    EARTHWORKS   AT   CAVITE. 

ously — when  not  too  indolent  to  march.  But  it  was  found  nearly  im- 
possible to  discipline  them — to  fit  them  for  any  other  than  guerrilla  war- 
fare. As  against  the  enemy  Spain  had  now  provoked,  however,  it  was 
hopeless  to  count  on  the  fidelity  of  the  Philippines.  Though  the  former 
Captain-General,  Primo  de  Rivera  had  subdued  the  latest  uprising,  the 
apparition  of  the  United  States  forces  had  again  aroused  the  fiercely  un- 
restful,  insurgent  spirit.  The  conquest  of  the  rebellion  and  the  negotia- 
tions leading  to  it,  illustrate  the  moral  and  military  decadence  of  Spain  in 
colonial  administration. 

Don  Emilio  Aguinaldo  had  been  conceded  the  post  of  leader  of  the 
natives.  He  had  given  the  Spaniards  two  years  of  incessant  campaign- 
ing, of  the  wearing  and  inglorious  sort  known  as  guerilla  warfare. 
Primo  de  Rivera,  worn  out  with  the  task,  finally  proffered  the  insur- 
gents, substantially  then  these  terms — first  securing  the  assent  of  the 
chiefs  by  a  bribe  of  $800,000.  The  treaty  of  peace  is  eloquent  at  the 
conduct  of  Spain's  agents,  and  the  venality  illustrates  the  worthlessness 
of  the  so-called  patriots.  The  terms  signed  embrace  these  provisions: 


THE  PLAINT  0*    iHE  PHILIPPINOS.  427 

First. — The  expulsion  or  secularization  of  the  religious  orders,  and  tho 
abolition  of  all  the  official  vetoes  of  these  orders,  in  civil  affairs. 

Second. — A  general  amnesty  for  all  rebels;  guarantees  for  their  per- 
sonal security,  and  from  the  vengeance  of  the  friars  and  parish  priests, 
after  returning  to  their  homes. 

Third. — Radical  reforms  to  curtail  the  glaring  abuses  in  the  administra- 
tion. 

Fourth. — Freedom  of  the  press  to  denounce  official  corruption  and 
blackmailing. 

Fifth. — Representation  in  the  Spanish  parliament. 

Sixth. — Abolition  of  the  iniquitous  system  of  secret  deportation  of 
political  suspects. 

This  compact  the  Governor  General  had  no  intention  of  observing.  No 
sooner  were  the  chiefs,  including  Aguinaldo,  expatriated  with  their  bribes 
than  the  agreement  was  ignored.  Then  the  Philippines  of  influence 
carried  their  plaint  to  Madrid,  and  recited  among  other  grievances,  that 
the  Philippine  treasury  was  forced  to  pay  a  heavy  contribution  to  the 
general  expenses  of  the  government  at  Madrid ;  pay  pensions  to  the  Duke 
de  Veragua  and  to  the  Marquis  of  Bedmar,  besides  those  of  the  sultans 
and  native  chiefs  of  the  islands  of  Sulu  and  Mindanao.  It  also  provided 
for  the  entire  cost  of  the  Spanish  consulates  at  Pekin,  Tokio,  Hong 
Kong,  Singapore,  Saigon,  Yokohoma,  and  Melbourne,  for  the  staff  and 
material  for  the  minister  of  the  colonies,  including  the  purely  ornamental 
council  of  the  Philippines ;  the  expenses  of  supporting  the  colony  of 
Fernando  Po,  in  Africa,  and  all  the  pensions  and  retiring  allowances  of 
the  civil  and  military  employees  who  have  served  in  the  Philippines, 
amounting  in  the  sum  to  $1,160,000  a  year.  More  than  $17,000,000  is 
the  amount  consigned  in  the  Philippine  budget  for  the  year  1894,  but  not 
a  penny  is  allowed  for  public  works,  highways,  bridges,  or  public  build- 
ings, and  only  $6,000  for  scientific  studies,  while  the  amount  set  apart  for 
religious  purposes  and  clergy  amounts  to  nearly  $1,400,00.0.  This  sum 
does  not  include  the  amounts  paid  to  the  clergy  for  baptisms,  marriages, 
sale  of  indulgencies,  papal  bulls  and  scapularies,  which  exceed  the  gov- 
ernment allowances.  The  sum  of  $40,000  is  set  apart  as  a  subvention  to 
railway  companies  and  new  projects  of  railways,  but  the  college  for  Fran- 
ciscan monks  in  Spain  and  the  transportation  of  priests  comes  in  for  $55,- 
000.  The  complaints  had  torn  the  henrt  of  General  Polajieva,  who  re- 
turned from  his  Captain-Generalcy  of  the  islands,  resolved  on  reform. 

Aguinaldo,  on  reaching  neutral  territory  refused  to  share  the  $800,000 
bribe  with  his  fellows,  and  having  a  quick  wit,  he  realized  from  the  talk 


428  WAR  MAKES  STRAXGE  BEDFELLOWS. 

of  the  consulates,  that  Spain  was  likely  to  have  her  hands  full  in  dealing 
with  the  gigantic  republic  of  the  west.  He  at  once  took  his  measures  to 
renew  the  revolt,  and  made  use  of  the  Spanish  bribe  to  get  his  forces  to- 
gether. He  made  himself  known  to  the  consul  of  the  United  States  at 
Hong  Kong,  and  impressed  Dewey  with  his  capacity  to  make  a  formidable 
diversion  in  our  favor,  in  case  we  had  the  good  fortune  to  crush  the  Span- 
ish fleet  and  overawe  Manila.  There  was  even  a  semi-official  agreement, 
made  in  the  office  of  the  United  States  consul,  Spencer  Pratt,  and  several 
of  the  insurgent  chieftains.  In  this  conciliabule  Aguinaldo  described  the 
causes  and  incidents  of  the  last  rebellion.  In  case  of  war,  he  explained 
the  nature  of  the  cooperation  he  could  give,  while  he  promised  to  main- 
tain order  and  to  conduct  the  war  on  civilized  principles.  He  covenanted 
that  he  would  be  willing  to  accept  for  Luzon,  the  same  terms  that  the 
United  States  intended  giving  to  Cuba.  War  like  poverty,  makes  strange 
bedfellows.  Dewey  with  the  instinctive  reserves  of  the  born  statesman 
accepted  tacitly  the  volunteer  aid  of  the  nondescript  insurgent  who 
might,  or  might  not,  add  to  the  embarrassments  of  the  situation — both 
for  himself  and  the  Spanish  enemy.  To  Aguinaldo's  demand  for  instant 
recognition  as  the  President  of  the  Philippines,  Dewey  opposed  a  polite 
admonition  to  wait  until  Washington  could  be  heard  from.  He  supplied 
the  impetuous  chief  with  ample  stores  for  his  impatient  patriots,  but  gave 
him  no  official  status.  A  less  sagacious  administrator  than  Dewey  would 
have  hesitated  before  the  spectre  of  a  republic  with  from  9,000,000  to 
17,000,000  savages. 

The  Spanish  commanders  had  added  to  their  own  peril  in  an  unwise 
attempt  to  transform  the  natives  into  auxiliary  soldiery.  The  effect  was, 
as  might  have  been  foreseen,  the  contagion  of  unrest,  insurgency.  The 
word  liberty,  which  has  an  indigenous  interpretation  the  world  over,  meant 
to  the  Philippines,  license,  a  state  of  things  in  which  there  should  be  no 
toil— no  taxes.  The  Spaniards  represented  to  them  both  toil  and  tax,  and 
the  rumor  that  a  free  people  never  toiled,  who  sailed  the  seas  for  riches 
and  lived  as  they  pleased  in  primeval  forests,  were  on  the  way  to  drive 
the  Spaniards  out — very  soon  made  the  native  troops  a  terror  to  the 
wretched  Spanish  viceroy.  Under  the  policy  of  conciliation,  Mauser 
rifles  had  been  apportioned  lavishly  to  the  able-bodied  nomads,  and  now 
with  the  Yankee  guns  covering  the  city,  the  Captain-General  faced  revolt 
among  his  auxiliaries  and  the  bullets  from  the  Mausers  directed  at  the 
Spanish  soldiery.  No  sooner  was  Aguinaldo  back  among  his  compatriots, 
than  the  Spaniards  began  to  comprehend  the  extent  of  Dewey's  blow. 
The  treacherous  natives,  with  pledges  of  loyalty  warm  on  their  lips,  up- 


THE  BELEAGURED  CITY. 


429 


rose  in  all  the  rural  districts  where  there  was  loot  to  be  gained  or  venge- 
ance slaked.  Within  a  radius  of  twenty  miles  of  Manila,  bands  of  con- 
verts, with  prayers  and  protests  of  devotion,  uprose  on  the  priests,  on  the 
sparse  military  garrisons — butchered  and  pillaged,  without  compunction. 
Every  hour  brought  news  of  outbreak  and  devastation — outbreaks  the 


REBELS   DECOYING   SPANIARDS   WITHIN  RANGE. 

more  serious  that  the  ferocious  outlaws  were  armed  with  the  best  guns 
and  in  many  cases  had  been  drilled  by  Spanish  officers.  Day  after  day, 
the  wan  watchers  in  the  streets  and  outworks,  had  to  open  the  gates  of 
the  beleaguered  city  to  the  routed  garrisons  of  the  towns  outlying  Manila. 
It  was  a  part  of  a  wise  warrior  to  aid  and  abet  all  these  troubles  of  the 
Manila  garrison.  Dewey  contributed  5,000  Mauser  rifles  and  an  adequate 


430  THE   WORN-OUT  GARRISON. 

amount  of  ammunition.  Aguinaldo  gave  out  that  he  had  used  the 
greater  part  of  the  $ 800,000  bribe,  to  arm  his  compatriots.  But  a  Brit- 
ish banker  in  Hong  Kong  was  known  to  have  the  sum — or  had  it,  nearly 
intact,  long  after  the  fall  of  Manila. 

But  the  Spaniards  upheld  their  flag  manfully.  They  were  encouraged 
to  withstand  the  rebels,  knowing  that  it  would  require  six  weeks  for  the 
first  of  our  troops  to  reeuforce  Dewey.  During  those  weeks  Spain  would 
find  allies — or  Madrid  would  send  a  succoring  fleet.  The  German  ships 
too,  coming  so  promptly  on  the  scene — it  was  argued  by  the  beleaguered 
garrison,  was  the  preliminary  of  a  joint  action  by  European  powers.  But 
to  escape  the  horrors  of  capture  by  the  indescribable  natives,  there  was 
not  a  man  in  the  garrison  who  would  not  have  preferred  instant  surrender 
to  Admiral  Dewey.  But  to  hold  the  city,  work  day  and  night,  was  in- 
cumbent on  the  worn-out  garrison.  The  slaughter  among  the  officers  of 
the  native  regiments  threatened  to  destroy  the  whole  army.  The  most 
grievous  blow  to  Spanish  pride  was  the  uprising  of  one  of  the  most 
trusted  of  the  native  regiments  charged  with  the  defence  of  a  vital  ap- 
proach. They  fell  upon  the  unsuspecting  corps  of  Spaniards  at  night  and 
massacred  them  to  a  man.  After  that,  the  disheartened  Captain-Gen- 
eral, had  he  not  been  restrained  by  advice  conveyed  through  the  Ger- 
mans, would  have  thrown  himself  upon  Dewey 's  mercy.  But  to  keep 
the  garrison  in  heart,  the  work  of  strengthening  the  ancient,  inner  walls 
went  on  feverishly.  The  clergy  raised  the  sum  of  $1,000,000  to  aid  the 
public  treasury.  The  old  moat,  dug  three  hundred  years  ago,  and  grown 
over,  was  deepened  and  widened.  Every  gun  in  the  interior  of  the 
islands  that  could  be  secured,  was  brought  to  Manila  and  placed  to  guard 
against  the  land  attack.  There  was  never  a  sign  of  defence  against  the 
sea. 

It  was  not,  however,  the  Spanish  commander  or  his  foredoomed  forces 
that  gave  Dewey  uneasiness.  Indeed,  so  far  as  they  were  concerned,  he 
had  no  perplexity.  Two  discordant  intrigues  were  making  his  attitude 
almost  unbearable.  The  plots  of  the  German  and  British — both  on  their 
fleets  and  in  the  consulates  in  Manila  tended  to  embarrass  Dewey's  ac- 
tion. The  British  from  the  first  assumed  the  attitude  of  patronizing 
good  fellowship,  which  with  them  always  precedes  some  diabolical  treach- 
ery;  the  Germans  intent  on  a  grab,  could  scarcely  be  restrained  from  forc- 
ing a  combat  with  our  victorious  fleet. 

The  German  emperor  with  that  restless  greed  of  the  parvenu,  which 
seeks  recognition  at  all  hazards,  began  a  studiously  offensive  plan  of 
campaign,  designed  to  embarrass  the  invader  and  incidentally  strengthen 


A  MEDDLING  ADMIRAL.  431 

the  hopes  of  the  Spaniards.  A  German  fleet,  fresh  from  the  rape  of  a 
Chiniese  port,  seized  in  a  time  of  peace,  sailed  into  Manila  harbor,  assumed 
the  air  of  arbiter  and  for  a  time  made  it  very  probable  that  the  fleet  that 
had  destroyed  Montojo  would  be  called  on  to  teach  the  bumptious  med- 
dler a  lesson.  Admiral  Diedrich,  the  Kaiser's  commander,  indeed  as- 
sumed to  set  Dewey's  prescription  and  regulation  at  defiance.  By  night 
and  by  day  our  ships  were  held  in  leash,  as  if  in  the  neighborhood  of  a 
declared  enemy.  When  these  offences  became  too  glaring,  Dewey  per- 
emptorily reminded  the  meddling  German  that  he  was  going  too  far  and 
that  another  outbreak  would  be  met  by  a  broadside  of  the  republic's 
fleets. 

The  world  watched  the  strange  spectacle  with  an  interest  swayed  by 
conflicting  emotions.  Half  of  Europe  hoped  that  the  Germans  would 
give  loose  to  the  arrogant  disregard  of  the  comities  the  empire  has  dis- 
played since  it  achieved  unity.  The  French  and  Russians  were  eager  to 
see  the  Kaiser  involved  in  war  with  a  power  strong  enough  to  bankrupt 
the  new  dictator;  Great  Britain  hoped  for  a  collision  which  would  give 
her  a  chance  to  pose  as  the  friend  of  her  "  Kin  beyond  the  sea  "  and  in- 
cidentally break  the  power  of  the  only  commercial  rival  that  was  giving 
her  concern.  But  Dewey  from  the  hour  the  Spanish  flag  was  struck 
from  the  fleet,  to  the  end,  met  each  dilemma  with  the  ready  resources  of 
a  trained  diplomat  and  administrator.  While  maintaining  vigorous 
blockade,  he  gave  permission  to  a  delegation  of  British  and  German  mer- 
chants to  remove  their  families  to  Cavite.  He  ordered  that  port  to  be 
made  inhabitable  and  placed  Consul  Williams  in  Charge.  The  conse- 
quence was  that  wealthy  Manila  families  placed  all  their  houses  at  Cavite 
at  Dewey's  disposal.  He  made  himself  wisely  popular  among  the  British 
ship  masters.  Instead  of  conducting  himself  with  the  absolutism  of  a 
conqueror,  he  aided  and  facilitated  their  business  so  far  as  it  did  not  in- 
terfere with  his  duties.  His  praise  was  heard  in  every  port  in  the  far 
east ;  when  he  was  in  need  of  coal,  these  ship  masters  sold  him  3,000 
tons,  as  much  from  good  will  as  a  desire  to  do  a  good  stroke  of  business. 
Manila  papers,  all  of  which  were  under  government  control,  tried  to 
keep  up  the  Spanish  courage  by  all  sorts  of  fanciful  and  sensational  re- 
ports. They  maintained  that  the  Baltimore  was  so  damaged  in  the  bat- 
tle that  the  Admiral  had  decided  to  scuttle  her.  One  issue  contained  a 
proclamation  from  the  Archbishop,  stating  that  four  Spanish  battleships 
were  on  their  way  out,  and  that  God  had  informed  him  that  in  the  next 
engagement,  the  armies  of  the  most  Christian  Spain  would  be  victorious! 

Every  incoming  vessel  brought  rumors  of  unrest  to  the  sorely  tried 


432  DELIBERATE  INFRINGEMENT. 

Admiral,  as  the  days  of  waiting  dragged  heavily  onward.  Spain  was 
gathering  her  greatest  fleet  to  despatch  through  the  Suez  Canal  to  exter- 
minate the  audacious  invader.  As  the  rumors  of  Spanish  recrudescence 
became  more  tangible,  the  insolent  and  menacing  provocation  of  the  Ger- 
man marplot  passed  from  the  tentative  to  the  actual.  As  lord  by  con- 
quest of  Manila 'waters,  Admiral  Dewey  established  regulations — safe- 
guarding his  fleet.  Among  other  prescriptions,  it  was  directed  that  no 
craft  should  move  about  the  bay  after  dark,  without  permission  of  the 
proper  authority.  This  rule  is  of  universal  application  under  such  cir- 
cumstances. All  the  navies  and  fleets  in  Manila  harbor  complied  scru- 
pulously with  the  requirement,  save  the  Germans.  They  insisted  in  sail- 
ing their  launches,  and  pleasure  boats  and  what  not,  through  the  sentinel 
ships  of  Dewey's  fleet,  without  a  word  of  precaution.  When  this  was 
seen  to  be  a  deliberate  infringement  of  his  order,  Admiral  Dewey  took 
action.  One  night,  a  German  launch  was  discovered  prowling  about  the 
bay.  A  searchlight  was  turned  upon  it,  and  for  over  an  hour  the  boat 
was  kept  under  the  convicting  glare,  while  its  actions  were  closely  scru- 
tinized. Finally  Admiral  Dewey  sent  a  boat  to  the  launch,  and  asked,  in 
a  manner  that  admitted  of  no  misunderstanding,  that  there  be  no  move- 
ment of  boats  or  vessels  in  the  bay  at  night,  without  his  knowledge. 

Hard  by  Manila,  the  Spaniards  for  some  unknown  purpose,  early  in 
July,  began  to  uprear  fortifications  on  a  point  of  strategic  value,  known  as 
Isla  Grande.  The  point  commands  a  sheet  of  water  known  as  Subig 
Bay,  which  the  German  "  War  lord,"  was  understood  to  covet.  The  in- 
surgent leader  asked  Admiral  Dewe}r  for  permission  to  capture  the  point. 
This  was  readily  accorded.  But  when  the  storming  party  reached  the 
island,  they  found  the  German  warship  Irene  in  the  bay,  and  they 
reported  at  once  to  the  Admiral  that  she  refused  to  permit  them  to  attack 
the  Spaniards.  Admiral  Dewey  despatched  the  gunboat  Concord  and  the 
cruiser  Raleigh  to  investigate  the  situation.  They  were  instructed  to 
take  the  island  in  face  of  the  Irene,  if  necessary,  and  turn  it  over  to  the 
insurgents.  When  they  entered  Subig  Bay,  they  saw  the  Irene  there, 
but  as  soon  as  she  saw  them  she  got  under  way  and  put  back  to  Cavite. 
The  Spanish  garrison  on  the  island  surrendered  to  our  warships,  without 
making  a  fight.  This  incident  made  a  grave  and  lasting  impression  on 
the  people  of  the  republic.  No  sooner  had  the  report  reached  Germany 
than  the  Cabinet  recognized  the  gravity  of  the  situation.  Semi-official 
apologies  were  published  in  the  German  presses,  and  personages  of  author- 
ity made  haste  to  explain  that  it  was  a  mere  accident.  But  there  was 
not  a  man  in  this  country  who  did  not  comprehend  and  resent  the  in- 


RUSSIA  IN  CLOSE   AMITY.  483 

science  of  the  German  Admiral.  The  merest  trifle  would  have  brought 
the  two  peoples  to  a  rupture.  Meanwhile,  the  diplomatic  agencies  were 
aglow  with  rumors  of  underhand  treaties  between  Spain  and  the  Kaiser, 
for  the  transfer  of  Philippine  sovereignty  to  the  restless  Hohenzollern. 
That  monarch,  itching  for  the  wonderment  of  the  world,  was  known  to 
aspire  to  the  sea-dominion  of  Great  Britian.  He  had  in  profound  peace, 
without  a  word  of  warning,  sent  a  fleet  to  the  harbor  of  Kion  Chon  and 
piratically  demanded  its  cession.  He  had  begun  pourparlers  for  the 
seizure  of  Delagoa  Bay,  the  Portuguese  haven,  nearest  the  Transvaal  re- 
public, and  was  only  stayed  by  the  armament  of  an  imposing  British 
squadron.  In  the  Pacific,  it  was  known  that  he  was  restive  under  the 
arrangement  forced  upon  him  for  the  nominal  autonomy  of  the  Samoan 
islands;  he  coveted  the  exclusive  sovereignty.  In  fact,  there  is  nothing 
territorial  that  the  new-fangled  German  empire  does  not  covet,  since  the 
momentary  syncope  of  France  permitted  the  abstraction  of  the  old 
Roman  provinces  of  Alsace  and  Lorraine,  as  well  as  the  Rhine  frontiers; 
yet  the  plot  was  in  conception  and  detail  the  machination  of  British  emissa- 
ries, who  made  it  known  in  every  chancellery  in  Europe,  that  Britain  saw 
with  distrust,  the  republic  expelling  the  sovereignty  of  Spain,  from  her 
American  possessions. 

To  the  Russian  chancellor,  the  British  made  no  secret  that  the  republic 
had  grown  presumptuous — for  no  sooner  were  Spain  driven  out,  than  the 
interloping  democracy  would  demand  the  withdrawal  of  France  and 
Britain  herself.  But  the  Russians  were  no  longer  interested  in  trans- 
atlantic colonies.  They  had  sold  their  only  possession  to  the  republic — 
Alaska,  and  historically  they  were  bound  in  the  closest  amity  with  the 
United  States.  France  was  lured  by  proffers,  to  complete  the  Panama 
canal,  and  thus  free  Europe  of  the  menace  of  a  water  way  under  the  sole 
control  of  the  Washington  Cabinet.  France  was  perfectly  willing  to  join 
in  a  remonstrance  against  pushing  Spain  to  the  wall ;  untold  millions  of 
French  money  are  invested  in  Spanish  securities — further  than  that  the 
sagacious  French  statesmen  would  not  go  a  step.  But  their  willingness  to 
go  thus  far,  was  at  once  seized  by  British  intriguers,  to  make  it  appear 
that  our  oldest  and  only  real  friend  on  the  continent,  was  willing  to  join 
Europe  in  balking  our  action.  Taking  his  cue  from  the  home  plotters, 
the  British  Admiral  at  Manila  made  himself  the  shadow  of  the  Yankee 
Admiral,  while  preserving  the  closest  intimacy  with  the  German,  Diedrich. 
Coincidentally  with  this,  the  British  Admiral  found  means  to  have  the 
word  cabled  to  London — for  Yankee  consumption,  that  the  German  com- 
mander, having  asked  him,  what  he  would  do,  if  the  two  fleets,  Dewey's 


484 


A  LIE  WELL  TOLD. 


and  the  Kaiser's  should  come  to  blows — he,  the  Briton  had  replied,  "  Oh, 
that  Admiral  Dewej  and  I  keep  to  ourselves  "  Of  course  the  inference 
to  be  drawn  is.  that  Dewey  had  invoked  the  Briton's  protection  and  that 
the  Queen's  fleet  would  have  been  found  aligned  with  the  Yankees,  if 
the  German's  bumptiousness  had  forced  Dewey  to  depart  from  his  studi- 
ous self-constraint. 

The  incident  is  another  illustration  of  the  inexpugnable  perfidy  of  the 
Briton  in  office.  Admiral  Dewey  never  dreamed  of  taking  a  Briton  into 
his  confidence;  never  dreamed  of  calling  upon  the  inborn,  hereditary 
enemy  of  the  republic  to  aid  him.  For,  side  by  side  with  the  armada  that 
had  conquered  Spain,  was  the  modest  squadron  of  the  French  republic, 
and  there  was  not  a  man  on  the  ships  that  would  not  have  died  and 
gladly  died  for  the  chance  to  fire  one  volley  at  the  hated  black  and 
yellow  flag  of  the  parvenu  power  that  despoiled  France  in  1870-1.  Yet 
a  lie  well  told  is  as  effective  as  the  truth.  The  millions  in  this  country 
received  the  British  fable  and  they  believe  it  to  this  day,  and  will  prob- 
ably believe  it  until  the  day  comes,  when  British  fleets  are  thundering 
in  the  harbors  of  New  York  and  Boston. 


OFF    DUTY. 


PART  II. 


DEWEY'S  dazzling  work  at  Manila  found  the  administration  totally 
unprepared  to  cooperate  with  him.  This  was,  and  is,  no  reflection 
upon  our  sorely-tried  administrative  system.  It  was  a  hope,  rather  than 
a  trust,  that  Dewey  might  capture  or  destroy  the  military  forces  of  Spain 
in  the  vast  Oriental  empire  known  as  the  Philippines.  The  most  that 
was  expected  was,  that  his  fleet  might  hold  a  considerable  number  of  the 
Spanish  vessels  in  the  far  eastern  seas,  thereby  lessening  the  task  involved 
in  the  submission  of  Cuba 
and  the  enemy's  posses- 
sions in  the  Antilles.  The 
President  had  cabled 
Dewey  to  destroy  the  Ma- 
nila squadron,  but  neither 
the  executive  nor  his  ac- 
complished naval  secre- 
tary, Governor  Long, 
hoped  for  more  than  a 
valorous  combat  and  the 
blockade  of  the  Spanish 
fleet  in  the  roadstead  of 
Manila.  When,  therefore, 
Dewey's  laconic  report 
came  to  Washington,  say- 
ing simply,  "  I  have  obeyed 
my  orders,"  there  was 
something  like  a  panic  of 
delight  in  high  places. 
With  the  Spanish  fleet 
destroyed,  a  prize  more 
glittering  than  fortune  had 
ever  thrown  in  the  grasp  of  conquering  ambition,  offered  itself  to  the 
administration.  In  an  instant,  "The  war  of  humanity"  was  subtly 
changed  into  a  struggle  with  conscience,  the  teaching  of  religion,  the 
comities  of  national  honor.  For,  the  instant  the  Manila  result  was  real- 
ized by  the  Cabinet  at  Madrid,  the  word  was  sent  out  that  Spain  sue- 

(435) 


CAPTAIN   AUNON. 
Spanish  Minister  of  Marine. 


436  REGULARS  FOR  DEPENDENCE. 

cumbed,  that  she  was  ready  to  conform  to  the  insolent  and  unprecedented 
mandate  of  the  United  States  Congress. 

But,  as  a  lie  breeds  a  lie,  a  false  pretense  breeds  a  brood  of  pretenses 
Howsoever  much  the  President  might  desire  peace,  he  dared  not  for  an 
instant,  accept  it.  The  famine  of  "glory"  had  not  been  glutted,  the 
armed  quarter  million  had  not  heard  the  Mauser;  the  fleets  of  the  At- 
lantic had  not  demonstrated  that  they  were  the  inheritors  of  Paul  Jones, 
Decatur,  Bainbridge,  and  Farragut;  the  regiments  so  impulsively  formed 
in  every  state,  had  not  shown  that  they  were  of  the  stuff  that  made  the 
myriads  of  the  Civil  War's  glories.  No  president,  no  cabinet,  no  human 
agency,  dared  accept  the  piteous  hints  of  the  wretched  Spaniard.  There 
must  be  more  destruction,  more  death,  there  »nist  be  a  siege  and  battle 
in  Cuba  to  justify  the  war,  so  recklessly,  so  needlessly — to  my  mind,  so 
wickedly  forced  upon  the  helpless.  The  governing  councils  of  Wash- 
ington had  counted  only  on  a  campaign  in  Cuba.  To  that  end  the  lim- 
ited number  of  troops  called  out  seemed  ample ;  was  ample.  For  the 
more  blatherskite  fomentors  of  this  war,  knew  that,  when  the  worst 
came  to  the  worst,  our  dependence  must  be  placed  upon  the  Regulars. 
I  have  been  a  volunteer  in  the  armies  of  the  republic  and  I  can  do  im- 
partial justice  to  the  generous  and  noble  millions  who  enlist,  but,  they  are 
no  more  to  be  compared  with  Regular  soldiery  in  an  immediate  crisis, 
than  an  ox  is  to  be  compared  with  a  racer.  Yet,  it  is  a  mere  question  of 
time  when  the  volunteer  is  able  to  do  all  that  the  Regular  is  expected  to 
do.  It  took  two  years  and  more,  during  the  Civil  War,  to  make  our  vol- 
unteers as  trustworthy  as  the  Regulars,  but  after  the  two  years,  the  vol- 
unteers were  Regulars.  They  stood  and  died  in  the  seven  days'  battles; 
they  marched  and  died  in  the  hideous  Pope  debacle ;  in  the  end  they 
were  the  army.  But  it  cost  years  and  it  cost  millions  to  make  100,000 
volunteers  equal  to  10,000  Regulars. 

Of  all  that  is  venerable  in  the  republic  it  is  the  Regular  army  that  takes 
precedence.  A  golden  chord  of  the  true  glory  that  sanctifies  fame,  at- 
taches their  ranks  with  the  sacred  symbols  of  Washington's  victories, 
links  them  with  every  deed  of  emprise  that  redounds  to  the  credit  of  the 
republic,  and  makes  them,  though  comparatively  few  in  numbers,  the 
body  best  beloved  and  therefore  the  most  implicitly  reverenced  tradition 
in  the  republic.  Officered  by  a  corps  of  men  who  would  be  scholastic 
exemplars  in  any  other  system,  they  have  above  all  bodies  serving  the 
state,  dedicated  to  war,  illustrated  the  meaning  of  the  milites  of  the  early 
Roman  civilization,  when  the  soldier  was  the  perfect  paragon  of  the  citi 
zen.  From  the  plains  of  Saratoga  to  the  shambles  of  Yorktown,  the  Reg- 


OMITTED  FROM  POPULAR  PLAUDITS.  437 

ulars  have  embodied  the  peculiar  characteristics  that  differentiate  our 
standing  army  from  all  others.  They  are  first,  and  above  all,  instruments 
of  the  law.  In  obedience,  bravery,  unmurmuring  compliance  with  the 
edicts  of  authority,  they  are  all  that  Brutus  dreamed,  that  Washington 
meditated.  Where  the  Regular  army  operates,  there  the  work  is  done 
systematically  ;  officered  by  men,  every  one  of  whom  is  capable  of  admin- 
istering the  government  of  a  free  people,  this  extraordinary  body  has  been 
the  shield  and  defender  of  a  republic  which  has  grown  from  1,500,000  to 
70,000,000.  It  is  because  they  perform  their  allotted  task  so  modestly, 
because  they  are  so  fastidiously  observant  of  law  and  precedent,  that  their 
virtues,  their  glory,  even,  is,  if  not  unknown,  but  vaguely  appreciated. 
In  the  Civil  War  they  were  but  a  handful,  yet  their  virtues  impregnated 
the  2,000,000  who  fought  the  colossal  fight;  on  any  battlefield,  when  it 
was  known  that  the  Regulars  were  present,  the  volunteers  were  tenfold 
the  force  they  would  have  been  by  themselves.  Were  an  army  in  straits, 
were  a  charge  to  be  met,  were  a  forlorn  hope  to  be  undertaken,  the  pres- 
ence, the  voice  of  a  Regular  troop  was  equal  to  a  reinforcement  of  un- 
numbered battalions.  Yet,  like  the  sunlight,  like  the  beneficent  forces  of 
nature,  the  Regulars  were  omitted  from  the  popular  plaudits,  because  it 
seemed  of  course  they  should  be  equal  to  the  utmost  demanded — like  light. 
or  fire,  or  air.  They  have  been,  and  they  are,  25,000;  that  is  enough 
More  would  make  us  their  slaves,  that  number  makes  us  their  adorers. 
We  never  shall  have  need  for  more.  Were  they  more  they  would  be- 
come the  janissaries  of  the  republic.  They  would  lose  their  modesty,  they 
would  lose  their  character;  they  would  become  the  instruments  of  the 
base,  the  designing,  they  would  serve  the  miscreants  who  fatten  on  the 
name  of  "patriot"  to  despoil  the  community.  They  would  become  what 
is  so  easy  for  the  military  to  become,  the  instrument  of  ambition,  greed — 
war.  We  have  no  need  of  war.  We  covet  nothing  beyond  our  own 
borders,  that  is,  the  sane  majority  do  not.  Within  our  own  boundaries 
we  have  all  that  a  millionfold  more  in  numbers  than  we  are,  need.  If  at 
a  future  time  the  republic  needs  more,  that  is  a  matter  for  the  future  to 
decide,  and  in  that  future,  it  is  reasonable  to  hope  that  there  will  be  no 
such  abhorrent  barbarism  as  war,  to  veil  greed  or  ambition. 

The  President  and  his  military  advisers  hesitated  before  the  painful 
dilemma.  It  would  be  such  a  superb  spectacle  to  reduce  a  far  away,  an 
enchanting  empire  of  romance.  To  throttle  Spain  at  our  own  doors  and 
at  the  same  time  despoil  her  of  the  last  vestiges  of  her  greatness,  in 
the  fabled  isles  of  the  East.  Coincidently,  the  jingo  press  broke  into 
vociferous  demands  for  "expansion."  Shallow  politicians  divining  all 


438  DEMAND  FOR  "EXPANSION." 

that  is  mean  and  covetous  in  human  nature,  hurried  to  put  themselves  on 
"record."  Providence,  the  Almighty,  all  the  deities,  that  the  depraved 
call  upon  when  an  especially  evil  end  is  advocated,  were  pointed  out  as» 
favoring  our  seizure  of  an  empire,  that  had  no  more  to  do  with  our  de- 
clared purpose  than  Bohemia  in  Austria,  or  Poland,  the  lacerated  victim 
of  the  "  humanitarian  "  process  of  Russia,  Prussia  or  Austria.  It  was 
finally  decided  that  a  very  considerable  portion  of  the  army  raised  to 
implant  "  civilization  "  in  Cuba,  should  be  diverted  to  reclaiming  the 
empire  of  the  Philippines  from  the  nerveless  grasp  of  Spain.  The  vision 
of  a  prodigious  conquest ;  the  fascination  of  colonies  greater  in  extent 
than  Britain  had  seized,  dazzled  a  certain  potential  segment  of  the  people, 
and  the  President — yielding  to  the  clamor  of  the  press  and  the  insidious 
beseechings  of  the  truculent — ordered  half  the  available  forces  to  Manila. 
First  15,000  men  were  named  as  ample,  but  as  European  complications 
fomented  by  the  Briton  began  to  be  bruited,  this  number  was  doubled. 
Finally,  the  commander  of  the  forces  impressed  with  the  vociferations  of 
the  jingo  press,  declared  that  he  could  not  do  the  work  expected  under 
50,000  men ! 

General  Wesley  Merritt,  a  soldier  of  approved  capacity  was  designated 
for  the  post  of  Captain -General  of  the  coveted  empire.  He  sailed  with 
the  conviction  that  he  was  expected  to  add  the  2,000  islands  of  the 
Philippine  groups  to  the  territory  of  the  republic.  He  had  barely  touched 
the  soil  of  Luzon  when  he  again  demanded  50,000  soldiers  to  hold 
Dewey's  conquest  and  fulfil  the  expectations  of  the  jingo  journals.  The 
flower  of  the  army,  both  regulars  and  volunteers  accompanied  General 
Merritt.  It  required  weary  weeks  to  gather  them  together,  and  it 
required  still  wearier  weeks  to  traverse  the  immense  waste  of  waters 
between  San  Francisco  and  Manila.  The  army  with  this  novel  com- 
mission, set  out  from  San  Francisco  in  straggling  detachments. 

But  there  were  not  enough  Regulars  to  fight  the  spectacular  battles 
decreed  in  Cuba,  and  at  the  same  time  supplement  Dewey's  victorious 
squadrons.  General  Miles,  *he  Commander-in-Chief,  had  from  the  first 
advised  an  autumn  campa'^n  in  Cuba.  It  was  too  late  when  Congress 
ordered  war,  to  expedite  forces  to  the  island  in  time  to  escape  the  fever 
season,  the  torrential  summer  rains.  But  the  agencies  ordering  the  war 
had  taken  no  account  of  difficulties.  The  Morgans,  Forakers,  and 
Thurstons,  had  translated  the  artifices  of  the  innumerable  juntas  into 
intolerable  wrongs,  that  needed  instant  righting.  The  President  knew 
that  a  postponement  until  autumn  would  imperil  the  administration — 
even  the  war  itself.  Yet  Lincoln  encountered  that;  the  war  that  Seward 


MAJOR-GENERAL  WESLEY  MERRITT. 


TO  SUCCOR  DEWEY.  441 

announced  would  end  in  ninety  days,  went  on  in  ever  increasing  volume 
for  five  years.  Hence  there  was  doubt  and  misgiving  over  the  resolution 
to  be  taken.  The  Regulars  could  not  be  spared  from  Cuba — or  the  bulk 
of  them ;  they  were  too  precious  to  commit  to  the  long  voyage  between 
San  Francisco  and  Manila — for  the  month  required  to  carry  them  thither, 
might  be  vital,  in  Cuba.  Nor  would  an  instant  levy  of  500,000  volunteers 
resolve  the  problem.  Then  too,  the  imperial  spirit  had  not  yet  become  the 
cry  of  any  considerable  number  of  journals.  Clergymen  had  not  approved 
it,  though  a  number  of  them  did  in  time,  after  the  jingo  journals  had  pre- 
pared the  way.  But  the  case  was  urgent.  If  not  succored,  Dewey  might 
find  himself  confronted  by  the  last  great  fleet  of  Spain  and  an  army  equal 
to  our  entire  force. 

On  the  last  day  of  June,  the  anxious  squadron  and  its  sorely  tried 
commander,  saw  the  national  flag  flying  over  an  imposing  flotilla.  The 
long  expected  succor  had  come.  But,  though  the  national  administration 
had  strained  all  the  available  appliances  of  the  departments  to  their 
utmost,  this  first  quota  seemed  almost  ludicrously  inadequate  to  the 
work  contemplated.  Slight  however  as  the  force  was,  about  3,000  men, 
they  relieved  the  pressure  on  the  fleet.  While  they  were  not  equal  to 
forcing  an  action  likely  to  result  in  the  capture  of  Manila,  they  served 
amply  to  garrison  Cavite  and  even  to  hold  the  over-demonstrative  natives 
in  check.  For  in  the  antipodes,  as  in  Cuba,  the  native  from  the  first 
became  the  crucial  complexity.  Little  had  been  known  of  the  "  Philip- 
pines "  or  their  fitness  for  self-rule.  With  neither  schools,  journals  nor 
literature,  it  was  impossible  to  regard  seriously  the  outbreaks  of  the 
shifty  leaders,  as  in  any  sense  a  reflex  of  a  wide-spread  unrest  with  the 
civic  institutions  of  Spain.  Nor  was  the  conduct  of  Aguinaldo  the  brag- 
gadocio leader,  calculated  to  reassure  a  clear-headed,  scrupulously  honor- 
able executive  like  Dewey.  Agninaldo,  as  has  been  seen,  had  compacted 
with  the  Spanish  Captain-General,  to  swallow  his  aspirations  for  reformed 
administration  or  liberty,  and  had  taken  himself  out  of  the  islands.  But 
with  the  definite  prospect  of  the  immense  pillage  the  city  of  Manila 
offered,  by  the  aid  of  the  United  States  forces,  the  cohorts  of  insurgents 
again  became  cohesive ;  Dewey  was  barely  master  of  the  Manila  waters, 
when  immense  numbers  of  the  nomads  swarmed  about  the  environs  of 
the  city — ready  to  enter,  so  soon  as  the  Spanish  forces  were  worn  out. 

To  the  armies  and  navies  warring,  as  Congress  declared,  for  "hu- 
manity "  nothing  could  be  more  repulsive  than  a  coparceny  with  such  a 
leader  and  such  hordes.  For  Aguinaldo  was,  and  is  of  the  most  repellent 
type  of  the  manumitted,  servile  races.  Born  in  the  utmost  obscurity,  of 
24 


442  EVIL  AND  CORRUPTION. 

part  Spanish  and  half-breed  parents,  fortune  placed  him  as  a  child,  with 
a  kindly  priest  who  gave  him  humane  treatment,  opportunity  to  educate 
himself  and  contact  with  whatever  of  refinement,  the  primitive  society  of 
the  islands  afforded.  He  was  quick  of  wit,  diligent  in  a  spasmodic  way, 
incorrigibly  deceitful  and  ignobly — enviously — aspiring.  He  saw  the 
wrongs  and  oppressions  put  upon  his  people,  but  he  saw  them  as  wrongs 
and  oppressions,  because  he  was  not  permitted  to  be  of  the  governing 
caste.  Aguimildo  studied  medicine,  mixed  with  the  educated  ranks  of 
the  society  about  him,  but  all  time  kept  up  close  confraternal  relations 
with  the  Philippine  masses.  He  saw  something  of  the  world  outside  the 
island  empire  where  he  was  born.  He  is  said  to  have  passed  years  in 
wandering  through  China  and  Japan.  He  became  indoctrinated  with 
his  value  to  himself,  in  Hong  Kong,  where  British  emissaries  aroused  him 
to  the  opportunities  for  leadership  in  the  Philippines. 

The  islands  administered  by  viceroys,  who  regarded  the  billet  very  much 
as  a  Klondiker  his  exile  in  the  portals  of  eternal  frost  and  snow,  has  been 
consistently  an  evil  and  corrupt  government.  Every  Captain-General 
counted  on  returning  to  Spain  rich,  and  he  generally  did  so.  The  mur- 
murs of  the  oppressed  with  difficulty  reached  the  metropolitan,  and  when 
they  did,  the  needs  of  party,  if  not. the  indifference  of  the  government 
stifled  all  outcry,  all  redress.  Aguinaldo  saw  all  this;  he  saw  the  restive- 
ness  of  even  the  unofficial  Spaniard,  and  he  went  to  work  to  prepare  a 
dictatorship  for  himself.  That  is,  he  proposed  to  make  himself  a  power 
to  be  counted  with.  He  had  no  conception  of  government,  beyond  the 
simplest  form  of  savage  absolutism.  He  meant  to  get  the  millions  be- 
hind him,  and  then  demand  a  share  in  the  plunder.  He  is  in  his  twenty- 
eighth  year  now,  and  since  his  compatriots  adopted  him  as  their  exponent 
and  idol,  he  has  given  every  sign  of  the  selfish,  cruel,  ineradicable  savagery 
born  in  him.  Rivals  or  marplots,  he  treats  as  the  Sultans  of  Turkey 
treated  possible  aspirants  to  the  throne.  He  has  a  face,  hard  as  Nero's, 
and  morals  that  would  shame  a  Fijian.  He  has  the  extraordinary 
audacity  of  his  race — a  race  as  I  have  before  shown,  taught  that  death  is 
the  price  of  paradise,  if  given  up  in  the  cause  of  Mahomet. 

Aguinaldo  like  all  Philippinos  associated  with  the  Spaniards,  is  a 
Catholic,  but  his  revolt  is  primarily  against  the  oppressive  pervasive 
influence  of  the  religious  orders.  His  most  eminent  rival,  Atachio,  said 
to  be  a  man  of  lofty  views  and  self-denying  integrity,  incurred  Agninaldo's 
suspicion,  because  he  began  to  share  the  adulation  the  people  had  first 
paid  the  ex-valet.  There  was  a  quarrel  between  the  two  over  the  $800, 
000  bribe,  and  Atachio  mysteriously  disappeared.  It  was  really  the 


A  BOUFFE  DECLARATION.  443 

generalship  of  Atachio  that  wore  out  the  corruptly  led  Spaniards  in  the 
last  revolution  :  it  was  the  popular  recognition  of  this  that  made  the 
unfortunate  man  one  too  many  in  the  band  of  clever  adventurers 
Aguinaldo  has  brought  about  him.  No  sooner,  however,  is  one  of  his 
adlati  distinguished  in  the  favor  of  the  Philippines,  than  he  is  sent  far 
away  on  a  pretended  mission,  and  once  gone,  his  friends  count  him  as 
dead.  When  this  extraordinary  young  man  was  the  body  servant  of  his 
priestly  patron,  he  was  known  simply  as  Emilio.  Now  he  is  obsequiously 
addressed  as  "  Don  Emilio  Aguinaldo  y  Faury."  The  man  and  the 
system,  or  rather  the  bouffe  regime  he  would  conduct,  may  be  best 
judged  from  one  of  the  first  documents  issued  on  the  declaration  of 
independence  of  the  Philippines : 

DON  EMILIO  AGUINALDO  Y  FAURY, 

"  President  of  the  Revolutionary  Government  of  the  Philippines  and  General- 
in-Chief  of  its  Army : 

"  In  conformity  with  the  precepts  in  the  decree  of  this  Government,  dated 
June  23,  ult.,  and  the  instructions  which  accompanied  it,  I  proclaim  as 
follows : 

"  Article  1.  Senor  Don  Baldomero  Aguinaldo  is  appointed  Secretary  of  War 
and  Public  Works;  Senor  Don  Leandro  Ibarra,  Secretary  of  the  Interior  and 
branches  comprehended  therein  ;  Senor  Don  Mariani  Trias,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  and  the  annexed  branches. 

"  The  conduct  of  the  Bureau  of  Foreign  Relations,  Marine  and  Commerce 
will  be  in  charge  provisionally,  for  the  present,  of  the  Presidency,  until  there  is 
appointed  a  Secretary  who  is  considered  more  apt. 

"  Article  2.  The  gentlemen  named  will  assume  charge  of  their  respective 
offices,  previously  having  solemnly  taken,  on  the  day  designated  for  that  pur- 
pose by  the  President,  the  following  oath  :  '  I  swear  by  God  and  my  honor  to 
carry  out  the  laws  and  decisions  and  to  fulfil  faithfully  the  duty  I  voluntarily 
accept,  under  the  penalties  established  for  the  same.  So  may  it  be.' 

"  This  oath  will  be  taken  before  the  President  and  the  dignitaries  who  are 
invited  for  this  solemn  act,  the  interested  person  placing  his  right  hand  on  the 
New  Testament. 

"  Article  3.  The  directors  and  chiefs  of  provinces  and  villages,  on  receiving 
their  respective  titles,  will  take  a  similar  oath  before  the  President  and  the 
Secretaries  of  the  Government. 

"  The  prominent  counsellors,  as  well  as  the  delegates  and  subchiefs,  will  take 
the  oath  before  the  chief  of  the  province  and  the  chiefs  of  villages  previously 
invited  to  the  solemn  act. 

"  Article  4.  In  the  reports  and  similar  documents  presented  to  the  author- 
ities and  in  official  correspondence  there  will  be  employed  before  the  name  of 


444  WHIMSICAL    PRANKS. 

the  official  the  title '  Senor ''  or  '  Maguinor '  (Tagalo),  according  to  the  character 
and  importance  of  the  same.  When  the  official  is  not  so  addressed  the  per- 
sonal title  '  listed  '  will  be  used  when  directed  to  an  inferior  or  an  equal,  but 
when  addressed  to  a  superior  the  title  '  Xorot  ros '  will  be  employed. 

"  Article  5.  The  Secretaries  are  empowered  to  sign  '  by  order  of  the  Presi- 
dent '  such  resolutions  or  decisions  as  are  of  small  importance  and  those  which 
expediency  requires  should  be  put  into  effect,  but  final  decrees  and  resolutions 
will  be  confirmed  by  the  President  and  the  Secretary. 

"  Article  6.  The  chiefs  of  provinces  are  permitted  to  use  as  distinctive  of 
their  office  a  cane  with  gold  head  and  silver  tassels.  On  the  upper  part  of  the 
cane  there  will  be  engraved  a  sun  and  three  stars. 

"  The  chiefs  of  villages  may  carry  a  similar  cane,  but  with  black  tassels.  The 
subchiefs  also  may  carry  a  cane  with  silver  head  and  red  tassels. 

"  The  provincial  counsellors  are  authorized  to  wear  a  triangular  badge  of 
gold,  pendent  from  a  collar  and  a  chain  of  the  same  metal ;  on  the  badge  there 
shall  appear  an  engraved  sun  and  three  stars.  The  delegates  will  wear  a 
similar  badge,  but  of  silver  ;  also  the  chain. 

"Article  7.  The  President  will  wear  as  a  distinctive  mark  a  collar  of  gold 
from  which  depends  a  badge  similar  to  those  heretofore  described,  and  also  a 
whistle  of  gold.  The  Secretaries  will  wear  a  similar  collar  with  the  badge,  and 
the  directors,  also,  but  of  silver. 

u  The  President  will  carry  also  a  cane  with  head  and  tassels  of  gold. 

"  Dated  at  Bakor,  July  5,  1898. 

"  EMILIO  AGUINALDO, 

"  The  President  of  the  Revolutionary  Government." 

No  sooner  was  he  recognized  as  an  auxiliary,  by  Admiral  Dewey,  than 
he  began  pranks  in  authority  and  arrogance,  as  whimsically  droll,  if  it 
were  not  for  the  dangers  involved,  as  the  grotesqueries  of  the  German 
war  lord.  In  fact,  the  two  characters  are  amazingly  alike,  making  allow- 
ance for  the  more  civilizing  restraints  that  the  German  Kaiser  sometimes 
acknowledges.  From  the  moment  he  had  gathered  his  nondescript  rabble 
about  Manila,  he  began  to  treat  as  equal  to  equal,  with  the  United  States 
commander.  When  the  troops  reached  Cavite  he  exacted  more  ceremony 
in  the  simplest  administrative  details  than  is  usual  in  the  haughty  court 
of  Austria.  General  Anderson,  having  business  of  an  urgent  nature, 
sent  an  aide-de-camp  to  request  certain  accommodations  for  the  newly 
arrived  troops.  Aguinaldo  ;  enthroned  in  one  of  the  palaces  of  the  suburb 
where  his  motley  hordes  awaited  the  looting  of  the  great  city,  kept  the 
officer  in  attendance  an  unseemly  time  and  then  sent  word  that  he  could 
not  be  disturbed — he  was  asleep!  Innumerable  perversities  of  this  sort 
finally  brought  about  the  total  ignoring  of  his  presence  and  refusal  to 


HUNGERING  FOR  MANILA. 


445 


permit  his  cooperation  iri  the  meditated  attack.  Then  Aguinaldo  set 
about  reducing  Manila  with  his  own  forces.  The  Spanish,  without  sup- 
plies in  all  the  surrounding  country,  with  roads  in  possession  of  in- 
numerable bands  of  natives,  were  day  after  day  forced  to  narrow  their 
defensive  lines  until  nothing  was  left  them  to  defend  save  the  venerable 
walls.  Aguinaldo  prepared  to  storm  these,  but  the  Spaniards  gave  no 
sign  of  distrusting  their  ability  to  hold  the  city — until  the  army  of  the 
republic  should  be  in  force  enough,  to  make  a  surrender  to  them.  From  the 
first,  as  a  matter  of  history  that  was  really  all  the  Spanish  commander  de- 
layed for — that  is  to  say,  so  soon  as  he  realized  that  Spain  was  impotent 
to  send  a  succoring  fleet  and  an  army. 

To  circumvent,  this  Aguinaldo  displayed  an  energy  that  at  times  seemed 
superhuman.  He  gathered  from  the 
captured  places,  overrun  by  the  sheer 
numbers  of  his  followers,  all  the  ar- 
tillery that  was  capable  of  firing.  He 
infused  into  his  tatterdemalion  ranks, 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  crusaders,  and 
in  scores  of  contests  actually  defeated 
the  better-armed  and  disciplined  hosts 
of  Spain.  He  hungered  to  get  hold 
of  Manila,  if  only  long  enough  to  lay  /// 
his  hands  on  the  city's  riches,  and 
in  a  vague  way  to  make  terms  with 
the  United  States,  when  the  fate 
the  Philippines  came  up  for  settle-* 
me nt.  There  were  vigorous  protests 
made  to  the  Cabinet,  when  the  lati- 
tude given  Aguinaldo  was  made 
known — for  the  character  of  this  re- 
pulsive miscreant,  has  been  under- 
stood by  many  men  of  standing  in 

this  country  who  have  had  dealings  with  the  Philippines.  Nor  has  the  ad- 
ministration made  any  mistake  in  the  marplot,  events  thrust  upon  Dewey. 
That  officer  did  as  all  commanders  do  in  war.  He  made  use  of  Aguinaldo, 
as  he  would  made  use  of  a  fire  ship,  or  dynamite — knowing  that  there 
were  chances  that  both  might  injure  his  own  fleet.  This  must  always  be 
done  in  war.  No  doubt  sensitive  Britons  hated  to  hold  converse  with 
Benedict  Arnold,  but  as  he  could  benefit  British  interests,  he  was  made 
much  of.  In  the  case  of  Aguinaldo,  however,  other  influences  were  at  work. 


GENERAL   ATACHIO. 


THE  INSURGENT  LEADER. 


DON   EMILTO   AGUINALDO   Y   FAURY. 
Leader  of  the  Philippine  Insurgents  and  President  of  the  Revolutionary  Government. 


A  BRITISH  GO-BETWEEN.  447 

The  ignoble  system  or  lack  of  system,  of  our  consular  service,  had 
placed  in  the  consulate  at  Hong  Kong  a  grotesque  diplomats  from  the 
western  plains,  who  conceived  a  violent  admiration  for  the  unqualifiable 
Aguinaldo.  This  personage — Wildman  by  name,  schemed  by  day  and 
meditated  by  night,  ways  and  means  to  make  Aguinaldo  a  persona  grata 
to  Dewey.  But  while  recognizing  Aguinaldo's  availability  as  a  factor  in 
holding  Manila  until  troops  were  at  hand,  Admiral  Dewey  never  gave  the 
Philippine  adventurer  the  slightest  official  recognition.  He  permitted 
him  to  help  himself  to  the  army  stores  in  the  captured  arsenal  in  Cavite, 
but  that  in  no  sense  bound  the  United  States  government.  Underneath 
the  Aguinaldo  pretensions,  however,  was  discernible  the  hand  of  British 
intrigue.  That  power,  knowing  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  a  re- 
public to  undertake  the  compulsory  k*  civilization  "  of  such  tribes  as  make 
up  the  Philippines,  determined  from  the  first  that  we  should  be  gulled 
into  assuming  a  protectorate.  Spain  once  expelled,  the  British  would  in- 
herit the  empire  so  soon  as  the  calmer  judgment  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  brought  jingoism  and  spoliation  to  a  halt.  Aguinaldo  has 
been  coached  in  every  step  by  a  British  diplomat,  one  Bray,  who  brought 
about  meetings  of  Aguinaldo  and  his  ineffable  company,  in  the  United 
States  consulate  at  Hong  Kong.  It  was  this  British  go-between,  who 
vouched  for  Auginaldo  conducting  the  war  on  "  Christian  principles,"  if 
Dewey  would  entrust  him  with  arms  and  an  auxiliary  role  in  the  con- 
quest of  Manila.  Admiral  Dewey  seems  to  have  required  but  a  few  days 
experience  with  the  insurgent  chief  to  penetrate  his  motives,  for  it  is  plain 
from  every  act  since  the  destruction  of  the  Manila  fleet,  that  he  merely 
tolerated  the  agent  of  British  greed.  Dewey  and  his  staff  kept  up  a 
diligent  inquiry,  pending  the  arrival  of  the  army — to  ascertain  exactly 
what  manner  of  folk  Aguinaldo  and  his  unqualifiable  confidants  rep- 
resented. 

The  sober  citizen  of  the  republic,  deafened  by  the  clamor  of  the  jingo 
shriekers,  would  be  surprised  to  see  with  the  eyes  of  flesh,  the  indescribable 
hordes  we  are  asked  to  make  part  of  our  democratic  system.  A  Parish 
priest  not  far  from  Cavite,  bears  testimony  that,  after  forty  years'  ministry 
among  the  islanders,  they  are  to  him  an  absolutely  incomprehensible  race, 
to  whom  no  known  rules  of  civilization  or  savagery  had  the  smallest  ap- 
plication. "They  are  perversely  unreliable;  they  will  serve  yon  faith- 
fully for  twenty  years  and  then  commit  some  such  horrible  crime  as 
delivering  over  your  house  and  family  to  brigands.  They  are  patient, 
sober,  and  even  honest  servants  usually,  but  at  any  moment  they  may 
break  out  and,  joining  a  band  of  robbers,  pillage  your  house.  If  you  tax 


448  NEVER  FORGET  AN  INJURY. 

them  with  the  crime  they  are  not  abashed,  but  disclaim  all  responsibility, 
answering,  *  Senor,  my  head  was  hot,'  which  they  consider  sufficient  ex- 
case.  They  will  never  confess  to  a  misdeed  voluntarily.  They  will 
submit  to  a  beating  without  a  murmur,  if  they  think  it  is  deserved,  and 
bear  no  malice ;  but  if  they  consider  the  punishment  unjust,  they  will 
seek  the  first  opportunity  for  revenging  themselves.  They  never  forgive 
and  never  forget  an  injury,  but  they  cherish  no  memory  of  kindness. 
Generosity  they  regard  as  a  weakness.  If  you  give  them  anything  un- 
sought they  consider  you  a  fool  and  treat  you  accordingly.  They  are 
always  asking  favors,  though  never  directly.  Borrowing  they  think  no 
shame,  but  they  never  repudiate  their  debts.  On  the  other  hand  they 
never  pay  back  voluntarily,  and  if  taxed  with  their  dishonesty,  look  sur- 
prised and  say,  '  Senor,  you  never  asked  for  it.'  If  you  pay  a  man 
twenty  cents  for  a  service  he  will  be  contented ;  if  you  pay  him  thirty 
cents  he  will  grumble.  They  have  no  word  for  thank  you,  in  their  lan- 
guage, nor  a  conception  of  what  the  phrase  implies.  They  have  no 
notion  of  charity,  never  helping  one  another  excepting  in  the  case  of  rel- 
atives ;  but  they  acknowledge  even  the  remotest  tie  of  relationship.  If 
treated  badly,  they  make  good  servants  and  never  grumble  ;  if  treated 
kindly  they  are  lost,  and  go  to  the  bad.  They  never  stick  to  an  occupa- 
tion but  are  ready  to  turn  their  hands  to  anything.  They  are  jacks-of-all- 
trades  and  good  at  none.  They  are  brave  against  equals,  if  led  by  supe- 
riors, but  a  real  or  fancied  superiority  in  the  foe  causes  them  to  abandon 
all  hope.  They  do  riot  know  the  meaning  of  hospitality.  They  will  do 
what  you  tell  them  if  you  tell  them  often  enough,  but  they  will  never  do 
anything  of  their  own  accord.  They  will  answer  questions  but  never 
volunteer  information.  They  will  let  your  horse  die  for  want  of  feed  and 
never  tell  you  that  the  supply  has  given  out.  They  are  confirmed  liars, 
and  show  only  surprise  when  found  out.  They  are  good  husbands  though 
intensely  jealous;  but  they  do  not  worry  about  the  conduct  of  their 
daughters  or  even  their  wives,  previous  to  marriage.  They  have  no  am- 
bition and  no  ideas  of  order  or  economy,  but  in  the  matter  of  cleanliness 
they  are  superior  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  far  East  save  the 


The  first  detachment  arrived  on  June  30th,  a  month,  to  a  day,  after  the 
naval  combat.  The  second  instalment  of  troops  reached  the  rendezvous 
on  the  16th  of  June — making  the  army  of  invasion  6,000  men.  General 
Anderson,  the  first  commander  to  reach  the  goal,  was  very  desirous  of  at- 
tacking at  once  and  capturing  Manila  before  the  advent  of  General  Mer- 
ritt.  But  Admiral  Dewey  who  had  bided  his  time  for  six  weeks,  vetoed 


ATHIRST  FOR  GLORY.  449 

this  vivacity.  General  Merritt  bore  the  government's  instruction.  It 
was  he,  alone,  who  could  assume  the  responsibility  of  taking  the  city.  As  to 
that,  Dewey  could  have  taken  it,  any  time,  with  a  three  hours'  bombardment. 
His  only  embarrassment  was  to  keep  the  hideous  hordes  of  Aguinaldo 
from  complicating  matters  by  unfurling  the  pirate  flag  over  the  palace  of 
the  viceroys.  General  Anderson,  athirst  for  glory,  with  a  soldier's  con- 
tempt for  diplomacy,  insisted  on  pushing  forward.  A  council,  described 
as  "  acrimonious  "  ensued  between  the  sagacious  Dewey  and  the  impetu- 
ous general.  Dewey  impressed  upon  the  eager  soldier  that  it  was  un- 
necessary for  him  to  worry  about  taking  the  city,  as  the  fleet  could  do  it 
in  three  hours  whenever  desired;  but  that  he,  Dewey,  proposed  to  wait 
for  Merritt,  unless  some  unexpected  circumstance  should  force  him  to 
action,  such  as  the  partial  capture  of  the  city  by  Aguinaldo.  This  was 
something  he  did  not  concern  himself  much  about,  as  no  military  man 
believed  it  possible  for  Aguinaldo  to  achieve  that  feat.  Even  the  soldiers 
of  the  United  States  could  not  do  it,  without  the  aid  of  the  fleet,  for  the 
city  proper  was  enclosed  by  a  high  stone  wall,  well  mounted  with  cannon, 
and  surrounded  by  a  broad  moat,  with  an  open  space  of  half  a  mile  for 
troops  to  advance  to  the  attack,  exposed  to  fire  of  cannon  and  magazine 
guns.  It  would  be  a  great  slaughter,  and  the  best  troops  in  the  world 
might  well  hesitate  to  make  the  assault.  With  Dewey  taking  this  atti- 
tude, General  Anderson  was  forced  to  wait. 

The  fateful  resolution  taken,  all  the  troops  summoned  from  the  ex- 
treme Western  states  were  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  San  Francisco. 
General  Merritt  elaborated  his  plans  with  the  Cabinet  folk  in  Washing- 
ton, and  the  country  rested  in  almost  childlike  expectation.  It  was  all  so 
unreal,  so  utterly  outside  of  everything  contemplated  in  our  social  com- 
pact, that  for  the  moment — for  many  a  week  and  month,  the  voice  of  the 
potential  majority  remained  as  if  stifled.  Then  we  began  to  see  the  sharp 
differences  that  distinguish  wars  of  impulse  and  wars  of  aggression. 
Steamers  could  not  be  procured.  The  companies  possessed  of  the  craft 
fitted  for  the  needs  of  the  government,  thought  the  opportunity  too  good 
to  miss.  The  public  treasury  became  the  prey  of  the  soulless,  the  greedy. 
The  departments  in  need,  were  made  the  sport  of  "gangs"  and  "pulls" 
and  what  not,  arising  from  our  jocosely  irresponsible  political  system.  For 
vessels  that  the  owners  would  consider  themselves  well  paid  at  $150  per 
diem  the  government  was  engaged  to  pay  $1,500.  And  so  on  to  the  least 
of  the  requirements.  The  sordid  and  the  repulsive  stand  out  in  pain- 
ful contrast  in  all  wars,  but  there  seemed  some  magnetic  something 
somewhere  in  Washington,  that  stimulated  the  Shylock  spirit  wher- 


450  MISTAKES  OF  MANAGEMENT. 

ever  the  needs  of  the  government  pressed.  Naturally  the  home  youth 
of  the  west  were  enchanted  with  the  promise  of  adventure.  The 
entire  bone  and  sinew  of  the  vast  Pacific  Coast  could  have  been  enlisted 
for  the  romantic  perils  of  the  cruise  to  Manila.  But  when  the  dull  de- 
tails of  camp  and  ship  came  on,  there  was  a  revulsion.  I  can  do  no 
better  service  to  the  reader  than  copy  a  letter  in  extenso  written  by  a 
practiced  observer  who  accompanied  one  of  the  expeditions,  and  from 
careful  examination  this  picture  stands  as  a  mirror  of  all : 

"  Was  ever  an  officer's  mess  more  badly  supplied  than  this  one  on 
board  the  China?  Generosity  and  patriotism  are  not  the  leading  char- 
acteristics of  the  Pacific  Mail  Company.  The  food  we  had  would  dis- 
grace the  worst  sailor's  boarding  house.  The  meat  served  was  so  bad 
that  at  our  universal  complaint  6,000  pounds  were  dumped  overboard  to 
poison  the  fishes,  and  the  steward  was  forced  to  buy  from  the  United 
States  commissary  department. 

"The  cooking  was  bad,  the  service  wretched,  the  quantity  limited,  and 
this  on  board  the  China,  noted  on  ordinary  trips  as  having  the  best  table 
on  the  Pacific.  After  charging  one  thousand  five  hundred  dollars  a  day 
for  the  use  of  the  ship,  it  was  impudent  to  ask  the  officers  $150  a  day  for 
food  unfit  for  convicts.  Fifty  officers  on  board  signed  a  complaint,  refus- 
ing to  pay  more  than  one  dollar  a  day — the  price  charged  on  the  Ze- 
landia,  where  the  food  was  excellent  and  ice  was  furnished  throughout 
the  journey.  The  enervating  effect  of  the  climate  is  making  itself  felt 
on  the  most  energetic,  and  the  motto  of  the  ship  is  fast  becoming,  '  Never 
do  to-day  what  you  can  just  as  well  put  off  until  to  morrow.' 

"  In  spite  of  all  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  this  expedition,  it  has  so 
far  been  remarkably  successful.  For  instance,  although  among  the  volun- 
teers it  has  been  almost  impossible  to  keep  quarters  clean,  on  account  of 
lack  of  discipline  and  the  general  inexperience  of  the  officers,  still  the 
health  of  the  men  has  been  excellent,  and  only  four  deaths  have  occurred 
in  all — one  on  the  Zelandia,  two  on  the  Colon,  and  one  on  the  China. 
The  private  who  died  on  the  China  was  really  a  victim  of  one  of  the  in- 
numerable mistakes  of  management  by  our  government  in  the  details  of 
this  war.  He  was  refused  on  medical  examination,  but  was  passed  over 
the  heads  of  the  doctors  by  authorized  enlistment  from  Washington  ! 

"Examples  of  mismanagement  might  be  indefinitely  multiplied.  For 
instance,  the  Gatling  guns  sent  on  board  are  of  the  type  of  1865.  The 
first  one  tried  in  practice  the  other  day,  discharged  with  barrels  in  every 
position  but  the  right  one,  and  the  bullets  struck  against  portions  of  the 
carriage  and  went  flying  about  the  deck.  Several  men  were  wounded 


POLITICAL   APPOINTMENTS.  451 

slightly.  Another  instance  is  the  presence  on  the  ship  of  a  sutler,  with 
all  his  goods.  Sutlers  have  been  abolished  by  law,  and  yet  this  man, 
brother  of  a  representative  in  Congress,  succeeded  in  shoving  himself  on 
board  and  getting  transportation  for  himself,  his  clerk,  and  his  goods  free 
of  charge,  while  the  United  States  commissary  was  obliged  to  leave  part 
of  its  supplies  on  the  dock  at  San  Francisco,  for  lack  of  room  !  It  is 
needless  to  say  that  the  sutler  arranged  a  store  on  the  lower  deck,  where 
he  is  gradually  getting  from  the  soldiers  such  money  as  the  latter  have 
not  given  to  the  Chinese  crew  for  Chinese  whiskey,  a  grewsome  mixture. 
The  commissary  is  confined  to  the  hold.  The  authorities  on  board  are 
either  indifferent,  or  ignorant,  or  helpless  to  remedy  these  abuses.  The 
commissary  was  established  to  take  the  place  of  sutlers,  and  give  the  men 
articles  at  cost  prices.  The  height  of  the  ridiculous  is  reached,  however, 
when  the  clerk  of  the  bureau  of  information  claims  to  be  a  correspondent 
for  one  of  the  New  York  dailies. 

"  We  have  arranged  matters  so  as  not  to  place  temptation  in  the  way  of 
government  employees.  It  is  a  duty  to  point  out  the  now  practical  re- 
sult of  political  appointments  to  important  offices  in  the  staff  corps.  In 
no  part  of  the  service  is  experience  so  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the  army 
and  its  success,  as  in  the  quartermaster's  and  subsistence  departments. 
Every  movement  an  army  makes  depends  upon  the  quartermaster,  for 
he  furnishes  the  clothing,  bedding  and  tents.  The  duties  of  the  com- 
missary office  are  not  so  complex ;  still  they  are  equally  essential  to  a  suc- 
cessful campaign.  A  soldier  fights  as  he  is  fed—  a  full  belly  gives  stomach 
for  war.  Hunger  breeds  discontent  and  insubordination,  and  is  the  best 
ally  of  the  enemy.  What  can  justify  the  assignment  of  a  totally  inex- 
perienced officer  as  chief  commissionary  of  subsistence?  'Have  you  had 
any  experience  in  the  subsistence  department?'  he  was  asked.  'None  at 
all,'  he  frankly  answered. 

" '  I  suppose  you  have  an  experienced  clerk  then  ? '  *  No,'  he  replied,  '  I 
was  unable  to  find  a  clerk  with  any  experience  in  the  department.'  Now 
what  can  be  expected  from  such  an  appointment,  but  failure  ?  It  is  folly 
to  state  that  subsistence  duties  are  so  simple  that  they  can  be  learned  in 
a  day,  or  a  week,  or  a  year.  It  takes  many  years  to  make  an  efficient 
officer  of  the  subsistence  department,  and  still  longer  to  make  a  good 
quartermaster.  The  President,  in  making  political  appointments  to  such 
positions,  is  simply  juggling  with  the  health,  comfort  and  lives  of  patriotic 
citizens." 

And  the  routine  of  the  astonished  western  volunteer  as  he  took  up  the 
grandiose  mission  of  imperialism  would  have  inspired  the  humorous  Mark 


452  RAIN-DRIVEN    INGENUITY. 

Twain,  to  the  historical  narrative  he  loves.  Could  anything  better  reveal 
our  jocose  youth,  than  this  picture  of  the  soldier  in  camp  between  the  dis- 
heartened Spaniards  in  the  trenches  of  Manila  and  the  hungry  eyed  na- 
tives awaiting  Aguinaldo's  signal  to  pocket  the  "loot"-of  the  great  city? 

"It  beats  all  creation  how  it  can  rain  out  here.  Rain  is  all  right  in  its 
way.  Some  of  it  is  a  good  thing.  It  keeps  things  reasonably  clean  and 
furnishes  drinking  water.  But  one  steady,  undisturbed,  imperturbable, 
unceasing  flood  becomes  tiresome  after  a  while,  and  all  the  time  it  is  wet. 
You  don't  mind  an  occasional  soaking.  It  gives  excuse  for  taking  a  drink. 
But  one  has  something  to  do  down  here  besides  change  his  clothes  and 
drink  whisky.  And  wet  feet  bring  fever.  Windows  and  shutters 
clamped  as  close  together  as  Spanish  rain-driven  ingenuity  can  force 
them,  keep  out  some  of  the  water,  and  all  of  the  sodden  air  that  courtesy 
calls  fresh,  because  it  moves.  The  mercury  charges  to  the  top  of  its 
glass  case  in  the  thermometer,  and  disappears  from  view  in  the  barometer. 
The  wise  men  wag  their  beards  and  make  remarks  about  typhoons. 
With  body  and  soul  burning  up  with  fever,  and  a  Chinchona  band 
playing  the  'Dead  March  from  Saul '  in  your  ears,  somehow  you  sort  of 
lose  focus.  Things  get  out  of  perspective  and  there  is  a  lack  of  consist- 
ent continuity.  You  wabble  about,  and  the  rum  you  have  drunk  to  help 
the  quinine  you  have  eaten,  is  singularly  ineffective  for  the  desired  pur- 
pose, but  powerfully  active  in  the  wrong  way."  The  tone,  tense  and  im- 
plication of  this  ribaldly  matter-of-fact  presentation  of  the  soldier  con- 
fronting Manila,  suggests  no  end  of  reflection  in  the  processes  of  "  civi- 
lizing" involved  in  the  seizure  of  Naboth's  vineyard.  It  is  a  soldier  who 
is  speaking.  Let  us  hear  him  out : 

"Over  in  camp  they  are  enjoying  themselves — if  one  has  no  regard  for 
truth.  Uncle  Sam's  nephew  in  the  ranks  is  like  the  '  Bloomin'  cosmopol- 
ouse,'  for  his  work  'begins  at  Gawd  known  when,  and  his  work  is  never 
through.'  And  the  rain  has  not  anything  to  do  with  it.  He  turns  out 
at  4:45  in  the  morning  and  drills  a  few  hours — (more  or  less)  in  the  rain. 
Then  he  gets  his  breakfast,  seasoned  with  rainwater.  After  that,  he 
cleans  up  his  rifle  and  coats  it  liberally  with  oil,  against  the  soaking  it 
will  get  in  the  morning  drill.  Guard  mount  interrupts  other  things,  and 
if  he  happens  not  to  be  on  the  detail,  or  the  police  gang,  he  gets  a  few 
moments  in  his  soggy  shelter  tent,  to  consider  the  state  of  the  weather 
and  to  speculate  on  the  subject  of  patriotism  considered  as  a  business. 
After  morning  drill,  he  gets  a  chance  to  go  out  into  the  scrub  and  gather 
aome  thorned,  spiked  bamboo.  This  bamboo,  tough,  wiry,  and  covered 
with  briers  as  it  is,  is  the  only  genuine  all  around  infallible  friend  he  has. 


HOUSEBUILDING  IN  CAVITE.  453 

As  long  as  his  axe  and  his  wit  hold  out,  the  bamboo  will  do  the  rest. 
He  cuts  down  a  long  pole  perhaps  four  inches  in  diameter,  and  trims  off 
all  the  little  branches  and  big  thorns.  Then  he  cuts  it  into  four  foot 
lengths.  One  end  he  sharpens,  and  in  the  other  he  cuts  a  good  sized 
notch.  He  drives  four  of  these  stakes  a  foot  or  more  into  the  ground, 
one  at  each  corner  of  his  tent.  The  notches  in  the  upper  end  serve  as 
cradles  for  the  long  bamboo  he  lays  across  them  as  stringers  for  the  house 
he  means  to  build.  These  stringers  are  just  as  long  as  his  tent.  The 
sticks  that  go  with  the  shelter  tent  are  not  long  enough  now,  so  he  cuts 
a  couple  of  bamboos  to  serve  as  tent  poles,  one  at  each  end.  At  the 
back  of  the  tent,  he  swings  a  bamboo  girder  between  the  two  stringers, 
resting  the  ends  in  notches  in  the  stringers,  and  lashing  them  fast  with 
fine  strips  of  the  surface  of  green  bamboo,  tougher,  stouter  and  more 
pliable  than  wire. 

"  His  tent  spreads  at  the  bottom  about  seven  feet,  and  he  has  one  chum 
to  help  him  occupy  it.  Two  feet  and  a  half  inside  the  corner  stake,  he 
drives  another  one  on  each  side.  These  are  notched  on  top  also,  and 
across  them  he  lays  two  other  stringers,  resting  the  rear  end  in  notches 
at  the  girder  in  the  back.  This  gives  him  the  framework  of  two  beds,  each 
two  and  a  half  feet  wide  and  as  long  as  his  tent.  Now  he  splits  some 
bamboo  poles  into  thin  strips,  some  just  the  length  of  his  bed  and  others 
just  the  width  of  it.  The  strips  are  perhaps  an  inch  wide  and  are  trimmed 
down  to  about  an  eighth  .of  an  inch  in  thickness.  His  sharp  little 
axe  is  his  only  tool.  He  weaves  the  short  strips  into  long  ones,  criss- 
cross, until  he  has  a  mat  just  the  size  of  his  bedstead.  'At  two  feet  inter- 
vals along  the  frame,  he  slips  little  bamboo  slats  in  the  bed  springers. 
Over  these  he  lays  his  improvised  springs,  and  he  has  a  bed  that  is  cool 
— comparatively,  not  even  an  ice  machine  is  really  cool  down  here — and 
comfortable.  Between  the  two  beds  there  is  a  space  about  two  feet  wide 
where  he  can  stand  upright.  At  the  rear  end  of  the  tent  he  swings  an- 
other little  woven  mat,  about  two  feet  wide  between  the  beds,  and  there 
he  has  a  little  table  on  which  he  can  put  the  trinkets  which  he  wants  to 
keep  out  of  the  wet.  Above  it,  on  the  rear  tent  pole,  he  straps  a  small 
piece  of  board,  secured  somewhere  and  sawed  into  the  shape  of  an  arm 
rack.  There  the  two  guns  rest  in  the  intervals  between  drills  and  guard 
duty.  Some  pegs  in  the  tent  poles  serve  as  hooks,  and  the  house  is  fairly 
complete.  There  is  space  enough  between  the  beds  for  the  men  to  walk 
into  the  tent  and  for  their  /set  when  they  want  to  sit  on  their  beds  and 
read  or  work.  A  frame-  ->r  the  rear  pole,  beside  the  arm  rack,  holds  a 
candle. 


454  MERRITT  REDUCES   THE  CHAOS. 

"  But  the  ingenious  soldier  is  not  through  yet  with  his  devices  for  com- 
fort. His  tent  is  only  one  thickness  of  canvas,  and  although  it  will  stand 
rain  it  will  not  stand  against  the  customary  Philippine  deluge.  He  bnilds 
a  light  frame  of  bamboo  over  it  and  covers  the  frame  with  a  thatch  of 
banana  leaves.  Or,  perhaps,  he  uses  the  ever-faithful  bamboo.  In  front 
of  the  tent  he  makes  a  similar  awning.  If  the  sun  should  shine  by  any 
chance,  it  would  serve  as  a  shade,  but  its  chief  work  is  in  turning 
rain.  .Altogether  the  soldier  has  built  himself  a  serviceable  house.  It 
keeps  him  fairly  dry  when  he  can  stay  in  it  and  his  bed  is  off  the  ground. 
The  tent  makes  the  roof,  and  the  thatch  protects  that.  ^It  is  almost  as 
good  as  a  native  hut.  Housebuilding  such  as  this  is  not  done,  of  course, 
in  one  morning's  respite  from  routine  duty,  or  in  an  afternoon  either.  It 
fills  up  the  interval  between  army  duty  for  a  couple  of  days,  and  until  it 
is  finished  the  soldier  lies  on  the  ground,  and  stands  it  as  best  he  can.  In 
barracks  in  Cavite  most  are  ill  of  sickness,  principally  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  men  were  so  near  the  native  village.  They  ate  all  sorts  of  fruit, 
with  as  much  avidity  as  if  they  never  expected  to  see  fruit  of  any  kind 
again.  And  they  drank  whatever  they  could  find  in  the  way  of  liquor, 
experimentally.  The  results  were  often  disastrous.  At  first  there  was  a 
good  deal  of  sickness  that  was  very  much  like  dysentery.  General 
Anderson  says  that  there  was  no  dysentery.  The  medical  men  shake 
their  heads  and  say  they  do  not  think  there  was  any  dysentery." 

Perhaps  the  person  most  heartily  glad  of  General  Merritt's  arrival  at 
Manila  was  the  sorely  perplexed  commander  of  the  Spanish  forces.  For 
with  the  instinct  of  the  soldier,  Merritt  soon  reduced  the  chaos  of  conflict- 
ing ambitions  to  the  cold  calculation  of  the  military  problem  involved. 
He  put  Agninaldo  in  his  place.  He  ordered  and  enforced  strict  military 
conditions.  He  took  no  note  of  the  native  chief's  pretensions  to  civil  or 
military  sway.  The  Philippines  and  all  of  them  within  the  reach  of  the 
agents  of  the  United  States  forces  were  the  instrumentalities  of  our  opera- 
tions. Any  one  or  anybody  interfering  or  molesting,  was  an  enemy  of 
the  United  States.  The  result  was  instantaneous  and  effective  General 
Merritt  procured  the  animals  and  necessaries  of  his  projected  movements, 
swiftly,  smoothly.  Aguinaldo  recognized  a  master.  He  had  taken  ad- 
vantage of  his  numerical  superiority  of  able-bodied  adventurers,  to  make 
the  lives  of  his  Spanish  prisoners  a  mingling  of  the  Inquisition  and  the 
Black  Hole  of  Calcutta.  General  Merritt  stopped  that  decisively.  He 
released  the  unfortunate  sons  of  Spain — entreated  them,  as  we  entreat 
prisoners  of  war,  and  the  tale  spreading  to  Manila,  the  garrison,  knowing 


THE  IRONY  OF  FATE.  455 

the  hopelessness  of  resistance,  demanded  to  be  put  under  the  clement 
control  of  the  hitherto  distrusted  Yankees. 

But  it  is  difficult  to  treat  the  action  about  Manila  seriously — when  dis- 
associated with  the  majesterial  operations  of  Dewey.  For  as  a  mutter  of 
history  there  was  never  a  moment  the  Spanish  authorities  were  not  eager 
to  end  the  anguish  of  uncertainty,  and  surrender  to  the  Admiral.  But 
diplomatic  considerations  held  them  back  from  handing  themselves  over 
to  the  fleet.  When  Mevritt  came  they  were  more  than  ready,  but,  the 
orders  from  Madrid  enjoined  delay,  countless  ulterior  considerations 
entered  into  this  childish  procrastination.  First  of  all,  the  British,  with 
insidious  perversions,  delayed  decisive  action,  hoping  to  embroil  the  re- 
public with  Germany,  and  making  the  pretended  approachment  with  the 
Washington  Cabinet  a  lever  to  intimidate  Russia  in  the  Chinese  dispute. 
In  the  end,  by  that  inscrutable  irony  of  fate,  which  baffles  the  prevoy- 
ance  of  the  wisest,  the  attack — welcomed — even  arranged  by  the  Spaniards, 
was  carried  out  on  the  12th  of  August,  when  the  preliminaries  of  peace 
had  already  been  officially  signed  in  Washington.  What  need  to  describe 
the  subsequent  wicked  travesty  of  battle?  The  Spanish  commander  had 
arranged  with  General  Merritt  that  the  surrender  would  follow  a  pom- 
pous display  of  land  force,  sufficient  to  satisfy  Spanish  honor ;  nor  was  it  a 
well-kept  secret  that  the  Captain -General  practically  suggested  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  troops  should  advance,  to  prevent  loss  of  life  on  both 
sides. 

At  first  it  was  not  intended  to  attack  the  trenches,  but  quietly  to  ad- 
vance after  the  bombardment  had  ceased.  At  the  last  moment,  however, 
the  programme  was  changed.  Orders  were  issued  for  the  land  batteries 
to  open  fire  simultaneously  with  the  fleet,  and  for  the  advance  to  be  made 
as  soon  as  it  was  considered  practical  to  assault  the  Spanish  trenches. 
After  the  bombardment  by  the  fleet  had  lasted  half  an  hour,  General 
Greene  decided  that  it  was  possible  to  advance,  although  signals  to  cease 
firing  were  disregarded  by  the  fleet,  invisible  on  account  of  the  rain.  Six 
companies  of  the  Colorado  regiment  leaped  over  their  breastworks,  dashed 
into  the  swamp,  and  opened  volley  firing  from  the  partial  shelter  of  the 
low  hedges  within  300  yards  of  the  Spanish  line.  A  few  moments  later, 
the  remaining  six  companies  moved  along  the  seashore,  somewhat  covered 
by  a  sand  ridge,  forded  an  inlet  under  the  outworks  of  the  fort,  and  at 
eleven  o'clock  occupied  this  formidable  stronghold  without  loss.  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel McCoy  hauled  down  the  Spanish  flag  and  raised  the  Stars 
#nd  Stripes,  amid  wild  cheers  along  the  line. 

Meanwhile,  the  fleet,  observing  the  movements  of  the  troops  along  the 


456  AN  AWKWARD  SITUATION. 

beach,  withheld  its  fire.  The  bombardment  had  lasted  exactly  an  hour. 
Half  an  hour  later,  General  Greene  and  staff  proceeded  along  the  beach, 
still  under  a  hot  infantry  fire,  from  where  the  Eighteenth  Regulars  and 
Second  Regular  Artillery  were  engaging  the  enemy,  and  directed  the 
movements  of  the  advance  into  Malate.  In  a  few  moments  the  outskirts 
of  the  suburb  were  occupied  and  the  Spanish  sharp  shooters  were  driven 
away.  As  the  Californians  (Colonel  Smith)  came  up- the  beach,  the  band 
played  a  national  air,  accompanied  by  the  whistling  of  Mauser  bullets ; 
during  the  sharp  shooting  the  band  continued  to  encourage  the  men  with 
music.  Each  regiment  carried  its  colors  into  action.  There  was  con- 
siderable street  fighting  in  the  suburbs  of  Malate  and  Ermita,  but  a  bat- 
talion of  the  Californians  pushed  into  the  Luneta,  a  popular  promenade 
within  200  yards  of  the  moat  of  the  citadel.  Then  the  white  flag  was 
hoisted  at  the  southwest  corner  of  the  walled  town.  At  this  moment,  the 
Spanish  forces  retreating  from  Santa  Anna  came  into  view,  visibly  2,000 
strong,  followed  by  the  insurgents  who  had  eluded  General  MacArthur's 
troops,  and  opened  fire.  The  situation  was  awkward  if  not  critical,  both 
sides  being  justifiably  suspicious  of  treachery.  The  Spanish  troops  lining 
the  citadel  ramparts,  observing  the  insurgents'  apparition,  opened  fire  on 
the  Californians,  killing  one  and  wounding  three.  The  confusion,  how- 
ever, soon  ceased  by  the  shifting  of  the  retreating  Spaniards  to  the 
esplanade,  when  General  Greene  ordered  them  to  enter  the  citadel. 
Presently,  a  letter  was  brought  from  the  Captain-General,  requesting  the 
commander  of  the  United  States  troops  to  meet  him  for  a  consultation. 
General  Greene  at  once  presented  himself  at  the  Spanish  headquarters 
and  General  Merritt  followed.  The  terms  of  the  surrender  were  then 
ratified — and  were  substantially  to  this  effect: 

An  agreement  for  the  capitulation  of  Manila  ;  a  provision  for  the  dis- 
arming of  the  men  who  remain  organized  under  the  command  of  their  offi- 
cers, no  parole  being  exacted,  necessary  supplies  to  be  furnished  from  the 
captured  treasury  funds,  any  possible  deficiency  being  made  good  by  the 
United  States  authorities ;  the  safety  of  life  and  property  of  Spanish  sol- 
diers and  citizens  to  be  guaranteed  as  far  as  possible ;  the  question  of  the 
transporting  of  the  troops  to  Spain  to  be  deferred  to  the  decision  of  Wash- 
ington, and  that  of  the  returning  of  their  arms  to  the  soldiers,  to  be  left 
to  the  discretion  of  General  Merritt;  banks  and  similar  institutions  to 
continue  operations  under  the  existing  regulations,  unless  these  are 
changed  by  the  United  States  authorities. 

It  was  not  war  and  it  was  not  glory,  but  at  the  same  time,  General 
Merritt  planned  and  executed  with  consummate  wisdom.  He  did  not 


MAJOR-GENERAL  F.  V.  GREENE.  I'.IUG. -GENERAL  CHARLKS  KING. 


BRIG.-GENERAL  F.  D.  GRANT. 


BRIG. -GENERAL  W.  S.  WORTH. 


LETTING  THEM  DOWN  EASY. 


459 


know  that  the  prayer  of  the  v  Madrid  government  had  been  finally 
granted ;  that  peace  had  been  virtually  proclaimed ;  that  every  life  lost 
was  a  sacrifice  to  form  and  pride.  General  Merritt,  in  short,  proved  that 
the  trained  soldier  is  always  to  be  trusted  in  military  diplomacy.  Spain 
and  her  colonies'lay  prone  at  the  behest  of  the  Washington  Cabinet. 

Notwithstanding  the  presence  of  the  army  under  Merritt,  the  fleet  was 
the  main  factor  in  the  reduction  of  the  Philippine  capital.  It  must  have 
irked  Dewey,  a  man  of  sincerity,  to  go  through  the  rather  trivial  per- 
formance exacted  as  his  part  in  letting  the  wretched  Spaniards  down 
easily.  The  great  ships  volleyed  and  thundered ;  they  did  it  however, 
with  very  little  heart.  Indeed,  the  whole  episode  is  better  forgotten — for 
it  was  not  war — though  a  sad  number  were  killed  and  wounded.  The  fleet 
fired  two  hours — but  there  is  no  precise  record  that  the  massive  guns 
which  destroyed  Montojo  in  two  hours,  wrought  any  appreciable  havoc 
in  the  walls  of  Manila.  There  were  columns  of  lurid  cablegrams  to  de- 
scribe the  wanton  waste  of  life,  but  the  judicious  should  prefer  to  draw  a 
veil  over  the  scene.  Manila  was  handed  over  to  General  Merritt  and 
then  it  was  made  known  that  peace  had  been  proclaimed  three  days  befo*«. 


BLUE  MONDAY. 


25 


PART  III. 

BY  far  the  most  fascinating  episode  of  the  wondrous  Oriental  escapade 
was  the  cruise  of  the  Yankee  commanders  over  the  summer  seas. 
Fiction  itself  seems  pale  and  nerveless  in  confronting  the  immense  voy- 
age of  the  inconscient  homespun  crusaders  of  our  wild  west,  embattled 
in  the  cause  of  "  humanity."  Could  the  mind  of  man  conceive  a  more 
grotesque  epopee  than  the  sailing  of  armadas  of  Pacific  slope  youth,  to 
rear  the  flag  of  progress  over  islands,  subdued  three  hundred  years  ago 
by  the  knights  and  paladins  of  the  most  lettered  and  accomplished  people 
in  Europe?  The  men  as  they  sailed,  the  decorous  hierarchy  of  the  Yan- 
kee Captain-General  Merritt,  seemed  to  realize  this.  The  spirit  of  the 
reports  sent  by  the  literary  squad  detailed  by  the  "great "  journals,  im- 
presses this.  It  is  from  these  acute  and  humorous  observers  that  history 
must  take  the  record.  The  subjoined  seems  to  me  a  faithful  picture  of 
the  mingled  mirth,  travesty  and  significance  of  one  grotesque  conquest. 

Nearly  midway  between  Honolulu  and  the  Philippines,  Spain  has  pos- 
sessed since  the  first  conquest  of  European  navigators,  an  island  system 
known  as  the  Ladrones,  whose  history  is  a  sparkling  volume  of  the  ro- 
mance and  adventure  attaching  to  the  early  exploits  of  Spanish  and  Por- 
tuguese navigators.  Now  though  we  believe  ourselves  the  least  impres- 
sionable, least  sentimental — least  romance-loving  of  races,  the  truth  is, 
we  are  all  these  to  our  finger  tips.  We  love  adventure  ;  we  love  the  hu- 
morous, the  soft  answer  that  turns  away  wrath,  is  never  more  emollient 
than  the  gibe  or  the  fist  with  us.  We  are  celts  to  the  core  of  our  being. 
We  love  to  dare  and  we  love  to  laugh  at  all  we  dare.  The  keynote  of 
the  entrancing  history  which  has  made  the  perpetuity  of  the  Napoleonic 
legend  possible  among  the  politest  race  in  Europe,  "  The  Consulate  and 
Empire"  of  Thiers,  is  his  perpetual  reminder  of  the  "Gaiete  francaise  " 
which  upheld  the  legions  of  the  republic  in  thirty  years  conquests.  We 
have  not  the  Gaiete  francaise,  but  we  have  the  nai've  humor  of  the  race 
to  which  we  are  indebted  for  most  of  our  national  traits — the  celt. 
Hence  the  sail  over  the  summer  seas,  to  the  morgen  land  of  the  Teuton 
— was  a  diversion — tinged  with  such  dreams  as  buoyed  the  myriads  that 
marched  to  Palestine  in  the  dim  twilight  of  civilization.  I  dare  say,  not 
one  man  in  a  thousand  of  the  impulsive  warriors  dedicated  to  the  war  of 
u  humanity,"  had  ever  heard  of  the  Ladrone  group  or  knew  the  curious 

(460} 


THE  ROBBER  ISLANDS.  461 

origin  of  the  name — "  Robber  islands."  But  as  war  demands  that  you 
shall  injure  and  despoil  the  adversary  wherever  the  chance  offers,  the 
commander  of  the  first  expedition  maneuvered  his  armada  into  the  harbor 
of  Spain's  unsuspicious  dependency.  "  Guam  "  is  the  geographical  name 
of  the  chief  entrepot  of  the  Ladrones.  Thither,  the  first  division  of 
General  Merritt's  Manila  expedition  directed  its  course.  The  conquest 
is  so  thoroughly  characteristic  of  the  whole  war,  that  it  deserves  perma- 
nent embalming,  and  I  take  the  record  from  one  of  the  scribes  on  the 
fleet  as  being  too  naively  picturesque  for  condensation  or  improvement. 

"  Early  in  the  morning,  the  fleet  rounded  the  northern  extremity  of 
Guam  island  and  headed  southward  toward  the  harbor,  the  Charleston 
well  in  the  lead.  The  chief  town,  Agana,  containing  the  residence  of  the 
Governor  and  the  garrison,  lies  on  the  north  side  of  a  coral  peninsula, 
jutting  far  out  into  the  ocean.  The  Charleston  worked  slowly  in  toward 
the  town,  as  far  as  she  dared  to  go  because  of  coral  shoals,  and  when 
satisfied  that  the  two  Spanish  gunboats,  which  were  supposed  to  be  some- 
where among  these  outlying  islands,  and  which  were  one  of  the  chief  ob- 
jects of  her  quest,  were  not  there,  she  turned  her  prow  seaward  again 
and  rounded  the  ejid  of  the  coral  spit;  passing  through  a  narrow  chan- 
nel between  the  reef  and  a  high  bluff  of  volcanic  basalt,  slowly  pushed 
her  way  into  the  harbor  of  San  Luis,  which  is  the  chief  harbor  of  the 
island,  whose  landing  place,  Unapa,  is  about  four  miles  across  the  penin- 
sula from  Agana.  The  three  transports  lay  to  off  the  entrance,  beyond 
the  reach  of  cannon-shot,  their  upper  decks  and  rigging  black  with  the 
crowds  of  soldiers  eager  to  see  the  expected  battle. 

"  Well  within  the  harbor  was  seen  a  vessel,  which,  under  the  glass, 
proved  to  be  a  small  whaling  brig  flying  the  Japanese  flag.  It  was 
painted  white,  and  when  first  seen  created  considerable  excitement,  being 
mistaken  for  one  of  the  Spanish  gunboats.  Near  the  shore,  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  bay,  which  is  here  about  two  miles  wide,  was  seen  a  low 
fort,  apparently  built  of  stone  and  faced  with  earth,  with  trees  growing 
from  the  embankment  around  it. 

"  When  she  was  within  two  miles  of  the  fort,  the  Charleston  opened  fire 
upon  it,  with  her  three-pounders,  firing  thirteen  shots  in  rapid  succession, 
four  of  which  were  seen  to  strike  the  fort. 

"  The  bloodless  conquest  was  hailed  with  derisive  cheers,  for  the  fort  was 
an  ancient  structure,  built  ninety  years  ago  of  coral,  and  never  had  a 
cannon  mounted.  It  had  not  been  occupied  for  half  a  century,  having 
been  originally  constructed  as  a  defence  against  the  natives,  and  not  for  the 
protection  of  the  harbor  against  warships.  Don  Quixote's  famous  charge 


462  THE  LAWS  OF  SPAIN  FORBID. 

on  the  windmills  had  been  eclipsed  by  the  Yankee  navy.  Some  time 
before  the  Charleston  entered  the  harbor,  the  fleet  had  been  observed 
from  the  landing  at  Unapa,  and  the  port  officer  had  ordered  out  his  gig 
for  the  purpose  of  going  aboard  in  his  capacity  as  quarantine  official.  In 
addition  to  this,  an  old  brass  cannon  had  been  loaded  for  the  purpose  of 
returning  the  expected  salute.  The  port  officer  was  about  half-way  out 
to  the  ship  when  the  firing  began,  and  did  not  notice  that  solid  shot  were 
being  fired.  This  intelligence  however  was  speedily  conveyed  to  the  men 
in  charge  of  the  shore  cannon,  by  a  horseman,  who  had  been  riding  some- 
what in  the  rear  of  the  fort,  and  was  consequently  made  painfully  aware 
that  cannon  balls  were  sailing  in  his  direction.  He  rode  posthaste  to  the 
landing  and  asked  them  what  they  were  going  to  do  with  the  cannon, 
and  was  told  that  they  were  about  to  answer  the  salute.  This  put  a  new 
phase  on  the  matter  to  the  Spanish  officials,  and  immediately  the  Govern- 
or's adjutant  embarked  in  a  boat,  and  hastened  after  the  health  officer  for 
the  purpose  of  going  aboard  the  Charleston  to  inquire  the  meaning  of 
such  unfriendly  conduct.  The  health  officer  was  the  first  to  arrive  on 
board.  When  he  climbed  over  the  side  he  was  escorted  to  Captain 
Glass's  stateroom,  and  learned  for  the  first  time  the  vessel  he  had  thought 
of  quarantining,  was  a  warship  of  the  United  States  navy,  intent  upon 
capturing  the  island.  A  few  minutes  later  the  indignant  adjutant 
climbed  over  the  side  and  received  the  same  information.  lie  was  fur- 
ther told  to  return  immediately  to  the  shore  and  bring  the  Governor  on 
board.  Meanwhile,  the  transports  were  signaled  to  follow  the  Charles- 
ton into  the  harbor,  which  they  quickly  did,  the  vessels  being  anchored 
within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  each  other. 

"At  three  o'clock  the  adjutant  returned  on  board  with  a  message  from 
the  Governor,  saying  '  That  the  laws  of  Spain  forbid  him  to  go  on  board 
a  foreign  warship,  and  that  negotiations  must  be  conducted  on  shore.' 
Captain  Glass  then  sent  Lieutenant  Braunersreuter,  with  a  very  courteous 
note  stating  in  effect  that  war  existed  between  the  United  States  and 
Spain,  that  a  war  vessel  of  the  republic,  with  three  transports  loaded  with 
troops,  was  in  the  harbor,  with  orders  to  take  possession  of  the  island  of 
Guam ;  that  it  was  folly  for  his  small  force  to  make  resistance,  demanding 
that  he  surrender  himself,  his  garrison,  and  all  arms  and  munitions  of  war, 
and  giving  him  until  morning  to  reply.  When  morning  came  and  no  reply 
having  been  received,  Captain  Glass  sent  the  Governor  word  that  he 
would  wait  only  half  an  hour  longer,  and  at  once  embarked  a  landing 
party  in  boats  for  the  purpose  of  taking  forcible  possession.  This  party 
consisted  of  about  fifty  marines  from  the  Charleston,  and  Companies  A 


WAVING  A  WHITE  FLAG.  4&3 

and  D  of  the  Second  Oregon,  from  the  Australia.  A  strong  wind  was 
blowing,  and  there  was  a  heavy  swell  in  the  harbor,  making  the  embark- 
ation a  slow  and  difficult  task.  The  pitching  and  tossing  of  the  boats 
along  side  the  vessel  was  so  great  that  a  number  of  the  men,  notwith- 
standing that  they  had  been  a  month  on  board  ship,  became  seasick.  As 
the  long  string  of  thirteen  boats  started  for  shore,  two  miles  distant, 
towed  by  the  Charleston's  launch,  a  tremendous  downpour  of  rain,  such 
as  is  only  seen  in  the  tropics,  accompanied  by  a  driving  wind,  obscured 
the  entire  landscape  and  wet  the  men  to  the  skin,  giving  them  a  baptism 
of  water  in  advance  of  ORC  of  fire,  they  expected  soon  to  receive.  How- 
ever, before  the  boats  reached  the  shore,  the  Governor's  gig  was  seen  to 
put  out  from  the  landing,  waving  a  white  flag  in  token  of  surrender,  and 
the  landing  party  was  immediately  taken  back  to  the  vessels,  greatly  dis- 
appointed. 

"The  Governor's  Adjutant  went  on  board  the  Charleston  and  delivered — 
to  Captain  Glass  a  letter  from  his  chief,  saying,  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
he  had  been  utterly  unaware  that  hostilities  had  broken  out  between  the 
two  nations,  and  had  therefore  made  no  preparations  for  defence,  and  was 
utterly  helpless  before  the  overwhelming  force  that  had  been  sent  against 
him,  and  for  reasons  of  humanity,  and  a  desire  to  avoid  needless  blood- 
shed, he  would  surrender  upon  condition  that  the  usual  treatment  of 
prisoners  of  war  be  accorded  him  and  his  officers,  and  that  his  men  be 
given  as  good  quarters  and  fare  on  board  ship  as  the  republic's  soldiers 
received.  These  terms  were  accepted,  and  a  company  of  marines  was 
sent  on  shore,  accompanied  by  Lieutenant  Braunersreuter,  to  receive  the 
surrender.  The  garrison  consisted  of  fifty-four  Spanish  veterans  and  a 
hundred  and  fifty  native  soldiers  with  six  officers,  including  the  Governor. 
The  garrison  was  drawn  up  in  line  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  marines, 
who  were  promptly  disembarked  and  drawn  up  in  line  opposite  the 
Spaniards.  The  Governor  and  his  subordinates  presented  their  swords  to 
the  American  officer,  and  took  their  places  in  the  boats ;  ihe  soldiers 
stacked  arms,  and,  as  the  marines  filed  in  front  of  them  with  boxes,  each 
man  took  off  his  cartridge  belt  and  threw  it  into  the  box.  The  Spanish 
soldiers  were  then  placed  in  the  boats  and  the  native  soldiers  were  dis- 
banded. As  soon  as  thus  formally  absolved  from  their  allegiance  to 
Spain,  the  native  soldiers  cut  off  their  buttons  and  all  insignia  of  rank 
they  had  and  threw  them  away,  to  show  their  contempt  for  the 
government  which  they  had  been  unwillingly  serving.  The  captured 
soldiers  were  then  conveyed  to  the  steamer  City  of  Sydney,  and  placed 
under  guard,  while  the  Charleston's  launch  steamed  out  to  the  ancient 


464 


A  TEMPORARY  GOVERNOR. 


coral  fort  and  raised  above  it  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  the  guns  of  the 
Charleston  pealing  forth  a  salute  to  the  flag,  thus  ending  the  ceremony  of 
taking  formal  possession  in  the  name  of  the  United  States^ 

"  The  arms  surrendered  consisted  of  fifty-four  Mauser  rifles,  fifty-three 
Remington  rifles,  and  3.700  rounds  of  ammunition.  As  it  was  thought  it 
was  absolutely  necessary  that  the  entire  force  present  be  conveyed  to 
Manila  for  the  support  of  Admiral  Dewey,  it  was  decided  not  to  leave 
any  garrison  on  the  island.  This  was  considered  safe,  as  the  natives  are 
a  very  peaceable  class,  well-dis- 
posed toward  the  Americans,  and 
there  is  no  Spanish  population  left 
since  the  removal  of  the  garrison, 
except  the  families  of  the  Governor 
and  one  or  two  of  his  officers  and 
a  priest.  There  is  but  one  United 
States  citizen  on  the  island  of 
Guam,  and  he  was  selected  for 
temporary  Governor.  This  is 
Thomas  Wilson,  a  keeper  of  a 
trading  post,  born  on  the  island, 
of  California!!  parents.  So  earnest 
a  Yankee  is  he  that  he  has  made 
the  practice  of  filing  an  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  Washington  gov- 
ernment, in  San  Francisco,  every 
two  years.  The  soldiery  were 
given  time  to  go  on  shore  and  im- 
press on  their  minds  the  physical 
aspect  of  this  merry  conquest. 
They  found  the  natives  docile 

and  delighted.  What  was  more  extraordinary,  they  found  that  gold  was 
at  a  discount,  no  article  on  the  market  was  rated  above  a  few  pennies,  and 
when  a  five  dollar  gold  piece  was  presented  for  a  supply  of  food  for  one 
of  the  ships,  the  bewildered  natives  implored  copper  or  coins  that  could 
be  exchanged.  With  this  lesson  in  the  purely  perfunctory  values  of 
the  metals,  the  soldiers  quitted  the  new  possession  wondering  greatly 
why  the  islands  should  bear  the  disreputable  name  of  the  Ladrones,  or 
Robbers. 

The   Ladrones   were   first   discovered   \>y  the   accomplished   mariner, 
Magellan,  whose  name  is  still  known  by  the  strait  south  of  Terra  del 


NATIVE  OF   THE   LADRONES. 


AS  THOUGH  BY  MAGIC.  465 

Fuego.  He  landed  among  the  astonished  people  of  the  group,  after  a 
wonderous  voyage,  in  1520.  The  wretched  explorer  was  in  the  worst 
state  of  the  adventurous  sailor.  His  ships  were  foodless  and  his  men 
mutinying.  He  was  received  with  rapture  by  the  islanders,  and  his  crew 
were  so  enchanted  with  the  land,  the  people,  and  the  natural  nourishment, 
that  they  clamored  to  remain  forever.  But  in  a  short  time  an  extraor- 
dinary phenomenon  was  remarked.  Everything  portable  disappeared 
from  the  ships.  How  Indians  almost  naked  could  contrive  to  handle  and 
carry  off  articles  of  the  size  of  those  which  disappeared  was  a  mystery. 
But  they  managed  it  somehow,  for  axes,  heavy  crowbars,  and  even  guns, 
vanished  as  though  by  magic.  Magellan  one  day  noticed  one  of  the 
Indians  swimming  ashore  from  the  ship.  A  heavy  wave  was  encountered 
by  the  swimmer.  He  dived  under  it,  and  as  he  came  out  of  the  other 
side,  a  sharp  steel  point  glittered  for  a  moment  in  the  sun.  As  a  boat 
\vas  then  alongside,  Magellan  had  the  man  pursued,  and  when  he  was 
overtaken,  to  the  astonishment  of  every  one,  it  was  found  that  he  was 
carrying  off  one  of  the  longest  lances  on  the  ship,  a  weapon  with  an 
eighteen  foot  shaft.  Holding  it  beneath  the  water  he  would  have  escaped 
with  his  booty  undiscovered,  had  it  not  been  for  the  unusual  height  of  the 
wave  which  disclosed  the  head  of  the  weapon.  Thenceforward  a  guard 
was  placed  over  the  ships,  but  to  little  purpose,  and  finally,  after  provid- 
ing himself  with  food  and  water,  Magellan  sailed  away  and  in  disgust 
gave  the  islands  the  epithet  of  "  Ladrones,"  or  Thieves'  island.  Not  long 
afterward  Magellan  perished  in  a  fight  which  he  and  his  men  provoked 
with  the  Philippine  islanders.  Of  his  five  ships,  only  one,  with  eighteen 
men,  returned  to  Spain.  Many  years  elapsed  before  any  attempts  were 
made  to  occupy  the  islands  which  he  had  discovered.  Toward  the  end  of 
the  seventeenth  century  a  military  expedition  from  Mexico  took  possession 
of  the  islands  and  renamed  them  the  Mariana  group,  in  honor  of  the  then 
reigning  Spanish  queen.  The  natives  at  that  time  numbered  at  least 
-1 0,000,  some  estimates  placing  the  population  as  high  as  60,000,  but,  follow- 
i  ig  their  usual  custom  elsewhere,  the  Spaniards  soon  exterminated  almost 
the  entire  population. 

The  present  islanders  are  mostly  descendants  of  settlers  from  Mexico 
or  from  the  Philippine  Islands.  The  most  considerable  town  on  any  of 
the  group  is  Saypan,  on  the  island  of  the  same  name,  the  houses  of  which 
like  most  of  those  in  the  South  Sea  Islands,  are  elevated  on  piles  from 
two  to  four  feet  above  the  ground.  There  are  few  Spanish  settlers  on  the 
islands,  and  the  hold  of  Spain  upon  the  group  has  been  for  the  most  part 
nominal.  It  is  a  singular  fact,  discovered  by  the  navigator,  Anson,  that 


466 


THE  BREAD  FRUIT  PLANT. 


ihere  are  evidences  on  several  of  the  islands  of  a  former  civilization. 
Cyclopean  ruins  exist,  found  in  the  islands  of  the  Greek  archipelago. 
These  lonely  islands  must  therefore  at  one  time  have  been  a  seat  of 
civilization.  Aside  from  the  bouffe  capture,  the  point  of  most  interest 
regarding  the  group  of  islands  is  the  historical  location  of  the  "bread 
fruit  "  plant.  It  is  set  down  in  Dampier,  the  accepted  authority,  and  is 


NATIVE  HUT  IN  THE  LADRONES. 

worth  reproducing  now  that,  the  flag  of  the  republic  is  flying  over  the 
unknown  lauds.  "A  certain  fruit  called  the  bread  fruit  growing  on  a 
tree  as  big  as  our  large  apple  trees  with  dark  leaves.  The  fruit  is  round 
and  grows  on  the  boughs,  like  apples,  of  the  bigness  of  a  good  penny  loaf. 
When  ripe  it  turns  yellow,  soft  and  sweet,  but  the  native  takes  it  green 
and  bakes  it  in  an  oven  until  the  rind  is  black.  This  they  scrape  off  and 
eat  the  inside,  which  is  soft  and  white,  like  the  inside  of  a  new  baked 
bread,  having  neither  seed  nor  stone ;  but  if  it  is  kept  above  twenty-four 
hours  it  is  harsh.  As  this  fruit  is  in  season  eight  months  in  the  year,  the 


THE   "STARRY  BANNER.' 


467 


natives  feed  upon  no  other  sort  of  bread  during  that  time.  They  told  us 
that  all  the  Ladrone  Isles  had  plenty  of  it.  I  never  heard  of  it  in  any 
other  place."  It  is  an  old  maxim,  old  as  greed,  that  to  derive  profit  from 
travel,  the  tourist  must  be  laden  with  knowledge.  The  conquerors  of 
the  Ladrones  knew  nothing  of  bread  fruit,  and  went  away,  rejoicing  only 
in  the  visible  evidence  that  Uncle  Sam  had  been  able  to  give  still  another 
conquest  to  the  "  starry  banner." 


THE   COLOR   GUARD. 


ir. 

QEFORE  a  tithe  of  the  legions  were  mustered  for  the  "  liberation  "  of 
j_)  the  oppressed  Cuban,  the  reader  of  the  official  literature  of  the  war 
was  perplexed  by  the  tone  taken  in  outlining  the  conquest  of  Porto  Rico. 
Not  one  in  10,000  of  the  citizens  of  the  republic  had  ever  given  a  thought 
to  this  island.  Any  one  who  did  give  it  a  passing  moment  of  consider- 
ation, found  it  to  be  an  ideally  happy  community  of  almost  primitive 
simplicity.  Closer  study  revealed  it  to  be  a  land  where  life  went  on  in 
almost  philosophic  repose.  The  wealth  getter  got  his  wealth  undisturbed 
by  the  vicissitudes  of  party.  The  demagogue  clamoring  for  the  ideal — 
which  generally  means  chaos,  had  never  raised  his  Bashan  voice  in  the 
delectable  vales  where  man  seemed  to  live  at  his  rational  best.  The 
Spaniard  was  in  the  ascendant,  but  there  was  no  "patriot"  to  inflame 
the  citizen  over  his  cruelties.  Babies  were  born,  marriages  were  cele- 
brated, the  banal  in  life  held  its  course  serenely,  and  no  one  ever  thought 
of  raising  the  cry  of  "  Porto  Rico  Libre."  The  island,  too  far  off  to 
attract  the  attention  of  the  philanthropists  of  the  stock  markets,  the 
Samaritan  of  the  syndicates,  dwelt  in  a  peace  and  prosperity  so  profound, 
that  even  the  tourist  had  no  tales  to  tell  of  the  people.  But  the  moment 
the  enterprise  for  "humanity"  was  begun  by  our  Congress,  500,000 
il  Mute  inglorious  Miltons"  found  voice  to  sing  the  praises  of  Porto  Rico, 
to  inveigh  against  the  unholy  chance  that  made  it  a  colony  of  the  blood- 
thirsty, the  monstrous  Spaniard.  Insensibly — orphically,  the  voice  up- 
rose, that  Porto  Rico  was  predestined ly  a  vineyard  of  this  republic.  That 
even  more  religiously  sacred  than  the  mission  of  establishing  "  Cuba 
Libre,"  was  the  obligation  to  give  the  pensive  Porto  Ricans  the  blessings 
of  our  Federal  sjrstem. 

Indeed,  the  war  had  not  been  a  week  old,  when  the  official  expression 
was  common,  current,  indisputable,  that  the  end  of  the  war  must  see 
Porto  Rico  part  of  the  territory  of  this  Union  !  Yet  in  the  declaration 
of  war.  uttered  by  Congress,  it  was  expressly  stipulated,  that  unlike 
greedy  and  egotistic  European  powers,  we  were  embarking  on  war,  for 
the  high  motive  of  human  rescue  ;  that  no  ulterior  craving  for  gain  in- 
cited us  to  that  last,  barbarous  resource,  the  killing  of  our  fellow  man, 
in  order  that  others  might  enjoy  the  liberties  that  we  prize  so  highly. 
And  oddly  enough,  this  word  of  conquest  went  forth  in  every  press  in  the 

(469) 


470  NABOTH'S  VINEYARD  OVER  AGAIN. 

country  without  rebuke.  Indeed,  I  question  whether  the  vast  majority 
of  the  men  who  read  the  story  of  Naboth's  vineyard  with  fervid  abhor- 
rence of  greed,  with  Christian  anger  against  the  covetousness  of  the 
strong,  did  not  complacently  accept  this  apparently  national  impulse  as 
proper — perhaps  even  righteous.  At  all  events,  even  more  eagerly  and 
more  ardently  than  the  mobilization  for  Cuba,  the  preparations  to  make 
an  irruption  in  Porto  Rico  were  begun  and  carried  on.  The  military  folk 
feigned  to  believe  that  Spain  would  stake  all,  on  the  retention  of  this 
earthly  paradise,  where  for  nearly  four  hundred  years  the  laws  of  Castile 
had  been  the  religion  of  the  natives.  Where  felicity  was  so  complete, 
that  the  idle  and  the  evil  were  unable  to  recruit  even  the  semblance  of 
a  revolt.  And  indeed,  had  the  wretched  Spaniards  possessed  the  slender- 
est resources  for  war,  they  would  have  been  quick  to  concentrate  them  in 
this  blissful  land,  where  insurrection  had  never  been  seriously  known  ; 
where  the  revenues  exacted  were  paid  promptly,  where  gentle  and  simple 
asked  only  to  be  let  alone. 

But  Spain  had  neither  armies  nor  navies  to  defend  the  shattered  rem- 
nants of  her  ancient  world  dominion.  The  retention  of  Cuba  had 
drained  the  home  treasury ;  the  plots  of  pretenders,  alone,  had  prevented 
her  relinquishing  the  island  to  whomsoever  wanted  it ;  but  Porto  Rico, 
she  did  prize — prized  as  the  miserable  mother  who,  helpless  and  penniless, 
sees  her  brood  going  into  the  world  to  do  as  best  they  may.  In  our 
presses,  the  Porto  Rico  campaign  eclipsed  Cuba.  There  were  no  conceal- 
ments j  no  phrases ;  we  were  going  to  march  into  this  idyllic  land  and 
when  we  had  ensanguined  its  rich  fields  with  blood,  we  were  going  to 
hoist  "Old  Glory  "as  the  symbol  of  a  new  felicity.  But  our  studious 
plans  for  a  symmetrical  campaign  were  disjointed,  first  by  the  inability  of 
Spain  to  present  any  equal  force  anywhere  except  at  Havana  and  the 
woeful  necessity  of  her  miserable  fleet  to  take  refuge  in  Santiago.  Now 
what  our  jingoes  counted  on  was  a  Sevastopol  siege  of  Havana,  lasting  a 
year  or  more  and  giving  patriots  the  chance  to  aid  the  government  with 
food  and  munitions  at  a  thousand  per  cent,  above  the  market  cost.  It  was 
counted  as  certain,  that  the  war  could  be  very  reasonably  prolonged  from 
a  year  to  eighteen  months.  Had  it  depended  on  the  manipulation  of  the 
War  Department,  this  expectation  would  not  have  been  disappointed. 
Two  almost  simultaneous  discoveries  fell  upon  the  fomentors  of  war ; 
Manila  proved  that  Spain's  fleets  could  not  fight,  and  the  operations  in 
Cuba,  proved  that  there  were  no  "  patriots "  on  the  isle.  In  all  the 
threatened  possessions  of  the  Castilian  dynasty  the  Spaniard  virtually 
bade  our  armies  come  and  take  possession  ;  that  they  had  neither  the 


THE  VALUE  OF  FORESIGHT.  471 

strength  nor  disposition  to  make  war.  In  Porto  Rico,  above  all,  the 
Spanish,.  arraies_  were—few  in  number.  Militia  or  volunteers  were  set  in 
the  field  to  defend  the  island,  but  the  Captain-General  had  no  hope  that 
they  would  fight. 

Study  of  the  map  of  Porto  Rico,  by  the  War  Board,  revealed  admira- 
ble lines  of  defence.  Indeed,  with  a  stout  navy  and  a  capable  army  Porto 
Rico  would  have  been  as  costly  a  conquest  as  Vicksburg  or  Richmond. 
When  the  first  bewildering  results  of  Prussian  prevoyance  began  to 
prove  the  value  of  foresight,  in  the  campaign  against  France,  there  was 
no  detail  too  incredible,  that  went  to  accentuate  the  tireless  industry  of 
the  Prussian  staff.  It  was  for  example,  greedily  believed  that  Von  Moltke 
appealed  to  late  at  night,  when  war  had  been  forced  by  Bismarck's  for- 
gery, roused  himself  only  an  instant,  to  set  the  campaign  in  motion,  by 
directing  the  staff  officer  to  open  drawer  three,  bureau  ten!  Of  course, 
this  was  the  silliest  of  silly  inventions,  for  Bismarck  has  left  the  imper- 
ishable record  of  his  own  malevolent  dishonesty  and  Moltke's  feverish 
unrest  during  the  hours  when  the  forged  dispatch  was  doing  its  deadly 
work. 

But  in  the  beginning  of  the  colossal  enterprise  which  meant  the  oust- 
ing of  Spain  from  the  Antilles,  our  War  Department  was  forced  to  make 
use  of  all  the  arts  and  intrigues  which  form  the  staple  of  certain  schools 
of  fiction.  To  illustrate  this,  the  adventures  of  Lieutenant  Henry  W. 
Whitney  deserve  reciting.  The  War  Board,  the  Naval  strategists  re- 
quired accurate,  absolute  knowledge  of  the  status  of  the  Spanish  military 
power,  in  the  islands  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico.  Young  Whitney  of  the 
Fourth  United  States  Artillery,  a  hero  of  the  kind  that  crucial  moments 
develop,  offered  himself  to  the  eye  and  ear  of  authority.  Death  was 
the  very  least  of  the  dangers  he  risked — for  death  is  the  devoir  of  the 
soldier.  But  for  him  there  was  the  ignoble  shrift  of  the  spy,  the  uncon- 
secrated  burial  of  the  dishonored.  Young  Whitney,  aglow  with  the  confi- 
dence of  the  Commander-in-Chief,  Miles,  burning  to  make  the  invasion 
effective,  set  out  for  the  enemy's  country,  light  of  heart,  constant  in  pur- 
pose, confronting  death  at  every  turn  and  never  for  an  instant,  doubtful 
or  unequal  to  the  emergencies  his  mission  contemplated.  Romance  itself, 
seems  the  only  vehicle  to  recount  the  daring  of  this  officer,  for  from  the 
moment  he  touched  Cuban  soil,  until  the  hour  that  he  felt  his  mission 
done,  that  his  mandate  was  executed,  he  confronted  execution.  He  passed 
through  the  jaws  of  death  in  forms  often  grotesque,  for  he  was  compelled 
to  take  the  office  of  journalist,  what  not,  ttf  placate  the  hostile  curiosity 
of  his  captors.  In  one  crisis  he  was  a  British  sailor,  lost  from  his  ship ; 


472 


YOUNG  WHITNEY'S  MISSION. 


in  another,  a  correspondent  of  a  British  journal,  seeking  facts.  Again, 
he  was  a  happy-go-lucky  adventurer,  earning  his  daily  dole  as  best  he 
might. 

Whitney  represents  faithfully  the  spirit  of  the  army  the  republic  has 
trained.  He  left  Washington  in  the  early  part  of  April  with  important 
documents  for  General  Gomez,  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  insurgent 
army  in  Cuba.  These  were  from  General  Miles,  and  conveyed  instruc- 
tions for  the  Cuban  army  to  meet  the  United  States  army.  The  Lieuten- 
ant was  landed  on  Cu- 
ban soil  by  a  torpedo 
boat,  and  on  April  28th, 
with  his  escort  of  in- 
surgents, reached  Gen- 
eral Gomez's  camp  and 
delivered  his  messages. 
With  another  escort, 
Lieutenant  Whitney 
was  conducted  through 
the  enemy's  country, 
and  finally  reached  a 
point  on  the  shore  where 
he  was  to  secure  passage 
and  continue  his  trip  to 
Porto  Rico.  But  to  get 
to  Porto  Rico  and  find 
out,  what  it  was  essen- 
tial that  General  Miles 
and  the  Washington 
authorities  should 
know,  Whitney  had  to  LIEUTENANT  HENRY  w.  WHITNEY. 

play  the  part  of  stoker. 
This  he  did  without  an 

instant's  hesitation — he  was  set  to  shoveling  coal  into  the  furnaces  of  a 
British  ship.  When  the  steamship  arrived  at  Ponce,  Whitne}7  was  a 
trusted  member  of  the  crew,  and  even  went  about  buying  stores  for  the 
vessel.  Then  came  the  opportunity  the  young  Lieutenant  was  waiting 
for;  with  a  little  knowledge  of  the  Spanish  language  he  succeeded  in 
making  the  acquaintance  of  the  Spaniards,  who  at  times  asked  suspi- 
ciously "  Are  you  an  American  ? "  "  No  I'm  not  one  of  those  damn 
Yankees,  I'm  an  Englishman."  As  the  Spaniards  believed  that  the 


EYES  AND  EARS  OPEN.  473 

British  were  secretly  opposed  to  the  Yankees,  his  reply  allayed  all 
doubt. 

Meanwhile,  the  Lieutenant  kept  his  eyes  and  ears  open,  and  was  men- 
tally storing  away  such  information  as  could  be  picked  up.  He  deter- 
mined to  scour  the  island  as  thoroughly  as  possible,  and  for  this  purpose 
he  obtained  a  horse  and  started  off  over  valleys  and  plains,  where  strategic 
points  existed.  He  found  that  on  the  island  there  were  about  two  thou- 
sand Spanish  regulars,  and  almost  as  many  volunteers.  The  latter 
were  discontented,  and  ready  to  flock  to  the  support  of  the  United 
States  troops  when  landed.  Throughout  the  island  the  feeling  was  un- 
equivocally anti-Spanish.  Workmen  on  plantations  were  general!)'  con- 
sidered as  part  of  the  volunteer  troops,  and  they  had  as  their  captains 
their  employer's  plantation  manager.  Both  men  and  employers  while 
they  feigned  allegiance  to  Spain,  were  really  opposed  to  that  nation's 
rule.  There  was  very  little  opportunity  for  the  insurgents  to  carry  on 
their  style  of  warfare,  as  there  is  little  growth  of  underbrush,  the  wood- 
land having  been  pretty  well  cleared,  and  nothing  left  standing  but  the 
royal  palms  of  Pal  in  a  Real. 

It  reads  like  fiction  again  when  this  volunteer  of  the  republic  perform- 
ing seaman  service,  saw  the  formidable  agents  of  Spain  taking  possession 
of  the  vessel  he  was  serving  on,  in  quest  of  a  "Yankee  officer."  Whit- 
ney was  standing  on  the  deck  at  the  time  checking  the  cargo  as  it  was 
lowered  into  the  hold.  He  greeted  the  Spanish  officers  equably  and 
learning  their  mission  said: — "The  captain  is  not  on  board  at  present, 
but  I  know  he  would  be  pleased  to  have  you  satisfy  yourselves  that  the 
report  is  false.  If  you  wish  I'll  accompany  you."  There  was  no  neces- 
sity for  an  escort,  the  officers  replied,  as  they  searched  every  part  of  the 
steamship ;  they  finally  reappeared  arid  expressed  themselves  as  satisfied 
that  they  had  been  misinformed.  Heroism  like  this  was  so  lavish  during 
the  decisive  months  that  ended  in  Santiago's  surrender,  that  the  histor- 
ian had  no  space  to  tell  of  it — but  in  all  the  battles,  in  all  Jhe  self-sacri- 
fices that  have  won  campaigns,  there  are  few  episodes  more  worthy  of  a 
nation's  admiration  than  this  modest  intrepidity— and  there  were  an 
hundred  score,  quite  as  thrilling — which  in  the  days  to  come  the  novelist 
will  make  much  of, 

In  feverish  haste,  while  the  starving  Spaniards  were  beseeching  our 
clemency  at  Santiago,  the  formidable  armaments  gathered  at  Tampa  were 
huriied  on  board  transports  for  the  conquest  of  Porto  Rico.  To  add 
dignity  to  the  enterprise  the  general-in-chief  of  the  armies,  who  had  been 
denied  the  glory  of  compelling  the  surrender  of  Santiago,  was  put  at  the 


474  INVADING  PORTO  RICO. 

head  of  the  column  "invading"  Porto  Rico.  He  took  with  him  for  this 
momentous  operation  twofold  the  force  allotted  to  the  conquest  of  the 
Cuban  stronghold.  Dithyrambic  refrains  in  the  press  stimulated  national 
expectation.  But  it  must  be  recorded,  that  in  spite  of  all  the  tom-toms, 
the  Porto  Rico  expedition  excited  but  languid  interest.  It  excited  still  less 
when  the  reports  came  that  Miles  had  landed  at  Ponce.  That  the  aston- 
ished Spaniards  had  run  away ;  that  the  equally  astonished  citizens  had 
welcomed  the  invaders  with  primitive  hospitality.  Then  General  Miles 
issued  an  "address"  and  every  citizen  of  the  republic  that  took  thought 
of  its  duplicity  hung  his  head  in  shame.  For  the  address  was  a  tissue 
of — let  us  say — misconceptions.  The  general  informed  the  stupefied 
Porto  Ricans  that  the  great  republic,  whose  heart  was  being  torn  with 
grief  over  the  wrongs  of  the  islanders,  had  sent  its  armies  to  end  the  peo- 
ple's woes ;  that  in  future  the  downtrodden  should  be  the  wards  of  the 
republic ;  that  life  should  be  a  grand,  sweet  dream. 

Twenty  thousand  troops  appeared  in  the  island  to  make  good  General 
Miles'  pronounciamento.  From  the  debarkation  at  Ponce,  to  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  insular  capital,  there  was  nothing  that  could  be  called  war. 
The  islanders  submitted  with  equanimity  to  the  invasion — to  the  substi- 
tution of  the  control  of  the  United  States  over  the  incapable  government 
of  Spain.  The  majority  of  the  people,  perfectly  indifferent  to  the  owner- 
ship of  the  island,  simply  desired  to  be  let  alone.  The  conquest  was 
complete  with  the  mere  appearance  of  the  United  States  forces.  We 
wanted  the  island ;  Spain  was  powerless  to  hold  it,  and  it  was  ours. 
Then  too,  the  preliminaries  of  peace  were  under  discussion,  delay  might 
make  the  seizure  more  awkward.  Perhaps  the  most  conclusive  comment 
on  this  Porto  Rico  enterprise  can  be  embodied  in  the  utterances  of  a  Porto 
Rican,  who  has  passed  years  in  longing  for  the  state  we  call  "freedom." 

For  a  Porto  Rico,  owning  itself,  a  native  of  the  isle — one  "  Hos 
tos,"  makes  the  situation  clear  in  his  melancholy  plaint: 

"What  I  had  desired  for  Porto  Rico  was  that,  since  her  own  ariw  was 
too  weak  to  achieve  her  independence,  it  might  be  won  for  her  by  a  noble 
and  powerful  neighbor  no  longer  able  to  endure  the  spectacle  of  old-world 
tyranny  at  her  very  door  ;  that  this  liberator  should  tarry  long  enough  to 
see  the  infant  republic  born  and  assured  of  the  vigorous  beginning  of 
life;  that  the  emancipator  should  then  withdraw  with  the  love  and  grati- 
tude of  a  new  nation,  rightfully  bearing  a  gladly  yielded  paramount  in- 
fluence with  that  nation  in  all  continental  and  international  matters. 
This  conclusion,  I  am  sure,  would  have  been  better  in  the  end  for  Porto 
Rico  as  well  as  the  United  States.  For  America  it  would  have  meant  so 


MAJOR-GENERAL  NELSON  A.  MILES. 


SERIOUS  MISAPPREHENSION. 


477 


much  the  less  of  the  fatal  imperial  policy,  and  so  much  the  more  of  ad- 
herence to  the  wholesome  traditions  of  the  past.  For  the  island  it  would 
have  meant  development  according  to  the  genius  of  the  people — not  de- 
/elopment  which  must  encounter  at  every  step  the  difficulties  raised  by 
difference  of  race,  to  temperament  of  language,  and  of  education. 

"  The  population  of  Porto  Rico  are  totally  ignorant  of  the  federal  system 
of  government ;  even  those  who  fancy  that  they  understand  it  are,  for  the 

most  part,  mistaken.  It  will  be  diffi- 
cult for  them  to  comprehend  it;  it 
will  be  still  more  difficult  for  them  to 
adapt  themselves  to  it  and  enter  in  to 
it.  An  obstacle,  and  to  my  mind  a 
serious  one,  will  arise  in  an  introduc- 
tion of  a  language  foreign  to  the  peo- 
ple as  the  official  language  of  the 
island.  It  will  tend  in  a  measure 
to  the  creation  of  caste ;  to  the  rise 
of  an  official  class  sharply  set  off 
from  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants. 
The  passing  of  the  Spanish  language 
will  in  itself  be  viewed  with  regret, 
for  Spanish,  as  it  is,  it  is  dear  to  all 
who  speak  it.  Impediments  in  the 
transactions  of  affairs,  business  as 
well  as  governmental,  will  also  neces- 
sarily be  produced  by  this  difference  in  language,  and  their  tendency  will 
be  more  or  less  toward  irritation  and  friction.  How  many  of  my  country- 
men will  agree  with  me  in  the  views  I  hold,  I  cannot  state  with  positive- 
ness,  but  there  are  not  a  few  I  am  confident,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  it 
should  be  easy  for  all  to  comprehend  where  their  best  interests  lie.  The 
press  of  the  United  States  has  rightly  made  a  great  deal  of  the  open 
arms  with  which  the  Porto  Ricans  have  received  the  army  of  General 
Miles.  All  those  manifestations  of  delight — the  resounding  addresses 
of  welcome,  the  flowers,  the  tears  of  joy,  the  embraces  of  the  unre- 
strained enthusiasm — were  questionlessly  honest  and  sincere.  Yet — and 
I  assert  this  with  absolute  conviction— they  were  founded  upon  a  serious 
misapprehension. 

"  The  Porto  Ricans  have  taken  for  granted  that  the  purpose  of  the  United 
States  was,  first,  to  strike  a  military  blow  at  Spain,  and  second,  to  seize 
the  opportunity  to  put  an  end  forever  to  Spanish  misgovernment  in  the 
26 


NATIVE   OF   PORTO   RICO. 


478  THE  GOOD  INVOLVED. 

Antilles,  by  erecting  on  the  island  a  free  and  independent  government. 
The  policy  of  annexation,  the  imposition  of  sovereignty  upon  a  people 
without  its  solicitation  and  even  without  inquiry  as  to  its  desires,  they 
never  suspected  for  one  moment,  opposed  as  it  was  to  the  fundamental 
principles  which  had  hitherto  guided  the  republic.  What  revulsion  of 
feeling  may  follow  a  recognition  of  the  true  intention  of  the  United 
States, no  one  can  tell.  But  what  avails  it  now  to  talk  in  this  strain? 
The  die  is  cast.  The  policy  of  the  United  States  has  been  declared  to 
the  world  and  it  is  doubtless  inalterable.  This  being  so,  it  behooves 
Porto  Ricaus  to  consider  the  future  in  the  fixed  light  of  annexation. 
Whatever  disappointment  may  be  felt,  however  acute  it  may  be  at  first, 
I  expect  that  it  will  give  way  to  a  general  and  hearty  acceptance  of  the 
status.  The  infinitude  of  good  involved  in  the  change  from  Spanish  to 
republican  allegiance,  forbids  any  other  conclusion.  But  since  our  loi  is 
cast  with  the  United  States,  we  shall  now  desire,  with  intense  eagerness 
to  be  admitted  to  full  participation  in  all  the  prerogatives  of  a  sovereign 
unit  of  the  republic.  We  aspire  to  reach  as  speedily  as  possible  our  sta- 
tion among  the  states — to  be  that  element  in  the  affairs  of  the  union 
which  such  a  status  implies.  The  continuance  of  a  military  government 
will  be  particularly  unpleasing  to  Porto  Ricans,  reminiscent  as  it  will  be 
of  the  odious  shape  of  Spanish  rule.  A  territorial  government  will  be 
viewed  as  a  necessary  stage,  it  may  be,  but  with  impatience  for  its  termi- 
nation. Since  we  must  be  Yankees  we  cannot  be  blamed  if  we  are  anx- 
ious to  become  at  once  as  citizens  of  the  republic,  the  most  Yankee  of 
the  Yankees.  At  present  we  are  not  the  best  of  material  for  such  a 
transformation,  but  immediate  conversion  will  perhaps  be  for  us  the  best 
educative  process." 

And  so  in  the  year  1898  an  administration  elected  to  preserve  the 
sanctity  of  gold  over  silver,  embarked  on  a  crusade  to  acquire  territory. 
Congress  decreed  a  war  for  humanity  and  the  minute  the  legions  were 
formed  we  made  it  a  war  for  conquest.  We  turned  from  suffering  and 
bleeding  Cuba,  and  directed  our  chief  armament  to  Porto  Rico.  We 
frankly  declared  that  we  were  going  there  because  we  coveted  the  island. 
We  met  no  opposition  and  the  island  is  ours.  But  there  are  other  islands 
near  by  that  it  would  be  good  to  have.  Jamaica,  Martinique,  the  Ba- 
hamas— strangely  enough  we  never  made  a  move  toward  them. 


m. 

BARELY  had  General  Shafter  raised  the  flag  of  the  republic  over 
Santiago,  when  an  ominous  forecaste  of  our  new  responsibilities 
was  made  plain.  The  Cuban  leaders  demanded  as  a  right,  entrance  into 
the  captured  stronghold,  and  the  instant  substitution  of  a  Cuban  regime 
for  the  Spanish  system.  General  Shafter,  by  instructions  from  Washington, 
refused  peremptorily  to  admit  the  insurgent  armies  as  participants  in  the 
pageant  of  occupation  or  the  replacing  of  local  authorities  by  the 
Cubans.  Thereupon  one  of  the  eminent  insurgent  leaders  seceded  from 
union  with  the  "  liberators,"  and  marched  away  with  his  army  to  continue 
the  war  elsewhere.  Disquieting  reports  of  continued  warfare  went  on  in 
the  territory  surrendered  by  General  Toral,  the  Spanish  commander,  and 
for  ten  days  it  seemed  that  the  insurrection  against  Spain  was  to  be  re- 
vived against  the  Yankees.  The  "  Juntas  "  made  assiduous  attempts  to 
incite  their  old  allies,  the  Jingo  presses,  to  revive  the  "  Cuba  Libre  "  cry, 
and  fire  the  country  in  favor  of  the  "  patriots  "  denied  the  recognition  of 
their  valor.  The  masses,  however,  who  had  come  under  the  sphere  of 
our  influence,  that  is  the  army,  petitioned  the  General  in  command,  and 
even  the  Cabinet  in  Washington,  to  spare  them  from  the  horrors  of  the 
Cuban  domination.  These  masses  included  very  nearly  every  citizen 
owning  property — every  native  of  serious  repute.  The  army  folk  were 
naturally  surprised.  We  had  gone  to  war,  as  we  supposed,  to  give  these 
very  people,  free  government,  home  rule,  self-control,  and  here  they  were 
to  a  man  demanding  a  military  regime,  rather  than  the  Cuban  constitu- 
tion and  republican  machinery  so  long  waiting  to  crown  the  efforts  of  the 
patriots !  In  the  embarrassment  of  the  situation — the  President  issued  a 
proclamation  which  at  once  gave  Cuba  tranquillity.  Among  other  as- 
surances, the  executive  held  out  these  significant  promises:' 

"  Under  this  changed  condition  of  things,  the  inhabitants  so  long  as 
they  perform  their  duties,  are  entitled  to  security  in  their  persons  and 
property,  and  all  their  private  right  and  relations.  It  is  my  desire  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Cuba  should  be  acquainted  with  the  purpose  of 
the  United  States  to  discharge  to  the  fullest  extent  its  obligations  in  this 
regard.  It  will  therefore  be  the  duty  of  the  commander  of  the  army  of 
occupation,  to  announce  and  proclaim  in  the  most  public  manner,  that  we 
come,  not  to  make  war  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Cuba  nor  upon  any  party 

(479) 


480  UNDER  CHANGED  CONDITIONS. 

or  faction  among  them,  but  to  protect  them  in  their  homes,  in  their  em- 
ployments and  in  their  personal  and  religious  rights.  All  persons  who 
by  active  aid  or  honest  submission  cooperate  with  the  United  States,  in 
its  efforts  to  give  effect  to  this  beneficent  purpose,  will  receive  the  reward 
of  its  support  and  protection." 

Existing  laws  were  to  continue  in  force,  and  as  far  as  possible  the 
capable  incumbents  of  office  were  to  be  retained  in  place.  In  fact — 
Cuba  was  to  be  left  to  its  own  destiny  in  a  sense  far  different  from  that 
intended  by  the  Junta  who  had  posed  as  representing  the  Cuban  people 
in  the  cities  of  the  republic.  The  effect  of  this  assurance  would  have 
made  a  prolongation  of  the  war  impossible  to  Spain — for  the  clemency 
and  good  sense  of  the  President's  prescription,  at  once  diverted  the 
masses,  who  were  indifferent  to  Spain,  from  any  desire  to  prolong  the 
struggle.  But  for  that  matter,  the  conduct  of  our  soldiers,  the  magnanim- 
ity of  the  commanders  on  sea  and  shore,  had  made  an  ineffaceable  im- 
pression on  Spaniards,  not  only  in  Cuba,  but  in  Spain.  Indeed,  before 
Santiago,  the  question  was  asked;  what  then  are  we  fighting  for ?  We 
may  hold  the  Yankees  off  awhile,  but  we  shall  starve  presently,  why  not 
end  it?  Spain's  loud  hints  and  covert  pourparlers  for  peace,  had  really 
begun  as  soon  as  the  impossibility  of  sending  Camara's  fleet  to  Manila 
had  been  made  clear.  The  utter  break  down  of  Cervera,  and  the  result- 
ant fall  of  Santiago,  while  virtually  ending  the  Spanish  defence  in  this 
hemisphere,  redoubled  our  resources.  We  had,  the  instant  Cervera 's 
fleet  was  put  out  of  action — a  vast  sea  force  ready  to  despatch  to  any 
point  deemed  desirable. 

Then  began  a  fantastic  campaign  of  threats.  If  Camara  persisted  in 
sailing  for  Manila  to  avenge  Montojo's  destruction,  the  fleets  that  had 
sunk  Cervera's  ships  would  be  despatched  to  the  coast  of  Spain.  All 
Europe  pricked  up  its  ears  at  this  threat.  The  cables  were  hot  with  the 
revelations  of  the  colloguing  of  the  continental  powers.  The  Briti.-h 
presses,  with  mock  gravity  let  on  to  know  the  secret  designs  of  the 
Washington  Cabinet.  Europe  was  informed  through  these  media,  that 
the  voracious  Yankees  were  bent  on  possessing  a  Mediterranean  station. 
That  Commodore  Watson  would  attack  Ceuta,  the  counterpoise  of  the 
Spanish  fortress  held  by  Great  Britian.  That  he  would  seize  the  Canary 
Islands — possibly  the  most  desirable  of  the  Minorca  group.  That  in 
short,  the  Yankees  having  tasted  the  inebriating  cup  of  facile  conquest, 
were  bent  on  constituting  a  chain  of  possessions  about  the  world,  engird- 
ling Europe  itself.  The  Britons  professed  to  regard  this  evidence  that 
the  "  Americans "  were  a  chip  of  the  old  block,  with  complacency. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  MATT.  C.  BUTLER.  MAJOR-GENERAL  J.  WARREN  KEIFER. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  R.  BROOKE. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  H.  C.  MKKRTAM. 


THE  COMEDY  THAT  FAILED.  483 

Ceuta  in  Yankee  hands,  they  reasoned,  would  be  preferable  to  its  trans- 
fer to  France.  Reasons  of  the  most  elaborate  and  plausible  contexture 
were  adduced  to  prove  that  this  was  the  manifest  destiny  of  the  conquer- 
ing republic.  Day  by  day,  the  preparations  of  our  "  Flying  squadron  " 
were  set  forth  in  the  British  presses  and  telegraphed  by  Renter's  and 
other  European  news  agencies,  all  over  the  continent.  Our  own  Jingoes 
took  up  the  tale  and  their  exultant  shrieks  of  covetousness  were  scattered 
broadcast  over  the  continent. 

But  the  comedy  failed.  The  continental  powers  had  already  learned 
the  use  the  British  were  making  of  the  academic  schemes  pratted  over  in 
the  various  chancelleries.  France,  Russia  and  Italy  were  smarting  over 
the  perfidy  which  had  made  them  seem  inimical  to  the  United  States, 
when  the  official  documents  cited  by  the  Italian  diplomatic  journal,  the 
Arena — proved  that  the  only  intimation  of  a  purpose  to,  in  any  way,  in- 
terfere with  the  war  between  this  country  and  Spain,  was  in  the  form  of 
a  hint  from  Great  Britain.  The  outcome  however  was  far  from  the  end 
the  intriguers  calculated  on.  The  reiterated  declarations  of  the  British 
were  taken  seriously  by  the  Spanish  Cabinet.  From  the  first,  the  states- 
men of  Spain  had  fallen  into  the  trap  set  by  the  British.  They  believed 
that  the  republic  was  in  a  sense,  the  mere  protege  of  the  British,  that  our 
Cabinet  was  secretly  governed  by  the  Tory  Cabal.  The  speeches  of 
"Joe  "  Chamberlain  and  other  demagogues,  in  the  Cabinet  and  out,  were 
proof  to  the  rather  punctilious  statesmen  of  the  Peninsula,  that  the  open 
patronage  of  British  officials  and  the  flamboyant  testimonies  in  the  London 
press,  meant  that  the  odious  alliance  suddenly  proclaimed  by  a  Cabinet 
minister,  was  a  fact;  that  the  republic  had  joined  hands  in  the  career  of 
spoliation  which  has  given  Britain  domination. 

The  result  was,  that  Camara's  fleet  was  recalled  in  a  panic  from  its  de- 
risive cruise  toward  Manila.  Frantic  prayers  were  sent  to  Paris  to  invent 
some  way  of  gaining  the  ears  of  the  Washington  Cabinet,  to  consider 
peace,  on  its  own  terms.  This  was  far  from  what  the  British  wanted. 
Another  half  year  of  war  was  necessary  to  enable  them  to  wind  us  up 
hopelessly  in  the  "imperial"  coil  they  had  begun  to  enmesh  us  in.  But 
more  important  of  all,  they  had  been  counting  on  acting  the  part  of  peace- 
maker, after  the  republic  had  seized  the  Canaries,  Ceuta  and  possibly  one 
of  the  Minorca  isles.  Then,  as  peace  maker,  Britain  would  have  soothed 
the  anger  of  the  Yankees  and  saved  some  of  the  captured  islands.  In 
return,  Spain  could  not  refuse  the  cession  of  Ceuta,  or  aid  in  the  British 
seizure  of  Morocco.  But  the  fright  and  desperation  of  the  Regent  and 
the  Cabinet,  impelled  Spain  to  swallow  her  pride  and  to  appeal  to  France 


484 


SPAIN  APPEALS  TO  FRANCE. 


to  intermediate.  At  the  same  time  the  British  Ambassador  at  Madrid — 
Sir  Drummond  Wolff — began  a  system  of  nagging  and  hints.  He  de- 
manded to  be  made  the  intermediary,  under  threat,  that  if  he  were  not 
selected,  Britain  would  see  to  it  that  the  Yankees  consented  to  no  peace, 
not  first  approved  by  the  British  Cabinet.  Desperate  as  Sagasta  was,  this 
gave  him  a  flash  of  the  old  Spanish  spirit.  He  let  the  British  envoy  un- 
derstand that  Spain  had  never  suffered  more  in  war  than  she  had  when 
governed  by  a  British  peace. 

These  pourparlers  were  going  on  simultaneously  with  the  rendition  of 
Santiago  —  but  the 
Washington  Cabinet 
was  not  apprised  of  the 
part  the  British  were 
playing,  until  hints  of  it 
began  to  appear  in  the 
foreign  press.  The  San- 
tiago surrender  came  op- 
portunely for  the  long 
deferred  acceptance  of 
the  semi-official  pro- 
posals for  peace.  So 
soon  as  it  was  known 
that  the  President 
would  listen  to  the  plea, 
the  French  ambassador 
\vas  authorized  to  pre- 
sent Spain's  submis- 
sion ;  the  willingness  of 
the  Madrid  Cabinet  to 
comply  with  any  just 
terms  the  victor  might 
prescribe.  But — even 
then,  the  peace  came  inopportunely — as  Porto  Rico  had  not  yet  been  con- 
quered. Hand  in  hand,  with  the  prolonged  preliminaries,  the  legions  of 
Miles  were  swarming  over  the  undefended  leagues  of  the  island.  The 
mere  word  peace  brought  about  a  portentous  public  sentiment.  The  in- 
stant the  millions  knew  that  peace  was  contingent  on  our  authorities— 
from  one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other,  the  cry  went  up,  "  Make  peace.  We 
have  won  what  we  set  out  to  gain — the  liberation  of  Cuba,  we  did  not  go 
to  war  for  conquest  and  an  hour's  delay  will  be  criminal."  For  a  moment, 


M.   JULES   CAMBON. 


THE  PROTOCOL.  486 

even  the  Jingo  press  was  abashed  into  a  semblance  of  decorous  modera- 
tion. Peace  would  be  a  sensation  hardly  less  inspiring  than  war.  For  a 
time,  it  would  never  have  been  imagined,  that  every  energy  of  the  repub- 
lic had  been  devoted  to  slaughter  and  the  mechanism  of  destruction.  The 
French  minister,  Cambon — knowing  the  extremities  of  Spain,  made  no 
demur  over  the  basis  or  protocol  as  it  was  called.  This  memorable  paper 
embalms  the  most  momentous  change  ever  wrought  in  the  destinies  of 
millions  of  people,  who  may  be  said  to  have  had  110  voice  in  the  events 
that  led  to  its  adoption  : 

His  Excellency  M.  Cambon,  Ambassador  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  of  the  French  Republic  at  Washington,  and  Mr.  William 
R.  Day,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  having  received  lespec- 
tively  to  that  effect  plenary  powers  from  the  Spanish  Government  and 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  have  established  and  sigaed  the 
following  articles,  which  define  the  terms  on  which  the  two  Govei  nments 
have  agreed  with  regard  to  the  questions  enumerated  below,  and  cf  which 
the  object  is  the  establishment  of  peace  between  the  two  cc  untries, 
namely : 

Article  1.  Spain  will  renounce  all  claim  to  all  sovereignty  <i  ver  and 
all  her  rights  over  the  island  of  Cuba. 

Article  2.  Spain  will  cede  to  the  United  States  the  island  cf  Porto 
Rico  and  the  other  islands  which  are  at  present  under  the  sovereignty  of 
Spain  in  the  Antilles,  as  well  as  an  island  in  the  Ladrona  Archipjlago,  to 
be  chosen  by  the  United  States. 

Article  3.  The  United  States  will  occupy  and  retain  the  city  and  bay 
of  Manila  and  the  port  of  Manila  pending  the  conclusion  of  a  jreaty  of 
peace  which  shall  determine  the  control  and  form  of  government  of  the 
Philippines. 

Article  4.  Spain  will  immediately  evacuate  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  and  the 
other  islands  now  under  Spanish  sovereignty  in  the  Antilles.  To  this 
effect  each  of  the  two  Governments  will  appoint  Commissioners  within 
ten  days  after  the  signing  of  this  protocol,  and  those  Commissioners  shall 
meet  at  Havana  within  thirty  days  after  the  signing  of  this  protocol,  with 
the  object  of  coming  to  an  agreement  regarding  the  carrying  out  of  the 
details  of  the  aforesaid  evacuation  of  Cuba  and  other  adjacent  Spanish 
islands;  each  of  the  two  Governments  shall  likewise  appoint  within 
ten  days  after  the  signature  of  this  protocol  other  Commissioners,  who 
shall  meet  at  San  Juan  <le  Porto  Rico  within  thirty  days  after  the 
signature  of  the  protocol  to  ;i<rr  •»  MI>  ;\  the  details  of  the  evacuation  of 
Porto  Rico  and  other  islands  now  u.id.-r  Sp.inish  sovereignty  in  the  Antilles. 


486  THE  PARIS  COMMISSION. 

Article  5.  Spain  and  the  United  States  shall  appoint  to  treat  for  peace 
five  Commissioners  at  the  most  for  either  country.  The  Commissioners 
shall  meet  in  Paris  on  October  1,  at  the  latest,  to  proceed  to  negotiations 
and  to  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace.  This  treaty  shall  be  ratified 
in  conformity  with  the  Constitutional  laws  of  each  of  the  two  countries. 

Article  6.  Once  this  protocol  is  concluded  and  signed  hostilities  shall 
be  suspended,  and  to  that  effect  in  the  two  countries  orders  shall  be  given 
by  either  Government  to  the  commanders  of  its  land  and  sea  forces  as 
speedily  as  possible. 

Done  in  duplicate  at  Washington,  read  in  French  and  in  English  by 
the  undersigned,  who  affix  at  the  foot  of  the  document  their  signatures 
and  seals,  August  12,  1898. 

Peace  came  with  the  signature  of  this  document — but  two  days  after- 
ward the  restored  cable  from  Manila  brought  word  that  the  mock  battle 
had  been  fought  between  General  Merritt  and  the  Spanish  garrison. 
Thereupon,  controversy  arose  over  the  clause  regarding  Manila— whether 
having  obtained  it  by  conquest,  it  could  be  subjected  to  the  decisions  of 
the  commission  charged  to  make  the  definite  treaty  in  Paris.  The  event 
let  loose  the  Jingoes  again  in  full  cry.  "  Wherever  the  flag  has  been 
raised,"  they  argued,  "it  would  be  treason  to  haul  it  down."  Now  the 
flag  has  been  raised  in  Japan,  in  China,  in  the  Barbary  states,  it  has  been 
raised  on  many  an  island  in  the  Pacific,  and  it  lias  been  hauled  down.  It 
floated  over  many  a  mile  of  Canadian  territory,  it  has  floated  over  miles 
of  our  northern  border  and  gone  down  before  the  exactions  of  British 
treaty  makers.  Had  Commodore  Watson  taken  his  fleets  to  Cadiz — it  might 
have  floated  over  the  seaports  of  Andalusia.  The  President  himself,  who 
has  never  indicated  any  sympathy  with  the  expansionists — or  Jingoes, 
save  in  the  deplorable  rape  of  the  Hawaiian  islands,  set  to  work  to  secure 
commissioners  equal  to  the  vast  interests  entrusted  them.  The  selection 
of  Judge  Day,  the  Secretary  of  State — for  the  Paris  commission,  was  re- 
garded as  an  indication  of  wise  conservatism— for  during  his  tenure  of  (he 
great  place  forced  upon  him,  he  exhibited  all  the  reserve,  dignity  and  wise 
conduct  of  the  practiced  diplomat.  His  associates  were  men  not  regarded 
as  skilled  in  the  intricacies  of  diplomacy — but  in  any  event,  the  final  de- 
cision of  the  treaty  that  must  effect  the  character  of  this  country  until 
the  end  of  time,  lay  in  the  hands  of  Congress.  The  commissioners  ap- 
pointed to  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  had  merely  perfunctory  duties  to  perform. 
They  verified  the  property  transferred  and  took  possession  of  the  islands 
as  Representatives  of  the  Republic. 


Senator  Cushman  K.Dav 


THE   AMERICAN    PEACE   COMMISSIONERS. 


THE   8PAMSII    PEACE   COMMISSIONERS. 


rv. 

WAR  has  become  a  science  so  complicated,  that  its  conduct  in  peace 
even,  involves  all  the  mechanism  of  a  vast  university.  Indeed  it 
is  doubtful  whether  Harvard  or  Oxford  are  called  upon  to  maintain  so 
many  subdivisions  as  the  War  Department  or  Navy  Department  of  a 
modern  nation.  Nominally,  the  President  is  commander  in-chief  of  the 
armies  and  navies.  But  the  actual  duties  are  performed  by  the  senior 
officer  of  each  service,  naval  and  military. 

When  the  war  with  Spain  began — President  McKinley,  who  saw  some 
service  as  a  subaltern  during  the  Civil  War,  and  knew  the  need  of  skilled 
direction  in  all  parts  of  the  vast  machine,  wisely  divested  himself  of  all 
part  in  the  details  or  plans.  To  General  Miles  and  the  Secretary  of 
War,  the  conduct  of  the  campaign  on  land  was  entrusted.  For  the  navy, 
something  like  the  "  Aulic  "  council  of  Austria  was  adopted.  There  was 
a  "War  Board"  consisting  of  three  eminent  marines — Rear  Admiral 
Sicard,  Captains  Mahan  and  Crowriinshield.  The  function  of  this  board 
was  of  the  most  comprehensive  range  and  diversity.  The  character  of 
the  men  selected  inspired  confidence  in  the  navy.  Perhaps  the  most  dis- 
tinguished personage  in  the  body  was  Captain  T.  A.  Mahan,  whose  re- 
searches and  studies  in  "Sea  power"  have  given  him  the  rank  of  expert, 
among  the  educated  of  his  profession  all  over  the  world — or  perhaps  it 
would  be  more  correct  to  say,  in  Great  Britain  and  this  country.  Ad- 
miral Sicard  was  of  the  highest  type  of  the  admirable  group  of  great 
sailors  produced  by  the  Civil  War. 

To  these  men,  the  problem  was  given  of  finding  out  what  effective 
forces  the  enemy  possessed,  and  so  disposing  of  our  own  fleets  and  even 
armies  as  to  impede,  blockade  or  destroy  them.  The  map  of  the  world, 
therefore  was  their  study  by  day  and  night.  It  was  exultingly  pro- 
claimed by  Admiral  Dewey's  delighted  comrades,  that  he  had  wisely  cut 
the  Manila  cable,  in  order  that  he  might  escape  the  hampering  of  the 
War  Board.  But  the  Admiral  did  not  thus  escape.  He  went  to  his  post 
instructed  in  almost  every  detail  by  the  recommendation  of  the  board — 
put  in  the  shape  of  orders  by  Secretary  Long.  Of  course  this  does  not 
mean  that  a  commander  is  held  down  to  small  details.  It  is  the  scope 
and  interest  of  the  campaign  he  is  expected  to  follow.  Dewey,  for  exam- 
ple, was  charged  with  finding  the  Spanish  fleet  in  Oriental  waters. 

(487) 


488  THE  SCOPE  OF  THE  WAR  BOARD. 

When  found,  he  was  to  attack  if  the  chances  were  anywhere  nearly  equal. 
The  War  Board  was  responsible  for  providing  the  ships ;  the  admiral  in 
charge  was  responsible  for  fighting  them.  The  War  Board  is  therefore 
the  eyes  and  ears  of  a  great  power  at  war ;  no  one  man  could  retain  the 
immensity  of  modern  fleets  in  mind.  Napoleon  could  keep  the  armies  of 
Europe  in  his  head,  but  he  was  the  only  captain  that  ever  could.  The 
War  Board  must  keep  each  responsible  commander  apprised  of  the  num- 
ber and  whereabouts  of  the  adversary.  But  even  prescience  cannot 
always  do  this,  for  there  are  endless  strategems,  that  enable  a  crafty  op- 
ponent to  misguide.  By  painting  harmless  craft  to  look  like  war  ships ; 
by  dispersing  into  unexpected  places;  by  taking  a  thousand  advantages 
of  natural  phenomena,  a  wary  opponent  may  perplex  and  discomfort  a 
superior  force  and  an  abler  commander. 

For  a  time,  the  unwise  act  of  Cervera  served  as  a  brilliant  piece  of 
naval  strategy,  for  the  sagacious  War  Board  could  not  conceive  Spain's 
most  important  fleet,  deliberately  withdrawing  from  the  conflict,  to  waste 
its  vitalities  in  a  land-locked  harbor.  It  was  the  penetrating  intelligence 
of  Admiral  Schley  that  detected  the  trick  and  announced  the  end  of  the 
fleet — almost  the  instant  it  found  shelter.  For  weeks  before  the  war  be- 
gan, our  consular  agents  were  instructed  to  make  reports  on  the  where- 
abouts of  the  Spanish  men-of-war,  in  every  port  in  the  world.  After 
hostilities  broke  out,  our  agents  were  equally  indefatigable  in  reporting 
the  presence  and  movements  of  Spanish  shipping.  Not  a  pound  of  coal, 
for  example,  was  bought  or  sold  in  any  part  of  the  world,  that  the  War 
Board  was  not  informed  on  the  instant.  Not  a  vessel  could  change 
hands  that  our  strategists  were  not  apprised.  Every  squadron  that  quit 
a  Spanish  port,  was  known,  down  to  the  minutest  detail.  Naturally,  thus 
safeguarded,  our  blockading  fleets  which  were  saved  the  peril  of  other 
days,  when  an  enemy  in  force  might  appear  at  any  point  and  destroy  the 
squadron  in  detail.  Hence,  even  though  the  Spanish  fleets  had  outnum- 
bered ours,  as  the  impression  ran  when  the  war  began,  the  War  Board 
could  have  assembled  a  superior  force  at  any  endangered  point. 

For  example,  although  the  fleets  of  Great  Britain  outnumber  ours 
ten  to  one,  that  power  would  be  no  more  successful  in  attacking  us  than 
the  Spaniards,  because  she  could  never  make  her  Dreponderance  avail- 
able. We  could  always  meet  her  squadrons  in  equal  numbers — since  her 
base  is  thousands  of  miles  away.  The  sea  has  its  strategy  as  the  land 
has.  No  one  ever  illustrated  this  so  perfectly  as  Admiral  Farragut. 
And  curiously  enough,  the  French  at  sea  have  always  outgeneraled  their 
British  rivals,  though  rarely  successful  in  actual  conflict— owing  to  about 


AT  ITS  IRON  GAME.  489 

the  same  causes  that  kept  the  northern  armies  second  best  to  the  south- 
ern, during  the  early  years  of  the  struggle.  The  War  Board  then,  must 
know  to  a  ship,  all  that  the  enemy  can  put  into  the  water;  it  must 
know  the  exact  capacity  of  each  ship,  it  must  even  know,  or  ought  to,  the 
characteristics  of  the  commanders  and  the  hierarchies  of  each  vessel.  It 
was  by  knowing  the  characteristics  of  the  commanders  opposing  him,  that 
Napoleon  won  unhoped  for  victories.  Our  War  Board  knew  the  sort  of 
men  we  had  to  depend  upon,  and  from  the  outset  they  never  doubted 
what  the  result  would  be,  unless  strain,  stress  or  accident  should  inter- 
vene. Strategy  therefore  takes  in  beside  the  manifold  operations  of  sea 
and  land,  the  forces  involved. 

It  fell  to  the  War  Board  to  provide  for  all  possible  contingencies  in  the 
harbors  that  we  should  find  it  necessary  to  attack.  To  hamper  the 
enemy,  all  cables  were  cut  in  Cuban  ports — in  order  that  the  land  forces 
might  be  isolated — that  the  various  commanders  should  receive  no  aid, 
when  it  became  necessary  to  make  an  attack  by  fleet  or  army.  Outside 
of  a  battlefield,  there  was  no  place  more  suggestive  of  the  work  in  hand 
than  the  immense  apartment  in  the  navy  building — where  this  fateful 
War  Board  sat  da}'  by  day — at  its  iron  game — for  it  can  be  likened  to 
nothing  more  suggestive  than  a  vast  game  of  chess  with  all  the  seas  of 
the  world  outspread  on  the  walls  and  tables,  and  the  various  devices  to 
denominate  forces,  marking  vital  points. 

It  would  require  volumes  as  ample  as  a  cyclopedia  to  merely  enumer- 
ate the  masses  of  detail  this  extraordinary  body  was  called  upon  to  pass 
upon  and  digest  clearly.  Each  conjunction  compelled  a  revision  of  pre- 
vious determinations  or  modifications  of  adopted  resolutions.  For  it  was 
in  this  form  the  work  of  the  board  went  to  the  Secretary  and  from  him 
was  submitted  to  the  President.  Of  course  this  was  in  the  main  per- 
functory, as  neither  President  nor  Secretary  possesses  the  technical 
knowledge  necessary  to  pass  intelligently  upon  abstruse  questions  of  this 
character.  Naturally,  men  in  such  a  post  are  garmented  in  a  certain 
fear.  In  case  of  disaster,  they  may  be  made  the  victims — as  the  Aulic 
council  was  during  the  century  they  brought  woe  upon  the  Hapsburgs. 
But  with  such  captains  as  manned  our  ships,  the  War  Board  never  had 
cause  for  apprehension ;  there  was  not  a  man  in  authority  on  Dewey's  or 
Schley's  fleets,  that  could  not  have  taken  his  place  on  the  War  Board, 
had  there  been  reason  for  it.  Naturally  the  Board  possesses  an  occult  in- 
fluence, quite  beyond  its  official  status.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
instinctively — or  insensibly,  comes  to  see  everything  done  and  to  be  done 
through  the  eyes  of  the  Board.  Hence  the  slight  cloud  of  favoritism  and 


490  SOME  HEART-BURNINGS. 

heart-burning  over  the  awards  and  promotions  following  the  Santiago 
victories.  To  the  lay  mind,  Admiral  Schley  was  indisputably  the  hero  of 
the  fleet.  He  had  "  bottled  "  Cervera  and  when  the  great  day  came,  Prov- 
idence so  ordered  that  he  was  in  command  of  the  victorious  squadron 
that  destroyed  the  Armada.  But  as  Sampson  was  nominally  the  com- 
mander, though  not  present,  he  received  the  official  proclamation,  award, 
and  promotion.  As  the  controversy  promises  to  last  as  long  as  the  renown 
of  the  victory,  Captain  Mahan's  reasoning  in  Sampson's  favor  has  high 
historic  value.  In  a  letter  to  the  public  press,  while  the  controversy  was 
raging,  he  set  the  official  view  forth  in  this  fashion : 

i%  At  Santiago,  all  the  dispositions  prior  to  action,  and  for  over  a  month 
before,  were  made  by  the  Commander  in-Chief.  A  number  of  orders, 
issued  from  time  to  time  by  him,  for  the  enforcement  of  the  close  watch 
of  the  harbor's  mouth,  were  published  in  the  Washington  Post  of  July 
27,  and  I  presume  by  other  journals  as  well.  There  is  very  strong 
ground  for  believing  that  Cervera's  attempt  to  escape  by  day  instead  of 
by  night — the  incident  of  his  conduct  which  has  been  most  widely  cen- 
sured and  is  most  inexplicable — was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  United  States 
ships  kept  so  close  to  the  harbor  mouth  at  night  that  a  dash  like  his, 
desperate  at  best,  had  a  better  chance  when  the  ships  were  at  day  dis- 
tance. This  was  so  stated,  substantially,  to  Admiral  Sampson  by  the 
Captain  of  the  Colon.  If  so,  the  merit  of  this,  forcing  the  enemy  to 
action  under  disadvantageous  conditions — and  it  is  one  of  the  highest 
achievements  of  military  art — belongs  to  the  Commander  in  Chief.  It 
was  the  great  decisive  feature  of  the  campaign,  from  start  to  finish.  Few 
naval  authorities,  I  imagine,  will  dispute  this  statement. 

"  It  will  be  noted  also,  by  comparing  the  report  of  Admiral  Sampson, 
stating  the  disposition  of  the  ships,  with  the  report  of  Captain  Cook,  com- 
manding the  Brooklyn,  Commodore  Schley's  flagship,  that  the  United 
States  ships  chased  and  fought  in  the  order,  from  left  to  right,  established 
by  Sampson.  There  is  in  this  no  particular  merit  for  the  latter,  beyond 
that,  in  placing  the  two  fastest  ships,  Brooklyn  and  New  York,  on  the 
two  flanks,  he  had  made  the  best  provision  for  heading  off  the  enemy, 
which  the  Brooklyn  so  handsomely  effected.  But  the  fact  that  the  ships 
chased  as  they  stood  shows  that  it  was  unnecessary  for  Schley  to  make  a 
signal ;  and  in  truth,  from  first  to  last,  the  second  in  command  needed  to 
make  no  signal  of  a  tactical  character,  and  made  none,  so  far  as  is  shown 
by  his  own  report,  or  that  of  the  Captain  of  the  ship.  That  is,  the 
second  in  command  exercised  no  special  directive  functions  of  a  flag  or 
general  officer  while  the  fighting  lasted.  In  this  there  was  no  fault,  for  there 


/ 


NO  NEED  FOR  SIGNALS.  493 

was  no  need  for  signals ;  but  the  fact  utterly  does  away  with  any  claim  to 
particular  merit  as  second  in  command,  without  in  the  least  impairing  the 
Commodore's  credit  for  conduct  in  all  possible  respects  gallant  and 
ufficerlike.  So  far  as  plan  is  concerned,  the  battle  was  fought  on  Samp- 
son's lines;  and,  to  quote  Collingwood  be  fore 'Trafalgar,  '1  wish  Nelson 
would  stop  signalling,  for  we  all  know  what  we  have  to  do.'  The  second 
in  command  and  the  Captains  before  Santiago  all  knew  what  they  had  to 
do,  and  right  nobly  they  all  did  it. 

"  But  the  distinctive  merit  of  the  series  of  events  which  issued  in  the 
naval  battle  of  Santiago  is  that,  so  far  as  appears,  Cervera  was  forced  to 
fight  as  he  did  on  account  of  the  unrelenting  watch,  through  more  than  a 
whole  moon,  including  its  dark  nights,  maintained  by  Admiral  Sampson. 
The  writer  has  been  told  by  a  naval  officer  whose  name  he  has  not 
authority  to  mention,  but  who  would  be  recognized  as  one  of  the  most 
efficient  of  his  mature  years,  and  who  had  been  off  Santiago  during  part 
of  that  eventful  month,  that  he  regarded  Sampson's  watch  of  the  harbor 
as  the  decisive  feature  in  the  great  result.  This  neither  ignores  the 
merits  of  the  Captains  nor  of  the  "  man  behind  the  gun."  •  But  Captains 
and  the  men  behind  the  guns  may  be  of  the  best,  the  Colonels  of  the 
regiments  and  the  privates  of  land  warfare  the  same,  but  vain  are  their 
valor  and  their  skill  if  the  Commander-in-Chief  be  wanting  in  either. 

"  With  the  wise  and  stringent  methods  laid  down  and  enforced  by  the 
Admiral,  it  would  not  in  the  least  have  mattered,  as  things  happened, 
with  such  ships  and  such  Captains,  had  the  Commander-in-Chief  and  the 
second  in  command,  either  or  both,  been  seventy  miles  away.  It  is  ex- 
actly with  the  fleet  as  with  the  single  ships.  The  merit  of  each  Captain 
was  not  only,  nor  chiefly,  that  he  handled  and  fought  his  ship  admirably 
on  the  day  of  battle.  His  greatest  merit  was  that,  when  he  took  his  ship 
into  action,  she  was  so  organized  and  trained  that,  had  he  himself  been 
absent  or  struck  dead  by  the  first  shot,  the  ship  would  none  the  less 
have  played  her  full  part  efficiently  in  the  fight,  under  her  second  in  com- 
mand. 

"Few  things  in  the  observation  of  the  writer  have  been  more  painful 
than  the  attempt  of  a  portion  of  the  press  and  of  the  public  to  rob 
Sampson  of  his  just  and  painfully  won  dues.  During  the  night  hours  of 
July  2,  3,  when  there  is  strong  reason  to  believe  that  Cervera,  despite  the 
full  moon,  wished  to  come  out,  the  Commander-in-Chief  with  the  whole  of 
his  force  lay  close  to  the  harbor's  mouth,  and  the  Spanish  attempt  was 
deferred  till  day,  when  it  might  be  supposed  from  their  usual  practice  that 
the  besieging  vessels  would  be  more  distant,  and  perhaps  off  their  guard. 


494  ALL  THE  WORK  WAS  WELL  DONE. 

At  four  A.  M.,  when  day  began  to  break,  the  Massachusetts,  commanded  by 
one  of  the  most  spirited  officers  in  the  service,  silently  withdrew,  to  coal 
at  Guantanamo,  forty  miles  away.  Half  an  hour  before  the  enemy  was 
discovered  coming  out,  the  flagship  New  York  also  proceeded  west.  ID 
doing  this  the  Commander-in  Chief,  Admiral  Sampson,  was  obeying  a 
specific  and  direct  order  of  the  Navy  Department,  to  confer  personally 
with  the  Conimander-in-Chief  of  the  army.  To  this  was  owing  that,  to 
use  the  words  of  Sampson's  despatch,  the  flagship  '  was  not  at  any  time 
within  range  of  the  heavy  Spanish  ships.'  Upon  this  circumstance, 
mortifying  as  a  mere  disappointment,  that  the  ship,  though  pushed  to  her 
utmost  speed,  could  not  retrieve  her  original  disadvantage  of  position — 
incurred  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the  Navy  Department — has  been 
raised  the  shameful  outcry,  designed  to  deprive  an  eminent  officer  of  the 
just  reward  of  his  toils. 

44  The  injustice  is  with  many  doubtless  unintentional  and  unwitting. 
The  same  excuse  can  scarcely  be  made  for  the  charge  that  the  Admiral 
has  grudged  praise  to  his  subordinates.  Some  Washington  papers  have 
in  this  matter  been  particularly  vicious,  and  the  Post  of  that  city,  in  an 
editorial  of  July  31  to  that  effect,  is  guilty,  in  quoting  from  one  paragraph 
of  Sampson's  despatch,  of  suppressing  these  following  words  in  the  suc- 
ceeding paragraph:  'The  commanding  officers  merit  the  greatest  praise 
for  the  perfect  manner  in  which  they  entered  into  this  plan  [of  blockade] 
and  put  it  into  execution.  The  Massachusetts,  which,  according  to 
routine,  was  sent  that  morning  to  coal  at  Guantanamo,  like  the  others  had 
spent  weary  nights  upon  this  work,  and  deserved  a  better  fate  than  to  be 
absent  that  morning.'  Again,  as  regards  the  action:  'When  all  the 
work  was  done  so  well,  it  is  difficult  to  discriminate.  The  object  of  the 
blockade  of  Cervera's  squadron  was  fully  accomplished,  and  each  in- 
dividual bore  well  his  part  in  it — the  Commodore  in  command  of  the 
Second  Division,  the  Captains  of  ships,  their  officers  and  men.  The  fire 
of  the  battleships  was  powerful  and  destructive  and  the  resistance  of  the 
Spanish  squadron  was,  in  great  part,  broken  almost  before  they  had  got 
beyond  the  range  of  their  own  forts.'  If  higher  praise  is  expected,  the 
only  reply  that  can  be  made  is  that  it  is,  historically,  rarely  given.  When 
individual  men  are  named,  unless  some  conspicuous  and  unusual  deed 
compels  it,  those  passed  over  feel  slighted ;  while,  if  each  who  has  done 
his  duty  is  individually  named,  all  distinctive  effect  is  lost.  Those  who 
doubt  may  examine  the  despatches  of  men  like  Nelson  and  Farragut." 

In  a  rather  heated  polemic  that  arose  over  the  various  degrees  of  credit 
due  the  commanders  of  fleets  and  ships,  the  curious  anomaly  of  "Prize 


"THE  MONEY  IN  IT."  49b 

money"  and  bounties — were  for  the  first  time  made  realistic  to  the  whole 
people.  It  struck  the  open-minded  as  an  extraordinary  retention  of  the 
outworn,  that  our  sailors  should  be  left  in  the  mercenary  category  of  old 
and  evil  times — when  the  fleets  of  the  world  were  manned  by  naval  con- 
dottieri  who  took  pay  and  served  under  any  flag  that  offered  the  most 
chance  for  prize  money.  Indeed,  the  war  had  barely  begun  when  the 
newspapers  vivaciously  set  forth  the  "  Money  in  it "  for  the  sailormen  and 
Captains  of  the  fleets.  For  weeks  the  tales  swelled  and  the  visions  of 
the  Klondike  adventurers  suddenly  dimmed  before  the  spoil  waiting  the 
blockading  fleet.  Yet,  when  the  allotments  were  counted  it  was  shown 
that  Admiral  Sampson,  who  had  not  been  under  fire  during  the  war,  was 
entitled  to  $100,000 — as  his  percentage — simply  because  he  commanded 
the  seas  in  which  the  bulk  of  the  captures  had  been  made.  Schley,  who 
really  destroyed  the  Spanish  fleet  had  $5,000,  or  at  the  utmost  $10,000  for 
his  share.  Dewey,  who  destroyed  Spam's  efficiency  as  a  power — was 
awarded  $5,000!,  The  odiousness  of  the  system  brought  about  a  discus- 
sion that  will  probably  force  a  change  and  put  the  navy  on  the  same  con- 
ditions as  the  army. 

Bounty  money  differs  only  from  prize  money  in  its  origin.  Prize 
money  is  awarded  for  ships  and  cargoes  captured ;  bounty  money  for 
those  destroyed.  The  method  of  distribution  is  substantially  the  same  in 
both  cases.  Under  our  laws,  a  prize  captured  on  the  high  seas  is  taken 
to  the  nearest  port  in  which  there  is  a  United  States  court.  The  vessel 
is  "  libelled  "  as  a  prize,  and  if  the  owners  wish  to  contest  by  proving 
that  she  is  not  an  enemy,  they  are  permitted  to  do  so.  The  court  decides 
the  question,  releasing  the  vessel,  if  the  claim  of  the  contestants  is  estab- 
lished. If  the  vessel  is  declared  a  lawful  prize,  the  court  decides  what 
ships  are  entitled  to  share  in  the  award.  This  includes  not  only  those 
which  actually  made  the  capture,  but  all  which  were  within  signalling 
distance  with  flags  by  day,  or  lights  by  night.  Ships  near  at  hand  be- 
longing to  the  same  squadron,  which  might  have  contributed  to  the  result, 
though  not  actually  engaged  in  the  battle,  come  in  for  their  portion,  the 
will  being  taken  for  the  deed.  It  is  assumed  that  if  their  crews  had  a 
chance  they  would  have  displayed  as  much  valor  as  any  others.  In  the 
case  of  the  destruction  of  an  enemy's  warships  in  battle,  the  evidence  of 
what  has  taken  place  is  more  easy  to  get,  and  there  are  practically  no 
court  formalities. 

But  prize  money  has  been  the  magnet  of  many  a  navy.  The  British 
could  never  have  manned  their  vaunted  navies — the  instruments  of  loath- 
some oppression,  since  fleets  were  first  known,  if  these  legalized  bucca- 


496  THE  LAW  IS  EXPLICIT. 

neers  had  not  been  lured  by  the  spoil  of  the  weak,  the  cost  of  the  cap- 
tured prizes.  The  odious  system  still  exists  and  the  rank  and  file  of  our 
victorious  fleets  in  the  late  war  will  share  a  spoil,  greater  than  the  wages  • 
won  during  the  war  of  the  revolution  by  John  Paul  Jones,  or  the  war  of 
1812  by  the  glorious  captains  who  humbled  British  arrogance.  Move 
than  $1,000,000  are  due  the  fleets  for  the  conquest  of  the  Spanish  navies. 
This,  according  to  the  law,  which  provides  payment  of  $100  a  head  for 
every  man  on  the  ships  of  an  enemy  when  these  ships  are  destroyed. 
There  is  an  old  adage  in  the  navy  about  the  distribution  of  money  won 
in  battle.  According  to  the  tars,  the  money  is  poured  over  a  ladder  and 
all  that  falls  through  goes  to  the  officers,  and  what  remains  on  the  rungs 
goes  to  the  sailors !  Nevertheless,  every  man  in  the  fleets  will  receive  a 
purse  small  or  great,  for  his  part  in  the  campaign.  The  law  governing 
the  distribution  of  this  money  is  explicit.  There  are  exact  provisions  for 
carrying  it  into  effect,  and  every  man  according  to  his  rank,  will  be  paid 
in  due  season.  This  statute  provides: 

A  bounty  shall  be  paid  by  the  United  States  for  each  person  on  board 
any  ship  or  vessel  of  war  belonging  to  an  enemy  at  the  commencement  of 
an  engagement,  which  is  sunk  or  otherwise  destroyed  in  such  engage- 
ment, by  any  ship  or  vessel  belonging  to  the  United  States,  or  which  it 
"may  be  necessary  to  destroy  in  consequence  of  injury  received  in  action, 
of  $100  if  the  enemy's  vessel  was  of  inferior  force,  and  $200  if  of  equal 
or  superior  force,  to  be  divided  in  the  same  manner  as  prize  money  ;  and 
when  the  actual  number  of  men  on  board  any  such  vessel  cannot  be  satis- 
factorily ascertained,  it  shall  be  estimated  according  to  the  complement 
allowed  the  vessels  of  its  class  in  the  navy  of  the  United  States ;  and 
there  shall  be  paid  as  bounty  to  the  captors  of  any  vessel  of  war,  captured 
from  an  enemy,  which  they  may  be  instructed  to  destroy  or  which  is  im- 
mediately destroyed  for  the  public  interest,  but  not  in  consequence  of 
injuries  received  in  action,  $50  for  every  person  who  shall  be  on  board  at 
the  time  of  such  capture.  According  to  this  law  the  officers  arid  men  of 
Sampson's  fleet  will  be  entitled  to  $100  for  every  officer  and  man  on 
board  the  six  Spanish  vessels  that  were  destroyed  off  Santiago.  This 
will  give  prize  money  in  about  this  proportion : 

Vizcaya 500 

Maria  Teresa 500 

Almirante  Oquendo 500 

Cristobal  Colon 450 

Furor • 67 

Pluton 70 


MAJOR-GENERAL  J.  F.  WADE. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JAMKS  H.  WILSON. 


BRIG.-GENERAL  H.  M.  DUFFIELP,  MAJOR-GENERAL  H.  T.  KENT. 


SHARING  THE  BOUNTY.  499 

On  this  reckoning,  the  treasury  will  pay  to  the  officers  and  men  of 
Sampson's  fleet,  $208,700.  Admiral  Sampson  will  receive  a  lion's  share 
of  the  "Head  money."  The  law  explicitly  provides  that  the  command- 
ing officer  shall  have  one-twentieth  part  of  all  prize  money  awarded  to 
the  ships  under  his  immediate  compiand.  This  will  give  Admiral  Samp- 
son over  $10,000  as  his  share  for  the  work  of  the  three  hours.  But  it 
should  be  remembered  that  this  is  only  a  part  of  the  extra  money  that 
Admiral  Sampson  receives  because  of  the  decision  of  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment to  place  him  in  command  over  the  fleet,  thus  temporarily  jumping 
him  over  Commodore  Schley,  who  ranked  him  by  several  points.  Ad- 
miral Sampson  receives  'a  share  in  all  prizes  captured  in  the  Caribbean 
from  the  time  the  war  began.  The  Pedro,  one  of  the  captured  vessels 
was  sold  to  the  government  for  $200,000 — one  half  of  which  goes  to  the 
captors.  Out  of  that  prize  alone,  Admiral  Sampson  received  about  $5,- 
000,  and  it  is  only  one  of  many  valuable  prizes  that  were  taken  in  West 
Indian  waters.  While  the  Admiral  in  command  of  the  fleet  must  alwaj's 
be  given  his  share  of  prize  money,  the  ships  of  his  fleet  'can  be  al- 
lowed to  share  only  when  they  are  within  signal  distance  of  the  fray,  and 
therefore  in  a  position  to  give  effective  aid  if  needed.  The  New  York 
therefore  shares  in  the  "  Head  money."  Commodore  Schley  receives  only 
about  $4,000  of  the  "  Head  money."  The  law  prescribes  that  the  com- 
manding officer  of  a  division  shall  receive  a  one-fiftieth  share.  The 
United  States  fleets  are  organized  on  a  somewhat  different  plan  now, 
than  when  this  law  was  enacted,  so  that  the  Commander  of  a  squadron 
really  corresponds  to  the  Commander  of  a  division  mentioned  in  the 
statute.  As  a  commander  of  a  second  squadron  of  the  fleet,  Commodore 
Schley  receives  his  one-fiftieth  part  of  the  "Head  money"  but  Commo- 
dore Howell  who  was  in  command  of  a  squadron  also  receives  nothing, 
because  he  was  away  at  Key  West,  and  his  ships  were  in  no  position  to 
render  immediate  aid.  After  these  two  shares  have  been  taken  out,  the 
money  is  apportioned  among  the  vessels  of  the  fleet  that  took  part  in  the 
engagement. 

The  law  provides  that  every  commander«of  a  single  vessel  shall  receive 
one-tenth  part  of  the  prize  money  awarded  to  the  vessel  in  his  command. 
There  were  seven  big  warships  in  the  Santiago  battle  entitled  to  share  in 
this  distribution — the  battleships  Oregon,  Iowa,  Indiana,  Massachusetts, 
and  Texas,  and  the  crusiers  New  York  and  Brooklyn.  Some  smaller 
ships  including  the  Gloucester  and  the  Vixen  are  entitled  to  a  share,  as 
they  were  warships  in  the  meaning  of  the  law.  As  there  should  be  about 
$200,000  left  after  Admiral  Sampson  and  Schley  have  been  helped,  there 
27 


600  BOUNTY  FOR  SINGLE  VESSELS. 

will  be  something  like  $25,000  to  be  distributed  on  each  of  these  seven 
ships,  even  after  the  smaller  ships,  which  were  con  verted  yachts  have  been 
provided  for.  If  this  reckoning  is  approximately  correct,  Captains  Tay- 
lor, Evans,  Philip,  Chad  wick,  Higginson,  Clark  and  Cook  will  leceive 
about  $2,500  each  as  his  share.  This  is  on  the  supposition  that  each  of 
these  war  vessels  is  given  an  equal  distribution  of  the  "Head  money " 
which  seems  probable  from  the  fact  that  they  carry  about  the  same  com- 
plement of  officers  and  men. 

Number  of  Number  of 

officers.-  men. 

Iowa, 36 

Indiana, 32 

Oregon, 32 

Massachusetts, 32 

Texas, 30 

New  York, 40 

Brooklyn, 46 


Totals,     ....     248  3,137 

After  the  captain  of  each  ship  has  been  given  his  share,  there  will  be 
something  over  thirty  officers  and  about  450  men  to  share  every  allot- 
ment of  -$22,500.  For  the  distribution  of  these  sums,  the  law  provides  that 
they  shall  be  divided  among  the  others  doing  duty  on  board,  borne  upon 
the  books  of  the  ship  in  proportion  to  their  respective  rates  of  pay  in  the 
service.  Speaking  roughly,  about  one-half  of  this  remainder  will  prob- 
ably be  required  to  pay  the  officers  of  the  ship,  excepting  the  commander, 
and  the  other  half  will  go  to  the  sailors,  who  may  receive  something  like 
$20  each.  But  there  is  still  more  coming  to  the  officers  and  men  of 
Sampson's  fleet  beside  the  money  they  receive  for  destroying  Cervera's 
fleet.  The  Reina  Mercedes  which  was  also  destroyed  off  Santiago  carried 
875  officers  and  men,  which  means  $37,500  for  distribution.  The  squad- 
ron doing  duty  off  Havana  will  receive  $30,000  for  the  destruction  of  the 
Alphonso  XII.  as  she  carried  a  crew  of  300  officers  and  men.  Moreover 
there  may  be  some  salvage  from  the  destruction  of  Cervera's  fleet,  which 
will  go  to  swell  the  profit  of  the  crews  in  West  Indian  waters.  It  is 
probable  that  Congress  will  have  to  appropriate  money  to  pay  all  this  in- 
debtedness. It  takes  considerable  time  to  determine  the  allotments,  and  to 
place  the  amounts  due  each  officer  and  man,  to  his  credit  on  the  books  of 
the  navy.  The  principle  is  a  vicious  one  ;  relic  of  barbarous  age,  for  it  is 


A  VICIOUS  PRINCIPLE. 


501 


an  incitement  to  mercenary  war;  the  sort  of  war  made  infamous  in  the 
Italian  republic,  when  armies  hired  themselves  to  the  highest  bidder. 
An  army  is  never  given  prize  money  now  for  a  Gettysburg  or  a  Sedan  ; 
why  should  a  navy  for  a  Santiago  or  a  Mobile?  The  system  degrades 
our  sailors — and  certainly  never  makes  patriots. 


BUTTONS   WILL   COME   OFF. 


PRTY  years  of  recrimination  followed  the  British  participation  of  the 
invasion  of  the  Crimea  where  the  wretched  French  did  most  of  the 
fighting,  and  the  sons  of  Albion  caught  up  and  carried  off  most  of  the 
glory  and  all  the  advantages.  Our  own  brief  essay  in  foreign  conquest 
promises  an  interminable  aftermath  of  disputation.  To  enable  the  reader 
to  judge  impartially,  the  official  utterances  of  both  battle,  siege  and  camp 
are  herewith  presented  in  full.  Debating  societies  and  political  enthu- 
siasts may  turn  to  these  appendices  and  find  the  utterances  of  the  chief 
actors,  when  they  find  the  text  hostile  to  their  contentions.  This  is  mak- 
ing a  history,  virtually  an  encyclopaedia,  and  in  view  of  present  tend- 
encies, perhaps  this  is  the  ultimate  expression  of  historic  chroniclings — 
for  when  all  the  world  thinks,  no  man  is  willing  to  accept  the  interpre- 
tations of  any  one  man,  no  matter  how  wise  or  self-restrained. 


PART  I.  NAVAL  REPORTS. 
ADMIRAL  DEWEY'S  STORY  OF  MANILA. 

"  UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  OLYMPIA,  CAVITE,  May  4,  1898. 

"  The  squadron  left  Mirs  Bay  on  April  27,  arrived  off  Bolinao  on  the  morn- 
ing of  April  30,  and,  finding  no  vessels  there,  proceeded  down  the  coast  and 
arrived  off  the  entrance  to  Manila  Bay  on  the  same  afternoon.  The  Boston  and 
the  Concord  were  sent  to  reconnoitre  Port  Snbic.  A  thorough  search  was  made 
of  the  port  by  the  Boston  and  the  Concord,  but  the  Spanish  fleet  was  not  found. 
Entered  the  south  channel  at  11:30  p.  M.,  steaming  in  column  at  eight  knots. 
After  half  the  squadron  had  passed,  a  battery  on  the  south  side  of  the  channel 
opened  fire,  none  of  the  shots  taking  effect.  The  Boston  and  McCnlloch  re- 
turned the  fire.  The  squadron  proceeded  across  the  bay  at  slow  speed  and 
arrived  off  Manila  at  daybreak,  and  was  fired  upon  at  5:15  A.  M.  by  three 
batteries  at  Manila  and  two  near  Cavite,  and  by  the  Spanish  fleet  anchored  in 
an  approximately  east  and  west  line  across  the  mouth  of  Bakor  Bay,  with  their 
left  in  shoal  water  in  Canacao  Bay. 

"  The  squadron  then  proceeded  to  the  attack,  the  flagship  Olympia,  under 
my  personal  direction,  leading,  followed  at  a  distance  by  the  Baltimore, 
Raleigh,  Petrel,  Concord,  and  Boston  in  the  order  named,  which  formation  was 
maintained  throughout  the  action.  The  squadron  opened  fire  at  5:41  A.  M. 

(502) 


DEWEY'S  STORY  OF  MANILA.  503 

While  advancing  to  the  attack  two  mines  were  exploded  ahead  of  the  flagship, 
too  far  to  be  effective.  The  squadron  maintained  a  continuous  and  precise  fire 
at  ranges  vailing  from  5,000  to  2,000  yards,  countermarching  in  a  line  approx- 
imately parallel  to  that  of  the  Spanish  fleet.  The  enemy's  fire  was  vigorous, 
but  generally  ineffective.  Early  in  the  engagement  two  launches  put  out 
toward  the  Olympia  with  the  apparent  intention  of  using  torpedoes.  One  was 
sunk  and  the  other  disabled  by  our  fire  and  beached  before  they  were  able  to 
fire  their  torpedoes. 

"  At  seven  A.  M.  the  Spanish  flagship  Reina  Cristina  made  a  desperate  at- 
tempt to  leave  the  line  and  come  out  to  engage  at  short  range,  but  was  received 
with  such  a  galling  fire,  the  entire  battery  of  the  Olympia  being  concentrated 
upon  her,  that  she  was  barely  able  to  return  to  the  shelter  of  the  point.  The  fires 
started  in  her  by  our  shell  at  the  time  were  not  extinguished  until  she  sank. 
The  three  batteries  at  Manila  had  kept  up  a  continuous  fire  from  the  beginning 
of  the  engagement,  which  fire  was  not  returned  by  my  squadron.  The  first  of 
these  batteries  was  situated  on  the  south  mole  head  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Pasig  River,  the  second  on  the  south  position  of  the  walled  city  of  Manila,  and 
the  third  at  Molate,  about  one-half  mile  further  south.  At  this  point  I  sent  a 
message  to  the  Governor-General  to  the  effect  that  if  the  batteries  did  not  cease 
firing  the  city  would  be  shelled.  This  had  the  effect  of  silencing  them. 

"  At  7:35  A.  M.  I  ceased  firing  and  withdrew  the  squadron  for  breakfast.  At 
11:16  I  returned  to  the  attack.  By  this  time  the  Spanish  flagship  and  almost 
all  the  Spanish  fleet  were  in  flames.  At  12:30  the  squadron  ceased  firing,  the 
batteries  being  silenced  and  the  ships  sunk,  burned,  and  deserted. 

"  At  12:40  the  squadron  returned  and  anchored  off  Manila,  the  Petrel  being 
left  behind  to  complete  the  destruction  of  the  smaller  gunboats,  which  were 
behind  the  point  of  Cavite.  This  duty  was  performed  by  Commander  E.  P. 
Wood  in  the  most  expeditious  and  complete  manner  possible.  The  Spanish 
lost  the  following  vessels :  Sunk,  Reina  Cristina,  Castilla,  Don  Antonio  de 
Ulloa;  burned,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  Isla  de  Luzon,  Isla  de  Cuba,  General 
Lezo,  Marquis  del  Duero,  El  Correo,  Velasco,  and  Isla  de  Mindanao  (transport)  ; 
captured,  Rapido  and  Hercules  (tugs),  and  several  small  launches. 

"  I  am  unable  to  obtain  complete  accounts  of  the  enemy's  killed  and  wounded, 
but  believe  their  losses  to  be  very  heavj\  The  Reina  Cristina  alone  had  150 
killed,  including  the  Captain,  and  ninety  wounded.  I  am  happy  to  report  that 
the  damage  done  to  the  squadron  under  my  command  was  inconsiderable. 
There  were  none  killed  and  only  seven  men  in  the  squadron  were  slightly 
wounded.  Several  of  the  vessels  were  struck  and  even  penetrated,  but  the 
damage  was  of  the  slightest,  and  the  squadron  is  in  as  good  condition  now  as 
before  the  battle. 

"  I  beg  to  state  to  the  department  that  I  doubt  if  any  Commander-in-Chief 
was  ever  served  by  more  loyal,  efficient,  and  gallant  Captains  than  those  of  the 
squadron  now  under  my  command.  Captain  Frank  Wildes,  commanding  the 


504  ADMIRAL  MONTOJO'S  REPORT. 

Boston,  volunteered  to  remain  in  command  of  his  vessel,  although  his  relief 
arrived  before  leaving  Hong  Kong.  Assistant  Surgeon  Kindelberger  of  the 
Olympia  and  Gunner  J.  C.  Evans,  of  the  Boston,  also  volunteered  to  remain 
after  orders  detaching  them  had  arrived.  The  conduct  of  my  personal  staff 
was  excellent.  Commander  B.  P.  Lamberton,  chief  of  staff',  was  a  volunteer 
for  that  position,  and  gave  me  most  efficient  aid.  Lieutenant  Brumby,  Flag 
Lieutenant,  and  Ensign  E.  P.  Scott,  aide,  performed  their  duties  as  signal 
officers  in  a  highly  creditable  manner,  Caldwell,  Flag  Secretary,  volunteered 
for  and  was  assigned  to  a  sub-division  of  the  five-inch  battery.  Mr.  J.  L.  Stick- 
ney,  formerly  an  officer  in  the  United  States  Navy,  and  now  correspondent  for 
the  New  York  Herald,  volunteered  for  duty  as  my  aide,  and  rendered  valuable 
service.  I  desire  especially  to  mention  the  coolness  of  Lieutenant  C.  G.  Calk- 
ins, the  navigator  of  the  Olympia,  who  came  under  my  personal  observation, 
being  on  the  bridge  with  me  throughout  the  entire  action,  and  giving  the 
ranges  to  the  guns  with  an  accuracy  that  was  proven  by  the  excellence  of  the 
firing. 

"  On  May  2,  the  day  following  the  engagement,  the  squadron  again  went  to 
Cavite,  where  it  remains.  On  the  3d  the  military  forces  evacuated  the  Cavite 
arsenal,  which  was  taken  possession  of  by  a  landing  party.  On  the  same  day 
the  Raleigh  and  the  Baltimore  secured  the  surrender  of  the  batteries  on 
Corregidor  Island,  paroling  the  garrison  and  destroying  the  guns.  On  the 
morning  of  May  4,  the  transport  Manila,  which  had  been  aground  in  Bakor  Bay, 
was  towed  off  and  made  a  prize." 


ADMIRAL  MONTOJO'S  REPORT. 

"  MANILA,  May  7th. 

"  I  have  to  report  the  destruction  of  the  fleet  under  my  command  by  a  su- 
perior number  of  American  battleships. 

"  The  force  of  these  vessels,  excepting  transports  that  were  non-combatant, 
amounted  to  21,410  tons,  49,290  horse  power,  163  guns  (many  of  which  were 
rapid  fire),  1,750  men  in  their  crews,  and  of  an  average  speed  of  about  seven- 
teen miles.  The  power  of  our  only  five  effective  ships  for  battle  was  repre- 
sented by  10,111  tons,  11,200  horse  power,  seventy-six  guns  (very  short  of 
rapid  fire),  1,875  crew,  and  a  maximum  speed  of  twelve  miles. 

"  The  Americans  fired  most  rapidly.  There  came  upon  us  numberless  pro- 
jectiles, as  the  three  cruisers  at  the  head  of  the  line  devoted  themselves  almost 
entirely  to  fight  the  Cristina,  my  flagship.  A  short  time  after  the  action  com- 
menced one  shell  exploded  in  the  forecastle  and  put  out  of  action  till  those  who 
served  the  four  rapid  fire  cannon,  making  splinters  of  the  forward  mast,  which 
wounded  the  helmsman  on  the  bridge,  when  Lieutenant  Jose  Nunez  took  the 
wheel  with  a  coolness  worthy  of  the  greatest  commendation,  steering  until  the 
end  of  the  fight. 


ADMIRAL  MONTOJO'S  REPORT.  505 

"  In  the  meanwhile  another  shell  exploded  in  the  orlop,  setting  fire  to  the 
crew's  bags,  which  they  were,  fortunately,  able  to  controL 

"  The  enemy  shortened  the  distance  between  us,  and,  rectifying  his  aim,  cov- 
ered us  with  a  rain  of  rapid  fire  projectiles. 

"  At  half-past  seven  one  shell  destroyed  completely  the  steering  geer.  I 
ordered  to  steer  by  hand  while  the  rudder  was  out  of  action.  In  the  mean- 
while another  shell  exploded  on  the  poop  and  put  out  of  action  nine  men. 
Another  destroyed  the  mizzenmast  head,  bringing  down  the  flag  and  my  en- 
sign, which  were  replaced  immediately. 

"  A  fresh  shell  exploded  in  the  officers'  cabin,  covering  the  hospital  with 
blood,  destroying  the  wounded  who  were  being  treated  there.  Another  ex- 
ploded in  the  ammunition  room  astern,  filling  the  quarters  with  smoke  and  pre- 
venting the  working  of  the  hand  steering  gear.  As  it  was  impossible  to  con- 
trol the  fire,  I  had  to  flood  the  magazine  when  the  cartridges  were  beginning  to 
explode. 

"  Amidships,  several  shells  of  smaller  calibre  went  through  the  smokestack, 
and  one  of  the  large  ones  penetrated  the  fireroom,  putting  out  of  action  one 
master  gunner  and  twelve  men  serving  the  guns. 

"  Another  rendered  useless  the  starboard  bow  gun.  While  the  fire  astern  in- 
creased, fire  was  started  forward  by  another  shell,  which  went  through  the  hull 
and  exploded  on  the  deck. 

"  The  broadside  guns,  being   undamaged,  continued  firing  until  there  we. 
only  one  gunner  and  one  seaman  remaining  unhurt  for  firing  them,  as  the  guns 
crews  had  been  frequently  called  upon  to  substitute  those  charged  with  steer- 
ing, all  of  whom  were  out  of  action. 

"  The  ship  being  out  of  control,  the  hull,  smokepipe  and  masts  riddled  with 
shot,  half  of  her  crew  out  of  action,  among  whom  were  seven  officers,  I  gave 
the  order  to  sink  and  abandon  the  ship  before  the  magazines  should  explode, 
making  signal  at  the  same  time  to  the  Cuba  and  Luzon  to  assist  in  saving  the 
rest  of  the  crew,  which  they  did,  aided  by  others  from  the  Duro  and  the  arse- 
nal. 

"  I  abandoned  the  Cristina,  directing  beforehand  to  secure  her  flag,  and,  ac- 
companied by  my  staff,  and  with  great  sorrow,  I  hoisted  my  flag  on  the  cruiser 
Isla  de  Cuba.  »• 

1  "  After  having  saved  many  men  from  the  unfortunate  vessel,  one  shell  de- 
stroyed her  heroic  commander,  Don  Luis  Cadaraso,  who  was  directing  the 
rescue. 

"  The  Ulloa,  which  also  defended  herself  firmly,  using  the  only  two  guns 
which  were  available,  was  sunk  by  a  shell,  which  entered  at  the  water  line,  put- 
ting out  of  action  her  commander  and  half  of  her  remaining  crew,  those  who 
were  only  remaining  for  the  service  of  the  two  guns  stated. 

"  The  Castilla,  which  fought  heroically,  with  her  artillery  useless,  except  one 
stern  gun,  with  which  they  fought  spiritedly,  was  riddled  with  shot  and  set  on 


506  THE  DIARIO  DE  MANILA. 

fire  by  the  enemy's  shells,  then  sunk,  and  was  abandoned  by  her  crew,  in  good 
order,  which  was  directed  by  her  commander,  Don  Alonzo  Algaro.  The  casual- 
ties on  this  ship  were  twenty-three  killed  and  eighty  wounded. 

"  The  Austria,  very  much  damaged  and  on  fire,  went  to  the  aid  of  the  Castilla. 
The  Luzon  had  three  guns  dismounted  and  was  slightly  damaged  in  the  hull. 
The  Duro  remained,  with  one  of  her  engines  useless,  the  bow  gun  and  one  of 
the  redoubts. 

"  At  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  enemy's  squadron  having  suspended 
its  fire,  I  ordered  the  ships  that  remained  to  us  to  take  positions  in  the  bottom 
of  the  roads',  at  Bacoor,  and  there  to  resist  to  the  last  moment,  and  that  they 
should  be  sunk  before  they  surrendered. 

"  At  half-past  ten  the  enemy  returned  forming  a  circle  to  destroy  the  arsenal, 
and  the  ships  which  remained  to  me,  opening  upon  them  a  horrible  fire,  which 
we  answered  as  far  as  we  could  with  the  few  cannon  which  we  still  had 
mounted. 

"There  remained  the  last  recourse — to  sink  our  vessels — and  we  accom- 
plished this  operation,  taking  care  to  save  the  flag,  the  distinguishing,  pennant, 
the  money  in  the  safe,  the  portable  arms,  the  breech  plugs  of  the  guns,  and  the 
signal  codes,  after  which  I  went,  with  my  staff,  to  the  convent  of  Santo  Domingo 
de  Cavite  to  be  cured  of  a  wound  received  in  the  left  leg,  and  to  telegraph  a 
brief  report  of  the  action,  with  preliminaries  and  results. 

"  The  inefficiency  of  the  vessels  which  composed  my  little  squadron,  the  lack 
of  all  classes  of  the  personnel,  especially  master  gunners  and  seaman  gunners, 
the  inaptitude  of  some  of  the  provisional  machinists,  the  scarcity  of  rapid  fire 
cannon,  the  strong  crews  of  the  enemy,  and  the  unprotected  character  of  the 
greater  part  of  our  vessels,  all  contributed  to  make  more  decided  the  sacrifice 
which  we  made  for  our  country. 

"  Our  casualties,  including  those  of  the  arsenal,  amounted  to  381  men  killed 
and  wounded." 

REPORT  OF  THE  DIARIO  DE  MANILA. 

"  As  the  sun  rose  above  the  clouds  and  mist  that  overhung  our  shores  on  the 
morning  of  May  1,  the  inhabitants  of  Manila  saw  with  surprise  and  dismay 
the  enemy's  squadron  in  well-ordered  line  of  battle  on  the  waters  of  the  bay. 
Who  could  have  imagined  that  they  would  have  had  the  rashness  to  stealthily 
approach  our  shores,  provoking  our  defenders  to  an  unavailing  display  of  skill 
and  valor,  in  which,  alas,  balls  could  not  be  propelled  by  heart-throbs,  else  the 
result  would  have  been  different?  The  sound  of  the  shots  from  our  batteries 
and  those  from  the  enemy's  ships,  which  awakened  the  citizens  of  Manila  at 
five  o'clock  on  that  May  morning,  transformed  the  character  of  our  peaceful 
and  happy  surroundings.  Frightened  at  the  prospect  of  dangers  that  seemed 
greater  than  they  were,  women  and  children  in  carriages,  or  by  whatever 
means  they  could,  sought  refuge  in  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  while  all  the  men, 


THE  DIARIO  DE  MANILA.  507 

from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  the  merchant  and  the  mechanic,  the  soldier  and 
the  peasant,  the  dwellers  of  the  mainland  and  those  of  the  coast,  repaired  to 
their  posts  and  took  up  arms,  confident  that  never,  except  by  passing  over  their 
dead  bodies,  should  the  soil  of  Manila  be  defiled  by  the  enemy,  notwithstanding 
that  from  the  first  it  was  apparent  that  the  armored  ships  and  powerful  guns 
were  invulnerable  to  any  effort  at  our  command.  Before  entering  our  port  the 
enemy  had  well  assured  himself  of  his  superiority  over  our  defences. 

"  The  walls  of  the  public  square,  the  towers  of  the  churches,  the  upper  stories 
of  houses,  and  every  place  that  commanded  a  view  of  the  bay  were  thronged 
by  eager  spectators. 

"  The  shots  from  the  batteries  and  plaza  produced  no  impression  upon  the 
cruisers.  The  spectators  on  the  shore,  with  and  without  glasses,  continued  to 
scan  the  advancing  enemy,  who,  although  he  may  have  been  brave,  had  no  oc- 
casion to  show  it,  since  the  range  of  his  guns  and  the  deficiencies  of  our  artil- 
lery enabled  him  to  do  all  the  harm  he  wished  with  impunity.  ...  A  sol- 
dier of  the  First  Battalion  of  Sharpshooters,  who  saw  the  squadron  so  far  out 
of  range  of  our  batteries,  said,  glancing  up  to  Heaven,  '  If  the  Holy  Mary 
would  only  transform  that  water  into  land,  then  the  Yankees  would  see  how  we 
could  fight  1 '  And  a  Malay,  squatting  near  by,  exclaimed, '  Let  them  land,  and 
we  will  crush  them  under  heel ! '  Meanwhile  the  enemy  proceeded  with  speed 
and  safety,  in  perfect  formation,  toward  Cavite,  with  the  decision  born  of  se- 
curity. 

"...  From  Manila  we  could  see,  by  the  aid  of  glasses,  the  two  squadrons 
almost  confounded  and  enveloped  in  clouds  of  smoke.  Owing  to  the  infe- 
riority of  our  batteries,  it  was  evident  that  the  enemy  was  triumphant  and  se- 
cure in  his  armored  strength  ;  he  was  a  mere  machine,  requiring  only  motive 
power  to  keep  in  action  his  destructive  agencies.  .  .  .  Who  can  describe 
the  heroic  acts,  the  prowess,  the  deeds  of  valor  performed  by  the  sailors  of  our 
squadron  as  rage  animated  them  ?  All  who  were  beneath  the  folds  of  the  ban- 
ner of  Spain  did  their  duty  as  becomes  the  chosen  sons  of  the  fatherland. 

"  A  thick  column  of  smoke  burst  out  of  the  forward  storeroom  hatch  of  the 
Cristina,  indicating  that  an  incendiary  projectile,  of  the  kind  prohibited  by 
Divine  and  human  laws,  had  taken  effect  in  the  cruiser.  Without  ceasing  her 
fire,  she  retired  toward  the  shore  and  was  scuttled  to  avoid  falling  into  the 
Yankees'  hands.  The  indignation  of  the  sailors  of  the  Cristina  was  raised  to 
the  highest  pitch  at  seeing  the  Castilla  on  fire  from  the  same  incendiary  causes. 
The  Spanish  vessels  that  had  not  succumbed  to  the  flames  or  the  shots  of  the 
enemy  were  run  aground,  as  they  could  not  be  disposed  of  in  any  other  way. 
This  was  the  last  stroke ;  we  could  do  no  more,  the  combat  of  Cavite  was 
ended,  and  our  last  vessel  went  down  flying  her  colors.  A  list  of  the  Spanish 
killed  and  wounded  is  given,  and  high  praise  is  awarded  to  the  defenders  of  the 
batteries  at  Manila  and  Cavite." 


508  ADMIRAL  SAMPSON'S  REPORT. 

THE  FLEET  AT  SANTIAGO. 
REPORT  OF  THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF,  NORTH  ATLANTIC  STATION. 

"  UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  NEW  YORK,  FIRST  HATE, 

"  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  July  15,  1898. 
To  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

"  SIR  :  1.  I  have  the  honor  to  make  the  following  report  upon  the  battle  with 
and  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  squadron,  commanded  by  Admiral  Cervera, 
off  Santiago  de  Cuba,  on  Sunday,  July  3,  1898. 

"  2.  The  enemy's  vessels  came  out  of  the  harbor  between  9:35  and  ten  A.  M., 
the  head  of  the  column  appearing  around  Cay  Smith  at  9:31,  and  emerging 
from  the  channel  five  or  six  minutes  later. 

"  3.  The  positions  of  the  vessels  of  my  command  off  Santiago  at  that  mo- 
ment were  as  follows  :  The  flagship  New  York  was  four  miles  east  of  her 
blockading  station  and  about  seven  miles  from  the  harbor  entrance.  She  had 
started  for  Siboney,  where  I  intended  to  land,  accompanied  b}'  several  of  my 
staff,  and  go  to  the  front  to  consult  with  General  Shatter.  A  discussion  of  the 
situation  and  a  more  definite  understanding  between  us  of  the  operations  pro 
posed  had  been  rendered  necessary  by  the  unexpectedly  strong  resistance  of  tin 
Spanish  garrison  of  Santiago.  I  had  sent  my  chief  of  staff  on  shore  the  day  be- 
fore to  arrange  an  interview  with  General  Shafter,  who  had  been  suffering  from 
heat  prostration.  I  made  arrangements  to  go  to  his  headquarters,  and  my 
flagship  was  in  the  position  mentioned  above  when  the  Spanish  squadron  ap- 
peared in  the  channel.  The  remaining  vessels  were  in  or  near  their  usual 
blockading  positions,  distributed  in  a  semicircle  about  the  harbor  entrance, 
counting  from  the  eastward  to  the  westward,  in  the  following  order:  The  In- 
diana, about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  shore  ;  the  Oregon — the  New  York's  place 
between  these  two — the  Iowa,  Texas,  and  Brooklyn,  the  latter  two  miles  from 
the  shore  west  of  Santiago.  The  distance  of  the  vessels  from  the  harbor 
entrance  was  from  two  and  one:half  to  four  miles,  the  latter  being  the  limit  of 
day  blockading  distance.  The  length  of  the  arc  formed  by  the  ships  was  about 
eight  miles.  The  Massachusetts  had  left  at  four  A.  M.  for  Guantanamo  for  coal. 
Her  station  was  between  the  Iowa  and  Texas.  The  auxiliaries  Gloucester  and 
Vixen  lay  close  to  the  land  and  nearer  the  harbor  entrance  than  the  large  ves- 
sels, the  Gloucester  to  the  eastward  and  the  Vixen  to  the  westward.  The  tor- 
pedo boat  Ericsson  was  in  company  with  the  flagship,  and  remained  with  her 
during  the  chase  until  ordered  to  discontinue,  when  she  rendered  very  efficient 
service  in  rescuing  prisoners  from  the  burning  Vizcaya.  I  inclose  a  diagram 
showing  approximately  the  positions  of  the  vessels  as  described  above. 

"  4.  The  Spanish  vessels  came  rapidly  out  of  the  harbor,  at  a  speed  esti- 
mated at  from  eight  to  ten  knots,  and  in  the  following  order  :  Infanta  Maria 
Teresa  (flagship),  Vizcaya,  Cristobal  Colon,  and  the  Almirante  Oquendo.  The 


ADMIRAL  SAMPSON'S  REPORT.  509 

distance  between  these  ships  was  about  800  yards,  which  means  that,  from  the 
time  the  first  one  became  visible  in  the  upper  reach  of  the  channel  until  the  last 
one  was  out  of  the  harbor,  an  interval  of  only  about  twelve  minutes  elapsed. 
Following  the  Oquendo,  at  a  distance  of  about  1,200  yards,  came  the  torpedo 
boat  destroyer  Pluton,  and  after  her  the  Furor.  The  armored  cruisers,  as 
rapidly  as  they  could  bring  their  guns  to  bear,  opened  a  vigorous  fire  upon  the 
blockading  vessels,  and  emerged  from  the  channel  shrouded  in  the  smoke  from 
their  guns. 

"  5.  The  men  of  our  ships  in  front  of  the  port  were  at  Sunday  '  quarters  for 
inspection.'  The  signal  was  made  simultaneously  from  several  vessels, 
'  Enemy's  ships  escaping,'  and  general  quarters  was  sounded.  The  men 
cheered  as  they  sprang  to  their  guns,  and  fire  was  opened  probably  within  eight 
minutes  by  the  vessels  whose  guns  commanded  the  entrance.  The  New  York 
turned  about  and  steamed  for  the  escaping  fleet,  flying  the  signal '  Close  in  to- 
ward harbor  entrance  and  attack  vessels,'  and  gradually  increasing  speed,  until 
toward  the  end  of  the  chase  she  was  making  sixteen  and  one-half  knots,  and 
was  rapidly  closing  on  the  Cristobal  Colon.  She  was  not  at  any  time  within 
range  of  the  heavy  Spanish  ships,  and  her  only  part  in  the  firing  was  to  receive 
the  undivided  fire  from  the  forts  in  passing  the  harbor  entrance  and  to  fire  a 
few  shots  at  one  of  the  destroyers,  thought  at  the  moment  to  be  attempting  to 
escape  from  the  Gloucester. 

u  6.  The  Spanish  vessels,  upon  clearing  the  harbor,  turned  to  the  westward 
in  column,  increasing  their  speed  to  the  full  power  of  their  engines.  The 
heavy  blockading  vessels,  which  had  closed  in  toward  the  Morro  at  the  instant 
of  the  enemy's  appearance,  and  at  their  best  speed,  delivered  a  rapid  fire,  well 
sustained  and  destructive,  which  speedily  overwhelmed  and  silenced  the 
Spanish  fire.  The  initial  speed  of  the  Spaniards  carried  them  rapidly  past  the 
blockading  vessels,  and  the  battle  developed  into  »  chase,  in  which  the 
Brooklyn  and  the  Texas  had  at  the  start  the  advantage  of  position.  The 
Brooklyn  maintained  this  lead.  The  Oregon,  steamir;g  with  amazing  speed 
from  the  commencement  of  the  action,  took  first  place.  The  Iowa  and  Indiana, 
having  done  good  work,  and  not  having  the  speed  of  the  other  ships,  were  di- 
rected by  me  in  succession,  at  about  the  time  the  Vfzcaya  was  beached,  to 
drop  out  of  the  chase  and  resume  blockading  stations.  These  vessels  rescued 
-many  prisoners.  The  Yixen,  finding  that  the  rush  of  the  Spanish  ships  would 
put  her  between  two  fires,  ran  outside  of  our  column  and  remained  there  during 
the  battle  and  chase. 

"  7.  The  skilful  handling  and  gallant  fighting  of  the  Gloucester  excited  the 
admiration  of  every  one  who  witnessed  it,  and  merits  the  commendation  of  the 
Navy  Department.  She  is  a  fast  and  entirely  unprotected  auxiliary  vessel — 
the  yacht  Corsair — and  has  a  good  battery  of  light  rapid-fire  guns.  She  was 
lying  about  two  miles  from  the  harbor  entrance,  to  the  southward  and  east- 
ward, and  immediately  steamed  in,  opening  fire  upon  the  large  ships.  An- 


510  ADMIRAL  SAMPSON'S  REPORT. 

ticipating  the  appearance  of  the  Pluton  aiid  Furor,  the  Gloucester  was  slowed, 
thereby  gaining  more  rapidly  a  high  pressure  of  steam,  and  when  the  destroy- 
ers came  out  she  steamed  for  them  at  full  speed,  and  was  able  to  close  at  short 
range,  when  her  fire  was  most  deadly  and  of  great  volume.  During  this  fight 
the  Gloucester  was  under  the  fire  of  the  Socapa  batter}'.  Within  twenty 
minutes  from  the  time  they  emerged  from  Santiago  Harbor  the  careers  of  the 
Furor  and  the  Pluton  were  ended  and  two-thirds  of  their  people  killed.  The 
Furor  was  beached  and  sunk  in  the  surf;  the  Pluton  sank  in  deep  water  a  few 
minutes  later.  The  destroyers  probably  suffered  much  injury  from  the  fire  of 
the  secondary  batteries  of  the  battleships  Iowa,  Indiana,  and  the  Texas,  yet  I 
think  a  very  considerable  factor  in  their  speedy  destruction  was  the  fire  at 
close  range  of  the  Gloucester's  battery.  After  rescuing  the  survivors  of  the 
destroyers,  the  Gloucester  did  excellent  service  in  landing  and  securing  the 
crew  of  the  Infanta  Maria  Teresa. 

"  8.  The  method  of  escape  attempted  by  the  Spaniards,  all  steering  in  the 
same  direction,  and  in  formation,  removed  all  tactical  doubt  or  difficulties,  and 
made  plain  the  duty  of  every  United  States  vessel  to  close  in,  immediately  en- 
gage, and  pursue.  This  was  promptly  and  effectively  done.  As  already 
stated,  the  first  rush  of  the  Spanish  squadron  carried  it  past  a  number  of  the 
blockading  ships,  which  could  not  immediately  work  up  to  their  best  speed ; 
but  they  suffered  -heavily  in  passing,  and  the  Infanta  Maria  Teresa  and  the 
Oquendo  were  probably  set  on  fire  by  shells  fired  during  the  first  fifteen 
minutes  of  the  engagement.  It  was  afterward  learned  that  the  Infanta  Maria 
Teresa's  fire  main  had  been  cut  by  one  of  our  first  shots  and  that  she  was  un- 
able to  extinguish  fire.  With  large  volumes  of  smoke  rising  from  their  lower 
decks  aft,  these  vessels  gave  up  both  fight  and  flight,  and  ran  in  on  the  beach, 
the  Infanta  Maria  Teresa  at  about  10:15  A.  M.,  at  Nima,  six  and  one-half  miles 
from  Santiago  Harbor  entrance,  and  the  Almirante  Oquendo  at  about  10:30  A. 
M.,  at  Juan  Gonzales,  seven  miles  from  the  port. 

"  9.  The  Vizcaya  was  still  under  the  fire  of  the  leading  vessels  ;  the  Cristo- 
bal Colon  had  drawn  ahead,  leading  the  chase,  and  soon  passed  beyond  the 
range  of  the  guns  of  the  leading  American  ships;  the  Vizcaya  was  soon  set  on 
fire,  and  at  11:15  she  turned  inshore  and  was  beached  at  Aserradero,  fifteen 
miles  from  Santiago,  burning  fiercely,  and  with  her  reserves  of  ammunition  on 
deck  already  beginning  to  explode.  When  about  ten  miles  west  of  Santiago 
the  Indiana  had  been  signalled  to  go  back  to  the  harbor  entrance,  and  at 
Aserradero  the  Iowa  was  signalled  to  '  Resume  blockading  station.'  The  Iowa, 
assisted  by  the  Ericsson  and  the  Hist,  took  off  the  crew  of  the  Vizcaya,  while  the 
Harvard  and  the  Gloucester  rescued  those  of  the  Infanta  Maria  Teresa  and  the 
Almirante  Oquendo.  This  rescue  of  prisoners,  including  the  wounded,  from 
the  burning  Spanish  vessels,  was  the  occasion  of  some  of  the  most  daring  and 
gallant  conduct  of  the  day.  The  ships  were  burning  fore  and  aft,  their  guns 
and  reserve  ammunition  were  exploding,  and  it  was  not  known  at  what  moment 


ADMIRAL  SAMPSON'S  REPORT.  511 

the  fire  would  reach  the  main  magazines.  In  addition  to  this,  a  heavy  surf 
was  running  just  inside  of  the  Spanish  ships.  But  no  risk  deterred  our  officere 
and  men  until  their  work  of  humanity  was  complete. 

"  10.  There  remained  now  of  the  Spanish  ships  only  the  Cristobal  Colon 
but  she  was  their  best  and  fastest  vessel.  Forced  by  the  situation  to  hug  the 
Cuban  coast,  her  only  chance  of  escape  was  by  superior  and  sustained  speed. 
When  the  Vizcaya  went  ashore,  the  Colon  was  about  six  miles  ahead  of  the 
Brooklyn  and  the  Oregon ;  but  her  spurt  was  finished,  and  the  American  ships 
were  now  gaining  upon  her.  Behind  the  Brooklyn  and  the  Oregon  came 
the  Texas,  Vixen,  and  New  York.  It  was  evident  from  the  bridge  of  the 
New  York  that  all  the  American  ships  were  gradually  overhauling  the  chase 
and  "that  she  had  no  chance  of  escape.  At  12:50  the  Brooklyn  and  the  Orgeon 
opened  fire  and  got  her  range,  the  Oregon's  heavy  shell  striking  beyond  her, 
and  at  1:20  she  gave  up  without  firing  another  shot,  hauled  down  her  colors, 
and  ran  ashore  at  Rio  Tarquino,  fortj'-eight  miles  from  Santiago.  Captain 
Cook,  of  the  Brooklyn,  went  on  board  to  receive  the  surrender.  While  his 
boat  was  alongside  I  came  up  in  the  New  York,  received  his  report,  and  placed 
the  Oregon  in  charge  of  the  wreck  to  save  her  if  possible,  and  directed  the 
prisoners  to  be  transferred  to  the  Resolute,  which  had  followed  in  the  chase. 
Commodore  Scliley,  whose  chief  of  staff  had  gone  on  board  to  receive  the  sur- 
render, had  directed  that  all  their  personal  effects  should  be  retained  by  the 
officers.  This  order  I  did  not  modify.  The  Cristobal  Colon  was  not  injured 
by  our  firing,  and  probably  is  not  much  injured  by  beaching,  though  she  ran 
ashore  at  high  speed.  The  beach  was  so  steep  that  she  came  off  by  the  work- 
ing of  the  sea.  But  her  sea  valves  were  opened  and  broken  treacherously,  I 
am  sure,  after  her  surrender,  and  despite  all  efforts,  she  sank.  When  it  became 
evident  that  she  could  not  be  kept  afloat,  she  was  pushed  by  the  New  York 
bodily  upon  the  beach,  the  New  York's  stem  being  placed  against  her  for  this 
purpose,  the  ship  being  handled  by  Captain  Chadwick  with  admirable  judg- 
ment, and  sank  in  shoal  water,  and  may  be  saved.  Had  this  not  been  done, 
she  would  have  gone  down  in  deep  water  and  would  have  been  to  a  certainty  a 
total  loss. 

"  11.  I  regard  this  complete  and  important  victory  over  the  Spanish  forces 
as  the  successful  finish  of  several  weeks  of  arduous  and  close  blockade,  so 
stringent  and  effective  during  the  night  that  the  enemy  was  deterred  from 
making  the  attempt  to  escape  at  night,  and  deliberately  elected  to  make  the  at- 
tempt in  daylight.  That  this  was  the  case  I  was  informed  by  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  Cristobal  Colon. 

"  12.  It  seems  proper  to  briefly  describe  here  the  manner  in  which  this  was 
accomplished.  The  harbor  of  Santiago  is  naturally  easy  to  blockade,  there  be 
ing  but  one  entrance,  and  that  a  narrow  one ;  and  the  deep  water  extendinj 
close  to  the  shore  line  presenting  no  difficulties  of  navigation  outside  of  tin 
entrance.  At  the  time  of  my  arrival  before  the  port — June  1, — the  moor 


512  ADMIRAL  SAMPSON'S  REPORT. 

was  at  its  full,  and  there  was  sufficient  light  during  the  night  to  enable  any 
movement  outside  of  the  entrance  to  be  detected  ;  but  with  the  waning  of  the 
moon  and  the  coining  of  dark  nights,  there  was  opportunity  for  the  enemy  to 
escape,  or  for  his  torpedo  boats  to  make  an  attack  upon  the  blockading  vessels. 
It  was  ascertained  with  fair  conclusiveness  that  the  Merrimac,  so  gallantly 
taken  into  the  channel  on  June  3,  did  not  obstruct  it.  I  therefore  maintained 
the  blockade  as  follows  :  To  the  battleships  was  assigned  the  duty,  in  turn,  of 
lighting  the  channel.  Moving  up  to  the  port  at  a  distance  of  from  one  to  two 
miles  from  the  Morro,  dependent  upon  the  condition  of  the  atmosphere,  they 
threw  a  searchlight  beam  directly  up  the  channel,  and  held  it  steadily  there. 
This  lighted  up  the  entire  breadth  of  the  channel  for  half  a  mile  inside  of  the 
entrance  so  brilliantly  that  the  movement  of  small  boats  could  be  detected. 
Why  the  batteries  never  opened  fire  upon  the  searchlight  ship  was  always  a 
matter  of  surprise  to  me  ;  but  they  never  did.  Stationed  close  to  the  entrance 
of  the  port  were  three  picket  vessels,  usually  converted  yachts,  and,  when  they 
were  available,  one  or  two  of  our  torpedo  boats.  With  this  arrangement  there 
was  at  least  a  certainty  that  nothing  could  get  out  of  the  harbor  undetected. 
After  the  arrival  of  the  army,  when  the  situation  forced  upon  the  Spanish 
admiral  a  decision,  our  vigilance  increased.  The  night  blockading  distance 
was  reduced  to  two  miles  for  all  vessels,  and  a  battleship  was  placed  alongside 
the  searchlight  ship,  with  her  broadside  trained  upon  the  channel,  in  readiness 
to  fire  the  instant  a  Spanish  ship  should  appear.  The  commanding  officers 
merit  the  greatest  praise  for  the  perfect  manner  in  which  they  entered  into  this 
plan  and  put  it  into  execution.  The  Massachusetts,  which,  according  to 
routine,  was  sent  that  morning  to  coal  at  Guantanamo,  like  the  others,  had 
spent  weary  nights  upon  this  work,  and  deserved  a  better  fate  than  to  be  absent 
that  morning.  I  inclose,  for  the  information  of  the  department,  copies  of 
orders  and  memoranda  issued  from  time  to  time,  relating  to  the  manner  of 
maintaining  the  blockade. 

"  13.  When  all  the  work  was  done  so  well,  it  is  difficult  to  discriminate  in 
praise.  The  object  of  the  blockade  of  Cervera's  squadron  was  fully  accom- 
plished, and  each  individual  bore  well  his  part  in  it — the  commodore  in  com- 
mand of  the  second  division,  the  captains  of  ships,  their  officers  and  men. 
The  fire  of  the  battleships  was  powerful  and  destructive,  and  the 
resistance  of  the  Spanish  squadron  was,  in  great  part,  broken  almost  before 
they  had  got  beyond  the  range  of  their  own  forts.  The  fine  speed  of  the 
Oregon  enabled  her  to  take  a  front  position  in  the  chase,  and  the  Cristobal 
Colon  did  not  give  up  until  the  Oregon  had  thrown  a  thirteen-inch  shell  be- 
yond her.  This  performance  adds  to  the  already  brilliant  record  of  this  fine 
battleship  and  speaks  highly  of  the  skill  and  care  with  which  her  admirable 
efficiency  has  been  maintained  during  a  service  unprecedented  in  the  history  of 
vessels  of  her  class.  The  Brooklyn's  westerly  blockading  position  gave  her  an 
advantage  in  the  chase,  which  she  maintained  to  the  end,  and  she  employed  her 


ADMIRAL  SAMPSON'S  REPORT.  613 

fine  battery  with  telling  effect.  The  Texas  and  the  New  York  were  gaining 
on  the  chase  during  the  last  hour,  and  had  any  accident  befallen  the  Brooklyn 
or  the  Oregon,  would  have  speedily  overhauled  the  Cristobal  Colon.  From  the 
moment  the  Spanish  vessel  exhausted  her  first  burst  of  speed  the  result  was 
never  in  doubt.  She  fell,  in  fact,  far  below  what  might  reasonably  have  been 
expected  of  her.  Careful  measurements  of  time  and  distance  give  her  an 
average  speed,  from  the  time  she  cleared  the  harbor  mouth  until  the  time  she 
was  run  ashore  at  Rio  Tarquino,  of  13.7  knots.  Neither  the  New  York  nor 
the  Brooklyn  stopped  to  couple  up  their  forward  engines,  but  ran  out  the  chase 
with  one  pair,  getting  steam,  of  course,  as  rapidly  as  possible  on  all  boilers. 
To  stop  to  couple  up  the  forward  engines  would  have  meant  a  delay  of  fifteen 
minutes,  or  four  miles  in  the  chase. 

"  14.  Several  of  the  ships  were  struck,  the  Brooklyn  more  often  than  the 
others,  but  very  slight  material  injury  was  done,  the  greatest  being  abroad  the 
Iowa.  Our  loss  was  one  man  killed  and  one  wounded,  both  on  the  Brooklyn. 
It  is  difficult  to  explain  this  immunity  from  loss  of  life  or  injury  to  ships  in  a 
combat  with  modern  vessels  of  the  best  type ;  but  Spanish  gunnery  is  poor  at 
best,  and  the  superior  weight  and  accuracy  of  our  fire  speedily  drove  the  men 
from  their  guns  and  silenced  their  fire.  This  is  borne  out  by  the  statements  of 
prisoners  and  by  observation.  The  Spanish  vessels,  as  they  dashed  out  of  the 
harbor,  were  covered  with  the  smoke  from  their  own  guns,  but  this  speedily 
diminished  in  volume,  and  soon  almost  disappeared.  The  fire  from  the  rapid- 
lire  batteries  of  the  battleships  appears  to  have  been  remarkably  destructive. 
An  examination  of  the  stranded  vessels  shows  that  the  Almirante  Oqueudo 
especially  had  suffered  terribly  from  this  fire.  Her  sides  are  everywhere 
pierced,  and  her  decks  were  strewn  with  the  charred  remains  of  those  who  had 
fallen. 

"  15.  The  reports  of  Commodore  W.  S.  Schley  and  of  the  commanding  of- 
ficers are  enclosed. 

"  16.  A  board,  appointed  by  me  several  days  ago,  has  made  a  critical  ex- 
amination of  the  stranded  vessels,  both  with  a  view  of  reporting  upon  the 
result  of  our  fire  and  the  military  features  involved,  and  of  reporting  upon  the 
chance  of  saving  any  of  them  and  of  wrecking  the  remainder.  The  report  of 
board  will  be  speedily  forwarded.  Very  respectfully, 

"  W.  T.  SAMPSON, 

"  Rear  Admiral,  U.  S.  Navy,  Commander-in-Chief,  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  North 
Atlantic  Station." 


514  ADMIRAL  SAMPSON'S  REPORT. 

INCLOSURES  IN  THE  REPORT. 
The  Admiral  made  these  inclosures  in  his  report :  x 

ORDER  OF   BATTLE. 

"  UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  NEW  YORK,  FIRST  RATE, 
u  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  June  2,  1898. 

"  The  fleet  off  Santiago  de  Cuba  will  be  organized  during  the  operations 
against  that  port  and  the  Spanish  squadron  as  follows  : 

"  FIRST  SQUADRON — Under  the  personal  command  of  the  Commander-in- 
Chief :  New  York,  Iowa,  Oregon,  New  Orleans,  Mayflower,  Porter. 

"  SECOND  SQUADRON — Commodore  Schley  :  Brooklyn,  Massachusetts,  Texas, 
Marblehead,  Vixen. 

"  Vessels  joining  subsequently  will  be  assigned  by  the  Commander-in-Chief. 
The  vessels  will  blockade  Santiago  de  Cuba  closely,  keeping  about  six  miles 
from  the  Morro  in  the  daytime  and  closing  in  at  night,  the  lighter  vessels  well 
in  shore.  The  first  squadron  will  blockade  on  the  east  side  of  the  port  and  the 
second  squadron  on  the  west  side.  If  the  enemj'  tries  to  escape  the  ships  must 
close  and  engage  as  soon  as  possible  and  endeavor  to  sink  his  vessels  or  force 
them  to  run  ashore  in  the  channel.  It  is  not  considered  that  the  shore  bat- 
teries are  of  sufficient  power  to  do  any  material  injury  to  battleships. 

"  In  smooth  weather  the  vessels  will  coal  on  station.  If  withdrawn  to  coal 
elsewhere,  or  for  other  duty,  the  blockading  vessels  on  either  side  will  cover 
the  angle  thus  left  vacant.  Very  respectfully, 

"  W.  T.  SAMPSON, 
"  Rear  Admiral  U.  S.  Navy,  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  North 

Atlantic  Station." 

MEMORANDUM  NO.  13. 

"  UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  NEW  YORK,  FIRST  RATE, 

"  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  June  7,  1898. 

"  After  careful  consideration  of  the  various  schemes  of  maintaining  an  effec- 
tive blockade  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  at  night,  which  have  been  advanced,  I  have 
decided  upon  the  following,  which  will  be  maintained  until  further  orders : 

"  The  weather  permitting,  three  (3)  picket  launches,  detailed  from  the  ships 
of  the  squadron  each  evening,  will  occupy  positions  one  mile  from  the  Morro, 
one  to  the  eastward,  one  to  the  westward  and  one  south  of  the  harbor  entrance. 
On  a  circle  drawn  with  a  radius  of  two  miles  from  the  Morro  will  be  stationed 
three  vessels,  the  Vixen  to  the  westward,  from  one-half  mile  to  one  mile  from 
the  shore ;  the  Suwanee  south  of  Morro  and  the  Dolphin  to  the  eastward,  be- 
tween one-half  mile  and  one  mile  from  the  shore.  The  remaining  vessels  will 
retain  the  positions  already  occupied,  but  they  will  take  especial  care  to  keep 
within  a  four-mile  circle. 


ADMIRAL  SAMPSON'S  REPORT.  515 

"  All  vessels  may  turn  their  engines  whenever  desirable  to  keep  them  in 
readiness  for  immediate  use,  and  while  doing  so  may  turn  in  a  small  circle,  but 
without  losing  proper  bearing  or  distance. 

"  The  signal  for  an  enemy  will  be  two  (2)  red  Very  lights  fired  in  rapid 
succession.  If  the  enemy  is  a  torpedo  boat,  these  two  red  lights  will  be  fol- 
lowed by  a  green  light. 

"  I  again  call  attention  to  the  absolute  necessity  of  a  close  blockade  of  this 
port,  especially  at  night  and  in  bad  weather.  In  the  daytime,  if  clear,  the  dis- 
tance shall  not  be  greater  than  six  miles.  At  night  or  in  thick  weather  not 
more  than  four  miles.  The  end  to  be  attained  justifies  the  risk  of  torpedo  at- 
tack, and  that  risk  must  be  taken.  The  escape  of  the  Spanish  vessels  at  this 
juncture  would  be  a  serious  blow  to  our  prestige,  and  to  a  speedy  end  of  the 
war. 

"  Attention  is  called  to  the  provisional  signals  established  by  General  Order 
No.  9.  Very  respectfully, 

"  W.  T.  SAMPSON, 
«  Rear  Admiral  IT.  S.  Navy,  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  North 

Atlantic  Station." 

MEMORANDUM  NO.  14. 

"  UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  NEW  YORK,  FIRST  RATE, 
"  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  June  8,  1898. 

"  During  the  dark  hours  of  the  night  searchlights  will  be  used  as  follows : 

"  The  Iowa,  Oregon  and  the  Massachusetts  will  take  turns  of  two  hours 
«aeh,  i.  e.,  from  dark  to  eight  P.  M.,  and  from  eight  P.  M.  to  ten  p.  M.,  &c.,  in 
keeping  one  searchlight  directly  on  the  harbor  entrance,  maintaining  carefully 
during  that  time  their  blockading  positions.  Should  a  vessel's  lights  fail  the 
next  in  order  will  at  once  take  up  the  duty. 

"  The  picket  launch  and  vidette,  stationed  south  of  the  Morro,  will  move  to 
one  side  or  the  other  sufficiently  to  get  clear  of  the  beam  of  light. 

u  The  vessel  on  each  flank,  the  Brooklyn  and  the  Texas  on  the  western  side, 
the  New  York  and  New  Orleans  on  the  eastern  side,  will  take  two  hour  turns 
in  using  one  searchlight  from  time  to  time  on  the  coast  line,  swinging  it  to- 
ward the  Morro,  but  avoiding  the  illumination  of  the  flanking  videttes  on  the 
inside  line.  The  light  should  never  be  turned  off  more  than  five  minutes  at  a 
time.  From  time  to  time  the  horizon  outside  will  be  swept. 

"  Attention  is  called  to  bad  and  careless  handling  of  searchlights.  Last 
night  some  of  the  lights  were  kept  high  in  the  air  and  were  again  swept 
rapidly  from  side  to  side.  Under  such  circumstances  a  searchlight  is  worse 
than  useless. 

"  The  beams  must  be  directed  to  the  horizon,  and  must  be  moved  very 
steadily  and  slowly.      Not  less  than  three  minutes  should  be  employed  in 
sweeping  through  an  arc  of  ninety  degrees. 
28 


516  ADMIRAL  SAMPSON'S  REPORT. 

"  The  best  way  to  discover  a  torpedo  boat  is  by  its  smoke,  and  even  this  will 
not  be  seen  unless  the  light  is  very  well  handled.  Very  respectfully, 

"  W.  T.  SAMPSON, 

44  Rear  Admiral  U.   S.  Navy,   Commander-in- Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  North- 
Atlantic  Station." 

MEMORANDUM  NO.  17. 
"  UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  NEW  YORK,  FIRST  RATE, 

"  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  June  11,  1398. 

"  SIE  :  When  on  the  blockade  vessels  will,  unless  for  some  special  tempor- 
ary reason  for  the  contrary,  habitually  head  toward  the  land  instead  of  away 
from  it.  Very  respectfully, 

"  W.  T.  SAMPSON, 

"  Rear  Admiral  U.  S.  Navy,  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  North 
Atlantic  Station. 
"  The  Commanding  Officer,  U.  S.  S. ." 

MEMORANDUM  NO.  18. 
"  UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  NEW  YORK,  FIRST  RATE, 

"  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  June  12,  1898. 

"  SIR:     1.     While  blockading  the  Spanish  fleet  in  Santiago  de  Cuba  vessels- 
will  hereafter  maintain  a  blockading  distance  of  four  miles  during  the  daytime. 
44  2.    This  distance  will  not  be  exceeded  except  by  permission  or  under  special 
circumstances.  Very  respectfully, 

"  W.  T.  SAMPSON, 

"  Rear  Admiral  U.   S.  Navy,  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  North 
Atlantic  Station. 
44  The  Commanding  Officer,  U.  S.  S. ." 

MEMORANDUM  NO.  20. 

"  UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  NEW  YORK,  FIRST  RATE, 
44  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  June  15,  1898. 

44  SIR  :  1.  The  Commander-in-Chief  desires  again  to  call  the  attention  of 
commanding  officers  to  the  positions  occupied  by  the  blockading  fleet,  especially 
during  the  daytime,  and  it  is  now  directed  that  all  ships  keep  within  a  dis- 
tance of  the  entrance  to  Santiago  of  four  miles,  and  this  distance  must  not  be 
exceeded. 

44  2.  If  the  vessel  is  coaling  or  is  otherwise  restricted  in  her  movements  she 
must  nevertheless  keep  within  this  distance. 

44  3.  If  at  any  time  the  flagship  makes  signal  which  is  not  visible  to  any 
vessel,  such  vessel  must  at  once  approach  the  flagship  or  repeating  vessel  to  a 
point  where  she  can  read  the  signal. 

44  4.     Disregard  of  the  directions  which  have  already  been  given  on  this  head 


COMMODORE  SCHLEY'S  REPORT.  517 

has  led  to  endless  confusion.  Many  times  during  the  day  the  fleet  is  so  scat- 
tered that  it  would  be  perfectly  possible  for  the  enemy  to  come  out  of  the  har- 
bor and  meet  with  very  little  opposition. 

"  5.     The  Commander-in-Chief  hopes  that  strict  attention  will  be  given  this 
order.  Very  respectfully, 

"  W.  T.  SAMPSON, 
"  Rear  Admiral  TJ.   S.  Navy,  Commander-in-Chief  TJ.  S.  Naval  Force,  North 

Atlantic  Station. 

"  The  Commanding  Officer,  U.  S.  S. ." 


COMMODORE  SCHLEY'S  REPORT. 

"  NORTH  ATLANTIC  FLEET,  SECOND  SQUADRON, 

"  UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  BROOKLYN, 
"  GUANTANAMO  BAY,  Cuba,  July  6,  1898. 

"  SIR  :  1.  I  have  the  honor  to  make  the  following  report  of  that  part  of  the 
squadron  under  your  command  which  came  under  my  observation  during  the 
engagement  with  the  Spanish  fleet  on  July  3,  1898. 

"  2.  At  9:35  A.  M.  Admiral  Cervera,  with  the  Infanta  Maria  Teresa,  Vizcaya, 
Oquendo,  Cristobal  Colon,  and  two  torpedo-boat  destroyers,  came  out  of  the 
harbor  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  in  column  at  distance  and  attempted  to  escape  to 
the  westward.  Signal  was  made  from  the  Iowa  that  the  enemy  was  coming 
out,  but  this  movement  had  been  discovered  from  this  ship  at  the  same  moment. 
This  vessel  was  the  farthest  west,  except  the  Vixen,  in  the  blockading  line. 
Signal  was  made  to  the  western  division  as  prescribed  in  your  general  orders, 
and  there  was  immediate  and  rapid  movement  inward  by  your  squadron  and  a 
general  engagement  at  ranges  beginning  at  eleven  hundred  yards  and  varying 
to  three  thousand,  until  the  Vizcaya  was  destroyed,  about  10:50  A.  M.  The 
concentration  of  the  fire  of  the  squadron  upon  the  ships  coming  out  was  most 
furious  and  terrific  and  great  damage  was  done  them. 

"3.  About  twenty  or  twenty-five  minutes  after  the  engagement  began,  two 
vessels,  thought  to  be  the  Teresa  and  Oquendo,  and  since  verified  as  such,  took 
fire  from  the  effective  shell  fire  of  the  squadron  and  were  forced  ,to  rim  on  the 
beach  some  six  or  seven  miles  west  of  the  harbor  entrance,  where  they  burned 
and  blew  up  later.  The  torpedo-boat  destn^'ers  were  destroyed  early  in  the 
action,  but  the  smoke  was  so  dense  in  their  direction  that  I  cannot  say  to  which 
vessel  or  vessels  the  credit  belongs.  This,  doubtless,  was  better  seen  from  your 
flagship. 

u  4.  The  Vizcaya  and  Colon,  perceiving  the  disaster  to  their  consorts, 
continued  at  full  speed  to  the  westward  to  escape,  and  were  followed  and 
engaged  in  a  running  fight  with  the  Brooklyn,  Texas,  Iowa,  and  Oregon  until 
10:50,  when  the  Vizcaya  took  fire  from  our  shells.  She  put  her  helm  to  port, 


518  COMMODORE  SCHLEY'S  REPORT. 

and,  with  a  heavj'  list  to  port,  stood  in  shore  and  ran  aground  at  Aserradero, 
about  twenty -one  miles  west  of  Santiago,  on  fire  fore  and  aft,  and  where  she 
blew  up  during  the  night.  Observing  that  she  had  struck  her  colors  and  that 
several  vessels  were  nearing  her  to  capture  and  save  the  crew,  signal  was  made 
to  cease  firing.  The  Oregon,  having  proved  vastly  faster  than  the  other  bat- 
tleships, she  and  the  Brooklyn,  together  with  the  Texas  and  another  vessel, 
which  proved  to  be  your  flagship,  continued  westward,  in  pursuit  of  the  Colon, 
which  had  run  close  in  shore,  evidently  seeking  some  good  spot  to  beach,  if  she 
should  fail  to  elude  her  pursuers. 

"  5.  This  pursuit  continued  with  increasing  speed  in  the  Brooklyn,  Oregon 
and  other  ships,  and  soon  the  Brooklyn  and  the  Oregon  were  within  long  range 
of  the  Colon,  when  the  Oregon  opened  fire  with  her  thirteen-inch  guns,  landing 
a  shell  close  to  the  Colon.  A  moment  afterward  the  Brooklyn  opened  fire  with 
her  eight-inch  guns,  landing  a  shell  just  ahead  of  her.  Several  other  shells 
were  fired  at  the  Colon,  now  in  range  of  the  Brooklyn's  and  Oregon's  guns. 
Her  commander  seeing  all  chances  of  escape  cut  off  and  destruction  awaiting 
his  ship,  fired  a  lee  gun  and  struck  her  flag  at  1:15  p.  M.,  and  ran  ashore  at  a 
point  some  fifty  miles  west  of  Santiago  harbor.  Your  flagship  was  coming  up 
rapidly  at  the  time,  as  was  also  the  Texas  and  Yixen.  A  little  later,  after  your 
arrival,  the  Cristobal  Colon,  which  had  struck  to  the  Brooktyn  and  the  Oregon, 
was  turned  over  to  you  as  one  of  the  trophies  of  this  great  victory  of  the 
squadron  under  your  command. 

"  6.  During  my  official  visit  a  little  later  Commander  Eaton,  of  the  Reso- 
lute, appeared  and  reported  to  you  the  presence  of  a  Spanish  battleship  near 
Altares.  Your  orders  to  me  were  to  take  the  Oregon  and  go  eastward  to  meet 
her,  and  this  was  done  by  the  Brooklyn,  with  the  result  that  the  vessel  reported 
as  an  enemy  was  discovered  to  be  the  Austrian  cruiser  Kaiserin  seeking  the 
Commander-in-Chief. 

"  7.  I  would  mention  for  your  consideration  that  the  Brooklyn  occupied  the 
most  westward  blockading  position  with  the  Yixen,  and  being  more  directly  in 
the  route  taken  by  the  Spanish  squadron,  was  exposed  for  some  minutes,  pos- 
sibly ten,  to  the  gun  fire  of  three  of  the  Spanish  ships  and  the  west  battery  at 
a  range  of  1,500  yards  from  the  ships  and  about  3,000  yards  from  the  batteries, 
but  the  vessels  of  the  entire  squadron,  closing  in  rapidly,  soon  diverted  this  fire 
and  did  magnificent  work  at  close  range.  I  have  never  before  witnessed  such 
deadly  and  fatally  accurate  shooting  as  was  done  by  the  ships  of  your  com- 
mand as  they  closed  in  on  the  Spanish  squadron,  and  I  deem  it  a  high  privilege 
to  commend  to  you  for  such  action  as  you  may  deem  proper,  the  gallantry  and 
dashing  courage,  the  prompt  decision  and  the  skilful  handling  of  their  respec- 
tive vessels,  of  Captain  Philip,  Captain  Evans,  Captain  Clark,  and  especially 
of  my  chief  of  staff,  Captain  Cook,  who  was  directly  under  my  personal  obser- 
vation and  whose  coolness,  promptness,  and  courage  were  of  the  highest  order. 
The  dense  smoke  of  the  combat  shut  out  from  my  view  the  Indiana  and  the 


COMMODORE   SCHLEY'S   REPORT.  519 

Gloucester,  but  as  these  vessels  were  closer  to  your  flagship,  no  doubt  their  part 
in  the  conflict  was  under  your  immediate  observation. 

"  8.  Lieutenant  Sharp,  commanding  the  Vixen,  acted  with  conspicuous 
courage;  although  unable  to  engage  the  heavier  ships  of  the  enemy  with  his 
light  guns,  nevertheless  was  close  into  the  battle  line  under  heavy  fire,  and 
many  of  the  enemy's  shot  passed  beyond  his  vessel. 

"  9.  I  beg  to  invite  special  attention  to  the  conduct  of  my  flag  lieutenant, 
James  H.  Sears,  and  Ensign  Edward  McCauley,  Jr.,  aide,  who  were  constantly 
at  rny  side  during  the  engagement,  and  who  exposed  themselves  fearlessly  in 
discharging  their  duties;  and  also  to  the  splendid  behavior  of  my  secretary, 
Lieutenant  B.  W.  Wells,  Jr.,  who  commanded  and  directed  the  fighting  of  the 
fourth  division  with  splendid  effect. 

"10.  I  would  commend  the  highly  meritorious  conduct  and  courage  in  the 
engagement  of  Lieutenant-Commander  N.  E.  Mason,  the  executive  officer, 
whose  presence  ever3rwhere  over  the  ship  during  its  continuance  did  much  to 
secure  the  good  result  of  this  ship's  part  in  the  victory. 

"  11.  The  navigator,  Lieutenant  A.  C.  Hodgson,  and  the  division  officers, 
Lieutenant  T.  D.  Griffin,  Lieutenant  W.  R.  Rush,  Lieutenant  Edward  Simp- 
son, Lieutenant  J.  G.  Doyle,  Ensign  Charles  Webster,  and  the  junior  divisional 
officers  were  most  steady  and  conspicuous  in  every  detail  of  duty,  contributing 
to  the  accurate  firing  of  this  ship  in  her  part  of  the  great  victory  of  your 
forces. 

"  12.  The  officers  of  the  medical,  pay,  and  engineer  and  marine  corps  re- 
sponded to  every  demand  of  the  occasion  and  were  fearless  in  exposing  them- 
selves. The  warrant  officers,  Boatswain  William  L.  Hill,  Carpenter  G.  H. 
Warford  and  Gunner  F.  T.  Applegate,  were  everywhere  exposed  in  watching 
for  damage,  reports  of  which  were  promptly  conveyed  to  me. 

"13.  I  have  never  in  my  life  served  with  a  braver,  better  or  worthier  crew 
than  that  of  the  Brooklyn.  During  the  combat,  lasting  from  9:35  until  1:15 
p.  M.,  much  of  the  time  under  fire,  they  never  flagged  for  a  moment  and  were 
apparently  undisturbed  by  the  storm  of  projectiles  passing  ahead,  astern  and 
over  the  ship. 

"  14.  The  result  of  the  engagement  was  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish 
squadron  and  the  capture  of  the  Admiral  and  some  thirteen  to  fifteen  hundred 
prisoners  with  the  loss  of  several  hundred  killed,  estimated  by  Admiral  Cer- 
vera  at  600  men. 

"  15.  The  casualties  on  board  this  ship  were :  G.  H.  Ellis,  chief  yeoman, 
killed;  J.  Burns,  fireman,  first-class,  severely  wounded.  The  marks  and  scars 
show  that  the  ship  was  struck  about  twenty-five  times  and  she  bears  in  all 
forty-one  scars  as  the  result  of  her  participation  in  the  great  victory  of  your 
I'u-ce  on  July  3,  1898.  The  speed-cone  halliards  were  shot  away  and  nearly  all 
the  signal  halliards.  The  ensign  at  the  main  was  so  shattered  that  in  hauling 
it  down  at  the  close  of  the  action  it  fell  in  pieces. 


520  CAPTAIN   EVANS'  REPORT. 

"16.  I  congratulate  you  most  sincerely  upon  this  great  victory  to  the 
squadron  under  your  command,  and  I  am  glad  that  I  had  an  opportunity  to 
contribute  in  the  least  to  a  victory  that  seems  big  enough  for  all  of  us. 

"17.  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  the  report  of  the  commanding 
officer  and  a  drawing  in  profile  of  the  ship  showing  the  location  of  hits  and 
scars;  also  a  memorandum  of  the  ammunition  expended  and  the  amount  to 
fill  her  allowance. 

"  18.  Since  reaching  this  place  and  holding  conversation  with  several  of  the 
Captains,  viz,  Captain  Eulate  of  the  Yizcaya  and  the  second  in  command  of  the 
Colon,  Commander  Contreras,  1  have  learned  that  the  Spanish  Admiral's  scheme 
was  to  concentrate  all  fire  for  a  while  on  the  Brooklyn,  and  for  the  Vizcaya  to 
ram  her,  in  hopes  that  if  they  could  destroy  her  the  chance  of  escape  would  be 
increased,  as  it  was  supposed  she  was  the  swiftest  ship  of  your  squadron.  This 
explains  the  heavy  fire  mentioned  and  the  Yizcaya's  action  in  the  earlier  mo- 
ments of  the  engagement.  The  execution  of  this  purpose  was  promptly  de- 
feated by  the  fact  that  all  the  ships  of  the  squadron  advanced  into  close  range 
and  opened  an  irresistibly  furious  and  terrific  fire  upon  the  enemjr's  squadron 
as  it  was  coming  out  of  the  harbor. 

"  19.  I  am  glad  to  say  that  the  injury  supposed  to  be  below  the  water  line 
was  due  to  a  water  valve  being  opened  from  some  unknown  cause  and  flooding 
the  compartment.  The  injury  to  the  belt  is  found  to  be  only  slight  and  the 
leak  small. 

"  20.  I  beg  to  inclose  a  list  of  the  officers  and  crew  who  participated  in  the 
combat  of  July  3,  1898. 

"  21.  I  cannot  close  this  report  without  mentioning  in  high  terras  of  praise 
the  splendid  conduct  and  support  of  Captain  C.  E.  Clark  of  the  Oregon.  Her 
speed  was  wonderful  and  her  accurate  fire  splendidly  destructive. 

"  Very  respectfully, 

"  W.  S.  SCHLEY, 

"  Commodore  U.  S.  Navy,  commanding  second  squadron,  North  Atlantic  fleet. 
"The  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  North  Atlantic  station." 


CAPTAIN  EVANS'  REPORT. 

"  UNITED  STATES  STEAMSHIP  IOWA,  FIRST  RATE, 

"  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  July  4,  1898. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  make  the  following  report  of  the  engagement 
with  the  Spanish  squadron  off  Santiago  de  Cuba  on  the  3d  of  July : 

"  1.  On  the  morning  of  the  3d,  while  the  crew  was  at  quarters  for  Sunday 
inspection,  the  leading  vessel  of  the  Spanish  squadron  was  sighted  at  9:31 
o'clock  coming  out  of  the  harbor  of  Santiago  de  Cuba.  Signal  '  Enemy's 
ships  coming  out '  was  immediately  hoisted,  and  a  gun  fired  to  attract  attention. 


CAPTAIN  EVANS'  iiEPORT.  521 

The  call  to  general  quarters  was  sounded  immediately,  the  battery  made  ready 
for  firing,  and  the  engines  rung  full  speed  ahead. 

"  2.  The  position  of  this  vessel  at  the  time  of  sighting  the  squadron  was  the 
usual  blockading  station  off  the  entrance  of  the  harbor ;  Morro  Castle  bearing 
about  north,  and  distant  about  three  to  four  miles.  The  steam  at  this  time  in 
the  boilers  was  sufficient  for  a  speed  of  five  knots. 

"  3.  After  sighting  the  leading  vessel,  the  Infanta  Maria  Teresa  (Admiral 
Cervera's  flagship),  it  was  observed  that  she  was  followed  in  succession  by  the 
remaining  three  vessels  of  the  Spanish  squadron,  the  Vizcaya,  Cristobal  Colon 
and  Almirante  Oquendo.  The  Spanish  ships  moved  at  a  speed  of  about  eight 
to  ten  knots,  which  was  steadily  increased  as  they  cleared  the  harbor  entrance 
and  stood  to  the  westward.  They  maintained  a  distance  of  about  800  yards  be- 
tween vessels.  The  squadron  moved  with  precision  and  stations  were  well 
kept. 

"  4.  Immediately  upon  sighting  the  leading  vessel  fires  were  spread,  and  the 
Iowa  headed  toward  the  leading  Spanish  ship.  About  9:40  the  first  shot  was 
fired  from  this  ship,  at  a  distance  of  about  6,000  yards. 

"  The  course  of  this  vessel  was  so  laid  that  the  range  speedily  diminished. 
A  number  of  shots  were  fired  at  ranges  varying  between  6,000  and  4,000  yards. 
The  range  was  rapidly  reduced  to  2,500  yards,  and  subsequently  to  2,000  and 
to  1,200  yards. 

"  5.  When  it  was  certain  that  the  Maria  Teresa  would  pass  ahead  of  us,  the 
helm  was  put  to  starboard  and  the  starboard  broadside  delivered  at  a  range  of 
2,500  yards.  The  helm  was  then  put  to  port  and  the  ship  headed  across  the 
bow  of  the  second  ship,  and  as  she  drew  ahead  the  helm  was  again  put  to  star- 
board, and  she  received  in  turn  the  full  weight  of  our  starboard  broadside  at  a 
range  of  about  1,800  yards.  The  Iowa  was  again  headed  off  with  port  helm  for 
the  third  ship,  and  as  she  approached  the  helm  was  put  to  starboard  until  our 
course  was  approximately  that  of  the  Spanish  ship.  In  this  position,  at  a 
range  of  1,400  3>ards,  the  fire  of  the  entire  battery,  including  rapid-fire  guns, 
was  poured  into  the  enemy's  ship. 

"  6.  About  ten  o'clock  the  enemy's  torpedo-boat  destroyers  Furor  and  Pluton 
were  observed  to  have  left  the  harbor  and  to  be  following  the  Spanish  squadron. 
At  the  time  that  they  were  observed,  and,  in  fact,  most  of  the  time  that  they 
were  under  fire,  they^  were  at  a  distance  varying  from  4,500  to  4,000  yards.  As 
soon  as  they  were  discovered  the  secondary  battery  of  this  ship  was  turned 
upon  them,  while  the  main  batterj'  continued  to  engage  the  Yizcaya,  Oquendo 
and  Maria  Teresa. 

"  The  fire  of  the  main  battery  of  this  ship  when  the  range  was  below  2,500 
yards  was  most  effective  and  destructive,  and  after  a  continuance  of  this  fire 
for  perhaps  twenty  minutes  it  was  noticed  that  the  Maria  Teresa  and  Oquendo 
were  in  flames  and  were  being  headed  for  the  beach.  Their  colors  were  struck 
about  10:20,  and  they  were  beached  about  eight  miles  west  of  Santiago. 


522  CAPTAIN  EVANS'  REPORT. 

"  7.  About  the  same  time  (about  10:25)  the  fire  of  this  vessel,  together  with 
that  of  the  Gloucester  and  another  smaller  vessel,  proved  so  destructive  that 
one  of  the  torpedo-boat  destroyers  (Pluton)  was  sunk,  and  the  Furor  was  so 
much  damaged  that  she  was  run  upon  the  rocks. 

44  8.  After  having  passed,  at  10:35,  the  Oquendo  and  Maria  Teresa  on  fire 
and  ashore,  this  vessel  continued  to  chase  and  fire  upon  the  Vizcaya  until 
10:36,  when  the  signal  to  cease  firing  was  sounded  on  board,  it  having  been  dis- 
covered that  the  Vizcaya  had  struck  her  colors. 

44  9.  At  eleven  the  Iowa  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Vizcaya,  which  had 
been  run  ashore,  and  as  it  was  evident  that  she  could  not  catch  the  Cristobal 
Colon,  and  that  the  Oregon,  Brooklyn  and  New  York  would,  two  steam  cutters 
and  three  cutters  were  immediately  hoisted  out  and  sent  to  the  Vizcaya  to 
rescue  her  crew.  Our  boats  succeeded  in  bringing  off  a  large  number  of  offi- 
cers and  men  of  that  ship's  company  and  placing  many  of  them  on  board  the 
torpedo  boat  Ericsson  and  the  auxiliary  despatch  vessel  Hist. 

44 10.  About  11:30  the  New  York  passed  in  chase  of  the  Cristobal  Colon, 
which  was  endeavoring  to  escape  from  the  Oregon,  Brooklyn,  and  Texas. 

44  11.  We  received  on  board  this  vessel  from  the  Vizcaya  Captain  Eulate, 
the  commanding  officer,  and  twenty-three  officers,  together  with  about  248 
petty  officers  and  men,  of  whom  thirty -two  were  wounded.  There  were  also 
received  on  board  five  dead  bodies,  which  were  immediately  buried  with  the 
honors  due  to  their  grade. 

44 12.  The  battery  behaved  well  in  all  respects,  the  dashpot  of  the  forward 
twelve-inch  gun,  damaged  in  the  engagement  of  the  2d,  having  been  replaced 
the  same  day  by  one  of  the  old  dashpots,  which  gave  no  trouble  during  this 
engagement. 

44  13.  The  following  is  an  approximate  statement  of  the  ammunition  ex- 
pended during  the  engagement.  A  more  exact  statement  cannot  be  given  at 
this  time : 

31  twelve-inch  semi-A.  P.  shell,  with  full  charges. 

35  eight-inch  common  shell,  with  full  charges. 

251  four-inch  cartridges,  common  shell. 

1,056  six-pounder  cartridges,  common  shell. 

100  one-pounder  cartridges,  common  shell. 

44 14.  This  ship  was  struck  in  the  hull,  on  the  starboard  side,  during  the 
early  part  of  the  engagement  by  two  projectiles  of  about  six-inch  calibre,  one 
striking  the  hull  two  to  three  feet  above  the  actual  water  line  and  almost 
directly  on  the  line  of  the  berth  deck,  piercing  the  ship's  side  between  frames 
nine  and  ten,  and  the  other  piercing  the  side  and  the  coffer  dam  between  frames 
eighteen  and  nineteen. 

"The  first  projectile  did  not  pass  beyond  the  inner  bulkhead  of  the  coffer- 
dam A  41-43.  The  hole  made  by  it  was  large  and  ragged,  being  about  six- 
teen inches  in  a  longitudinal  direction  and  about  seven  inches  in  a  vertical 


CAPTAIN  EVANS'  REPORT.  523 

direction.  It  struck  with  a  slight  inclination  aft,  and  perforated  the  coffer- 
dam partition  bulkhead  (A  41-43,  45-47).  It  did  not  explode,  and  remained  in 
the  cofferdam. 

"  The  second  projectile  pierced  the  side  of  the  ship  and  the  cofferdam  A  105, 
the  upper  edge  of  the  hole  being  immediately  below  the  top  of  the  cofferdam,  on 
the  berth  deck,  in  compartment  A  104.  The  projectile  broke  off  the  hatch 
plate  and  coaming  of  the  water-tank  compartment,  exploded  and  perforated  the 
walls  of  the  chain  locker.  The  explosion  created  a  small  fire,  which  was 
promptly  extinguished.  The  hole  in  the  side  made  by  this  projectile  was  about 
five  feet  above  the  water  line,  and  about  two  to  three  feet  above  the  berth  deck. 
One  fragment  of  this  shell  struck  a  link  of  the  sheet-chain,  wound  around  the 
six-pounder  ammunition  hoist,  cutting  the  link  in  two.  Another  perforated 
the  cofferdam  on  the  portside  and  slightly  dished  the  outside  plating. 

"  These  two  wounds,  fortunately,  were  not  of  serious  importance.  Two  or 
three  other  projectiles  of  small  calibre  struck  about  the  upper  bridge  and  smoke- 
stacks, inflicting  trifling  damage,  and  four  other  small  projectiles  struck  the 
hammock  nettings  and  the  side  aft. 

"  15.  There  are  no  casualties  among  the  ship's  company  to  report.  No 
officer  nor  man  was  injured  during  the  engagement. 

"  16.  After  having  received  on  board  the  rescued  crew  of  the  Vizcaya,  this 
vessel  proceeded  to  the  eastward  and  resumed  the  blockading  station  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  signal  made  by  the  Commander-in-Chief  about  11:30. 

"  IT.  Upon  arriving  on  the  blockading  station  the  Gloucester  transferred  to 
this  vessel  Rear-Admiral  Cervera,  his  Flag  Lieutenant,  and  the  commanding 
officers  of  the  torpedo-boat  destroyers  Furor  and  Pluton,  and  also  one  man  of 
the  Oquendo's  crew  rescued  by  the  Gloucester. 

"  18.  Naval  Cadets  Frank  Taylor  Evans  and  John  E.  Lewis  and  five  men 
belonging  to  the  Massachusetts  were  on  board  the  Iowa  when  the  enemy's 
ships  came  out.  They  were  stationed  at  different  points  and  rendered  efficient 
service. 

"  19.  The  officers  and  men  of  this  ship  behaved  admirably.  No  set  of  men 
could  have  done  more  gallant  service.  I  take  pleasure  in  stating  to  you,  sir, 
that  the  coolness  and  judgment  of  the  executive  officer,  Lieutenant-Commander 
Raymond  P.  Rodgers,  deserves,  and  will,  I  hope,  receive  a  proper  reward  at 
the  hands  of  the  government.  The  test  of  the  executive  officer's  work  is  the 
conduct  of  ship  and  crew  in  battle  ;  in  this  case  it  was  simply  superb. 

"  The  coolness  of  the  navigator,  Lieutenant  W.  H.  Schuetze,  and  of  Lieuten- 
ant F.  K.  Hill,  in  charge  of  the  rapid-fire  guns  on  the  upper  deck,  are  worthy 
of  the  greatest  commendation.  Other  officers  of  the  ship  did  not  come  under 
my  personal  observation,  but  the  result  of  the  action  shows  how  well  they  did 
their  duty. 

"  I  cannot  express  my  admiration  for  my  magnificent  crew.     So  long  as  the 


524  CAPTAIN  COOK'S  REPORT. 

enemy  showed  his  flag  they  fought  like  American  seamen  ;  but  when  the  flag 
came  down  they  were  as  gentle  and  tender  as  American  women. 

"  20.  In  conclusion,  sir,  allow  me  to  congratulate  you  on  the  complete  vic- 
tory achieved  by  your  fleet.  Very  respectfully, 

"  R.  D.  EVANS, 

"  Captain  United  States  Navy,  commanding. 

"  To  the  Commander-in-Chief  United   States  Naval  Force,  North  Atlantic 
Station." 

REPORT  OF  THE  BROOKLYN'S  COMMANDER. 

"  UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  BROOKLYN,  FIRST  RATE, 
"  AT  ANCHOR,  GUANTANAMO  BAY,  July  7,  1898. 

"Sm:  1.  At  nine  A.  M.,  July  3,1  gave  orders  and  arrangements  were 
made  for  general  muster  at  9:30  A.  M.  At  9:30  A.  M.  the  enemy  were  tele- 
graphed by  the  Iowa  as  coming  out.  At  the  same  time  they  were  discovered 
by  the  Quartermaster  on  watch,  N.  Anderson,  of  this  ship,  and  reported  to  the 
officer  of  the  deck.  The  executive  officer,  Lieutenant-Commander  Mason, 
who  was  on  deck  about  to  execute  the  order  for  general  muster,  immediately 
gave  the  order : '  Clear  ship  for  action  and  general  quarters.'  Signal  was  made 
at  the  same  time:  '  Enemy  coming  out,  action.'  I  went  immediately  forward, 
stood  for  the  enemy,  and  gave  orders  to  get  steam  on  all  boilers.  We  started 
with  steam  on  three  boilers  at  about  twelve  knots  speed. 

"2.  The  head  of  the  Spanish  squadron,  in  column,  was  just  outside  the 
entrance  of  the  harbor  of  Santiago,  heading  about  southwest.  The  Spanish 
squadron  consisted  of  the  Maria  Teresa  (flag),  Vizcaya,  Oquendo  and  Colon, 
and  two  torpedo  destroyers.  We  opened  fire  on  the  leading  ship  in  five 
minutes  from  the  discovery. 

"  3.  The  port  battery  was  first  engaged  as  we  stood  with  port  helm  to  head 
off  the  leading  ship,  and  giving  them  a  raking  fire  at  about  1,500  yards  range. 
The  enemy  turned  to  the  westward  to  close  in  to  the  land.  We  then  wore 
around  to  starboard,  bringing  the  starboard  battery  into  action.  The  enemy 
hugged  the  shore  to  the  westward. 

"  4.  The  Brooklyn,  leading,  was  followed  by  the  Texas,  Iowa,  Oregon,  In- 
diana and  Gloucester.  The  Vixen,  which  had  been  to  westward  to  us  on  the 
blockade,  ran  to  the  southward  and  eastward  of  us  and  kept  for  some  time  off 
our  port  side  distant  about  1,000  yards,  evidently  intending  to  guard  against 
torpedo  attack  upon  this  ship  ;  the  shell  passing  over  her.  At  this  time  the 
firing  was  very  fast  and  the  whistling  of  shell  incessant,  and  our  escape  with  so 
little  injury  was  miraculous,  and  can  only  be  attributed  to  bad  marksmanship 
on  the  part  of  the  enemy.  The  Maria  Teresa,  which  had  dropped  astern  while 
we  were  wearing,  under  the  heavy  fire  of  our  fleet  ran  ashore. 

"  5.     The  VizcajTa,  Oqueudo  and  Colon,  continuing  on  and  gaining  in  dis- 


CAPTAIN  COOK'S  REPORT.  525 

tance,  the  Brooklyn  was  engaged  with  the  three  leading  ships  of  the  enemy, 
which  were  forging  ahead,  the  Texas,  Iowa,  and  Indiana  keeping  up  a  heavy 
fire,  but  steadily  dropping  astern.  The  Oregon  was  keeping  up  a  steady  fire 
and  was  coming  up  in  the  most  glorious  and  gallant  style,  outstripping  all 
others.  It  was  an  inspiring  sight  to  see  this  battleship,  with  a  large  white 
wave  before  her,  and  her  smokestacks  belching  forth  continued  pufl's  from  her 
forced  draught.  We  were  making  fourteen  knots  at  the  time,  and  the 
Oregon  came  up  off  our  starboard  quarter  at  about  six  hundred  yards 
and  maintained  her  position,  though  we  soon  after  increased  our  speed 
to  fifteen  knots,  and  just  before  the  Colon  surrendered  were  making  nearly 
sixteen. 

"  6.  The  Oquendo,  soon  after  the  falling  out  of  the  Teress,  dropped  astern 
and  on  fire  ran  ashore.  The  Vizcaya  and  Colon  continued  on,  under  fire  from 
the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon.  The  other  vessels  of  our  fleet  were  well  astern  and 
out  of  range.  The  Texas  was  evidently  coming  up  fast.  At  about  10:53  A.  M. 
the  Vizcaya  was  seen  to  be  on  fire,  and  the  Colon  passed  inside  of  her  with  in- 
creased speed,  took  the  lead,  and  gradually  forged  ahead.  The  Vizcaya  soon 
after  ran  on  the  beach,  ablaze  with  fire.  We  signaled  the  Oregon  to  cease 
firing  on  the  Vizcaya,  as  her  flag  was  down.  Firing  immediately  ceased  and 
we  both  continued  the  chase  of  the  Colon,  now  about  12,000  yards  away.  The 
ranges  ran  from  1,500  to  3,000  yards  with  the  Vizcaj-a  as  she  kept  in  and  out 
from  the  coast.  We  steered  straight  for  a  distant  point  near  Cape  Cruz,  while 
the  Colon  kept  close  to  the  land,  running  into  ail  the  bights.  She  could  not 
have  come  out  without  crossing  our  bows,  and  we  were  steadily  gaining  on  her. 
We  were  getting  more  steam  all  the  time  and  now  had  four  and  one-half  boilers 
on  and  the  remaining  one  and  one-half  nearly  ready. 

"  7.  After  running  for  about  fifty  miles  west  from  the  entrance,  the  Colon 
ran  into  a  bight  of  land,  beached,  fired  a  gun  to  leeward  and  hauled  down  her 
flag.  The  Oregon  and  Brooklyn  had  just  previous!}'  begun  to  fire  upon  the 
Colon  and  were  landing  shell  close  to  her.  I  was  sent  on  board  by  Commodore 
Schley  to  receive  the  surrender.  The  Captain  spoke  English  and  received  me 
pleasantly,  though  naturally  much  depressed.  He  surrendered  uncondition- 
ally. He  was  polite,  shook  hands  and  said  his  case  was  hopeless  and  that  he 
saw  that  we  were  too  much  for  him.  I  was  on  board  about  fifteen  minutes. 
As  we  came  from  the  Colon  the  flagship  New  York  came  in  wilh  the  Texas.  I 
reported  on  board  the  flagship  to  Rear-Admiral  Sampson.  I  stated  to  him 
that  I  believed  the  Colon  could  be  gotten  off  the  beach. 

"  8.  During  the  entire  action  I  was  in  constant  communication  with  you, 
so  that  I  was  enabled  to  promptly  execute  your  orders  and  instructions.  The 
officers  and  crew  behaved  with  great  and  unexceptionable  coolness  and  bravery, 
so  that  it  is  difficult  to  discriminate.  They  were  encouraged  in  their  best 
efforts  by  your  enthusiasm  and  your  cheery  words :  '  Fire  steady,  boys,  and 
give  it  to  them.' 


526  CAPTAIN  COOK'S  REPORT. 

"  9.  The  executive  officer,  N.  E.  Mason,  with  his  usual  zeal,  was  continu- 
ally at  the  battery  directing  the  firing  and  keeping  me  well  informed  of  the 
exact  condition  of  the  ship,  and  in  encouraging  both  officers  and  men  by  his 
example  of  coolness  and  courage. 

"  10.  Lieutenant  Hodgson  was  on  the  bridge  coolly  and  deliberately  taking 
bearings  and  measuring  and  giving  ranges.  He  was  assisted  in  getting  ranges 
and  noting  time  by  Chief  Yeoman  George  Ellis,  with  a  stadimeter,  until  Ellis 
was  killed  by  a  passing  shell. 

"  11.  The  officers  of  the  divisions,  Lieutenants  T.  D.  Griffin,  W.  R.  Rush,  E. 
Simpson,  J.  G.  Doyle,  B.  W.  Wells  and  Ensign  Webster,  all  performed  their 
full  duties  deliberately  and  efficiently.  .  The  naval  cadets  in  divisions  were  cool 
and  efficient,  Naval  Cadets  Halligan,  Marble,  Abele  and  Cronan  having  espe- 
cially been  noticed  for  good  service.  Lieutenant  B.  W.  Wells,  your  secretary, 
volunteered  for  command  of  a  division,  and  was  given  the  fourth  division,  thus 
enabling  me  to  station  a  commissioned  officer  in  a  turret. 

"  12.  Too  much  praise  cannot  be  given  the  engineer's  department  for  the 
hard  work  done  by  all  in  the  steadily  raising  the  steam  until  the  speed  rose  from 
twelve  to  sixteen  knots. 

"  13.  The  marines  did  splendid  service  at  the  guns  and  at  their  stations. 
The  orderlies  carried  messages  quickly  and  effectively.  Captain  Murphy  and 
Lieutenant  Borden  were  constant  in  their  visits  to  the  different  stations,  to  be 
assured  of  efficiency. 

"  14.  Medical  Inspector  Paul  Fitzsimons  and  P.  A.  Surgeon  De  Valin  were 
in  constant  attendance  at  the  divisions  and  on  deck  to  be  ready  for  any  emer- 
gency. Flag  Lieutenant  James  H.  Sears  was  particularly  active,  standing  in 
the  open  directing  signals,  reporting  fall  of  shot  and  position  of  the  enemy. 
He  was  cool  and  firm  in  his  duty. 

"  15.  Ensign  McCauley  attended  personally  to  signals  while  constantly 
under  fire,  at  one  time  mounting  the  forward  turret  and  making  the  wigwag 
himself.  His  coolness  was  conspicuous. 

"  16.  The  boatswain,  Mr.  Hill,  was  continually  about  the  forecastle,  ready 
for  any  duty,  and  materially  assisted  in  watching  the  fall  of  shots  and  thus 
checked  the  ranges. 

"  17.  The  gunner,  F.  T.  Applegate,  rendered  very  valuable  and  conspicuous 
service  at  the  battery,  making  repairs  wherever  practicable  during  the  action. 

"  18.  The  carpenter,  G.  H.  Warford,  was  on  the  alert,  watching  for  effects 
of  shell  and  in  examining  compartments,  pipes,  and  valves. 

"  19.  The  signalmen  under  Chief  Quartermaster  O'Connell  all  stood  in  the 
open  and  performed  their  duties  courageously. 

"  20.  I  would  call  to  your  special  attention  the  valuable  and  conspicuous 
services  rendered  during  the  action  by  B.  Gay  nor  (G.  M.,  first-class),  as  noted 
in  the  reports  of  the  executive  officer,  the  divisional  officers,  and  the  gunner. 
Gaynor  is  a  natural  mechanic,  and  a  very  intelligent  man,  and  he  went  from 


CAPTAIN  PHILIP'S  REPORT.  527 

gun   to  gun  repairing  breaks,  and  was  constant  in  his  work,  keeping  them  in 
condition  for  use. 

"21.  Chief  Gunner's  Mate  D.  F.  Diggins  was  in  all  parts  of  the  ship  at- 
tending faithfully  and  coolly  to  the  electric  apparatus. 

"  22.  N.  Anderson  (Q.  M.,  first-class)  is  a  particularly  bright  seaman.  He 
was  at  the  wheel  and  kept  the  ship  steadily  on  her  course.  He  has  been  par- 
ticularly known  in  this  ship  as  a  valuable  man.  He  would  prove  very  efficient 
as  a  mate,  and  I  recommend  him  for  such  appointment. 

"  23.  N.  Morrissey  (Lds.)  twice  got  out  on  the  muzzle  of  a  forward  six- 
pounder  and  backed  out  a  jammed  shot.  Private  Macneal,  U.  S.  M.  C., 
also  went  out  on  the  muzzle  of  forecastle  six-pounder  and  cleared  a  jammed 
shot. 

"  24.  We  had  but  two  personal  casualties,  George  H.  Ellis  (chief  yeoman), 
killed,  and  J.  Burns  (F.,  first-class),  wounded.  The  ship  was  struck  twenty 
times  by  whole  shot,  and  many  times  by  pieces  of  buisting  shell  and  from 
small  shot  of  machine  guns.  No  serious  injury  was  done  to  the  ship,  and  all 
repairs  can  be  temporarily  done  by  the  ship's  force,  excepting  to  the  five-inch 
elevating  gear.  The  smokestacks  were  hit  in  several  places,  the  signal  hal- 
liards, rigging,  and  flags  were  cut  in  many  places.  The  flag  at  the  main 
was  destroyed,  being  much  cut  by  shot  and  flying  pieces  of  shell.  The  eight- 
inch  guns  worked  satisfactorily  ;  some  trouble  and  delay  was  caused  by  jam- 
ming of  locks.  The  turrets  worked  well.  The  five-inch  battery  gave  great 
trouble  with  the  elevating  gear.  At  the  end  several  were  rendered  useless  for 
battle.  Two  are  bulged  at  the  muzzle.  This  ship  should  have  new  elevating 
gear  for  five  inch  as  soon  as  practicable.  We  fired  100  rounds  of  eight-inch, 
47,.'  of  five-inch,  1,200  of  six-pounder,  and  200  of  one-pounder  ammunition. 
"  Very  respectfully, 

"  F.  A.  COOK, 

"  Captain  U.  S.  Navy,  commanding. 
M  To  the  Commander-in-Chief,  Second  Squadron,  TJ.  S.  Naval  Force,  North 

Atlantic  Station." 


REPORT  OF  CAPTAIN  PHILIP  OF  THE  TEXAS. 

"  UNITED  STATES  STEAMSHIP  TEXAS, 

"  OFF  SANTIAGO,  July  4,  1898. 

"  Sm :  In  accordance  with  the  requirements  of  article  437,  Navy  Regula- 
tions, I  respectfully  submit  the  following  statement  in  regard  to  the  part  the 
Texas  took  in  the  engagement  with  the  enemy  yesterday : 

"  At  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  3d  the  Texas  stood  out  from  entrance 
to  harbor,  taking  day  blockading  position  about  three  miles  from  the  Morro 
(the  Morro  bearing  N.  N.  E.). 


528  CAPTAIN  PHILIP'S  REPORT. 

"  At  9:35,  the  Morro  bearing  north  by  east  half  east,  distant  5,100  yards,  the 
enemy's  ships  were  sighted  standing  out  of  the  harbor.  Immediately  general 
signal  250  was  made.  This  signal  was  followed  by  the  Iowa's  almost  at  the 
same  time. 

"  The  ship,  as  per  order,  was  heading  in  toward  the  entrance ;  went  ahead 
full  speed,  putting  helm  hard  a  starboard  and  ordering  forced  draft  on  all  boilersr 
the  officer  of  the  deck,  Lieutenant  M.  L.  Bristol,  having  given  the  general 
alarm  and  beat  to  quarters  for  action  at  the  same  time. 

"  As  the  leader,  bearing  the  Admiral's  flag,  appeared  in  the  entrance  she 
opened  fire,  whica  was,  at  9:40,  returned  by  the  Texas  at  range  of  4,200 
yards,  while  closing  in.  The  ship  leading  was  of  the  Vizcaya  class  and  the 
flagship. 

"  Four  ships  came  out,  evidently  the  Vizcaya,  the  Oquendo,  Maria  Teresa, 
and  Colon,  followed  by  two  torpedo  boat  destroyers.  Upon  seeing  these  two 
we  immediately  opened  fire  upon  them  with  our  secondary  battery,  the  main 
battery  at  the  time  being  engaged  with  the  second  and  third  ships  in  line. 
Owing  to  our  secondary  battery,  together  with  the  Iowa  and  Gloucester,  these 
two  destroyers  were  forced  to  beach  and  sink. 

"  While  warmly  engaged  with  the  third  in  line,  which  was  abreast  and  engag- 
ing the  Texas,  our  fire  was  blanketed  for  a  short  time  by  the  Oregon  forging 
ahead  and  engaging  the  second  ship.  This  third  ship,  after  a  spirited  fire, 
sheered  inshore  and  at  10:35  ran  up  a  white  flag.  We  then  ceased  fire  on  the 
third  and  opened  fiie  with  our  forward  guns  at  long  range  (6,600  yards)  on  the 
second  ship  which  was  then  engaged  with  the  Oregon,  until  11:05,  when  she 
(enemy's  second  ship)  sheered  into  the  beach  on  fire.  At  11:10  she  struck  her 
colors.  We  ceased  fire  and  gave  chase  with  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  for  the  lead- 
ing ship  until  1:20,  when  the  Colon  sheered  into  beach  and  hauled  down  her 
colors,  leaving  them  on  deck  at  foot  of  her  flagstaff.  We  shut  off  forced  draft 
and  proceeded  at  moderate  speed  to  close  up. 

"  I  would  state  t,hat  during  this  chase  the  Texas  was  holding  her  own  with 
the  Colon,  she  leading  us  about  four  miles  at  the  start. 

"  The  reports  of  the  executive  officer  and  the  surgeon  are  transmitted. 

"  I  have  the  pleasure  of  stating  that  the  entire  battery  of  the  Texas  is  in  a 
most  excellent  condition  and  ready  for  any  service  required  by  the  Commander- 
in-Chief,  especially  calling  attention  to  the  efficiency  of  the  two  turret  guns,  due 
to  the  alterations  recently  made  by  Lieutenant  F.  J.  Haeseler,  of  this  ship. 

"  The  bearing  and  performance  of  duty  of  all  officers  met  with  my  entire  ap- 
proval. Very  respectfully  submitted, 

"  J.  W.  PHILIP, 

"  Captain  U.  S.  Navy,  Commanding. 
"  To  Commander-in-Chief,  North  Atlantic  Station." 


CAPTAIN  CLARK'S  REPORT.  620 

"  UNITED  STATES  STEAMSHIP  OREGON,  FIRST  RATE, 
"  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  July  4,  1898. 

"Sm:  1.  I  have  the  honor  to  report  that  at  9:30  A.  M.  yesterday  the 
Spanish  fleet  was  discovered  standing  out  of  the  harbor  of  Santiago  de  Cuba. 
They  turned  to  the  westward  and  opened  fire,  to  which  our  ships  replied  vigor- 
ously. For  a  short  time  there  was  an  almost  continuous  flight  of  projectiles 
over  this  ship,  but  when  our  line  was  fairly  engaged,  and  the  Iowa  had  made  a 
swift  advance  as  if  to  ram  or  close,  the  enemy's  fire  became  defective  in  train 
as  well  as  range.  The  ship  was  only  struck  three  times,  and  at  least  two  of 
them  were  by  fragments  of  shells.  We  had  no  casualties. 

"  2.  As  soon  as  it  was  evident  that  the  enemy's  ships  were  trying  to  break 
through  and  escape  to  the  westward  we  went  ahead  at  full  speed  with  the  de- 
termination of  carrying  out  to  the  utmost  your  order  :  If  the  enemy  tries  to 
escape,  the  ships  must  close  and  engage  as  soon  as  possible  and  endeavor  to  sink 
his  vessels  or  force  them  to  run  ashore.  We  soon  passed  all  of  our  ships  except 
the  Brooklyn,  bearing  the  broad  pennant  of  Commodore  Schley.  At  first  we 
only  used  our  main  battery,  but  when  it  was  discovered  that  the  enemy's  tor- 
pedo boats  were  following  their  ships  we  used  our  rapid-fire  guns  as  well  as  the 
six-inch  upon  them  with  telling  effect. 

"  As  we  ranged  up  near  the  sternmost  of  their  ships  she  headed  for  the  beach, 
evidently  on  fire.  We  raked  her  as  we  passed,  pushing  on  for  the  next  ahead, 
using  our  starboard  guns  as  they  were  brought  to  bear,  and  before  we  had  her 
fairly  abeam  she,  too,  was  making  for  the  beach.  The  two  remaining  vessels 
were  now  some  distance  ahead,  but  our  speed  had  increased  to  sixteen  knots, 
and  our  fire,  added  to  that  of  the  Brooklyn,  soon  sent  another,  the  Vizcaya,  to 
the  shore  in  flames.  Only  the  Cristobal  Colon  was  left,  and  for  a  time  it 
seemed  as  if  she  might  escape,  but  when  we  opened  with  our  forward  turret 
guns  and  the  Brooklyn  followed  she  began  to  edge  in  toward  the  coast  and  her 
capture  or  destruction  was  assured.  As  she  struck  the  beach  her  flag  came 
down  and  the  Brooklyn  signaled,  '  Cease  firing,'  following  with,  '  Congratula- 
tions for  the  grand  victory !  Thanks  for  your  splendid  assistance.' 

"  3.  The  Brooklyn  sent  a  boat  to  her,  and  when  the  Admiral  came  up  with 
the  New  York,  Texas,  and  Yixen  she  was  taken  possession  of.  A  prize  crew 
was  put  on  board  from  this  ship  under  Lieutenant-Commander  Cogswell,  the 
executive  officer,  but  before  eleven  p.  M.  the  ship,  which  had  been  filling  in 
spite  of  all  efforts  to  stop  leaks,  was  abandoned,  and  just  as  the  crew  left  she 
went  over  on  her  side. 

"  4.  I  cannot  speak  in  too  high  terms  of  the  bearing  and  conduct  of  all  on 
board  this  ship.  When  they  found  the  Oregon  had  pushed  to  the  front  and  was 
hurrying  to  a  succession  of  conflicts  with  the  enemy's  vessels  if  they  could  be 
overtaken  and  would  engage,  their  enthusiasm  was  intense. 

"  5.  As  these  vessels  were  so  much  more  heavily  armored  than  the  Brooklyn, 
they  might  have  concentrated  upon  and  overpowered  her,  and  consequently  I 


530  CAPTAIN  TAYLOR'S  REPORT. 

am  persuaded  that,  but  for  the  way  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Oregon  steamed 
and  steered  the  ship  and  fought  and  supplied  her  batteries,  the  Colon,  and  per- 
haps the  Vizcaya,  would  have  escaped.  Therefore  I  feel  that  they  rendered 
meritorious  service  to  the  countiy,  and  while  I  cannot  mention  the  name  of 
each  officer  and  man  individually,  I  am  going  to  append  a  list  of  the  officers, 
with  their  stations  that  they  occupied,  hoping  that  they  may  be  of  service  to 
them  should  the  claims  of  others  for  advancement  above  them  ever  be 
considered.  Very  respectfully, 

"  C.  E.  CLARK, 

"  Captain  U.  S.  Navy,  Commanding. 
"  To  the  Commander-in-Chief,  TJ.  S.  Naval  Force,  North  Atlantic  Station." 


CAPTAIN  TAYLOR'S  REPORT. 

"  UNITED  STATES  STEAMSHIP  INDIANA,  FIRST  RATE, 
"  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  July  4,  1898. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report  of  the  operations  of 
the  Indiana  in  the  action  of  July  3  with  the  Spanish  squadron  off  Santiago  de 
Cuba: 

"  1.  At  9:37  A.  M.,  while  the  crew  were  at  quarters,  preliminary  to  general 
muster,  noted  two  guns  fired  from  the  Iowa  and  general  signal '  Enemy's  ships 
«scaping '  flying.  At  once  cleared  ship  for  action  and  the  crew  were  at  the 
guns  in  a  remarkably  short  time,  all  officers  and  men  showing  an  alacrity  that 
indicated  clearly  their  pleasure  at  the  opportunity  offered  them. 

"  2.  The  Spanish  squadron  was  seen  emerging  from  the  harbor,  and  in  a  few 
moments  a  general  action  ensued.  The  leading  ship,  which  proved  to  be  the 
Infanta  Maria  Teresa,  flying  the  flag  of  Yice  Admiral  Cervera,  was  followed 
by  the  other  vessels  of  the  squadron  as  follows  :  Vizcaya,  Cristobal  Colon, 
Oquendo,  and  the  torpedo-boat  destroyers,  Furor  and  Pluton.  The  enemy's 
vessels  headed  to  the  westward,  and  our  ships  headed  in  the  same  direction, 
keeping  as  nearly  abreast  of  them  as  possible. 

"  3.  This  ship  fired  on  all  of  them  as  they  came  out  one  by  one,  and  con- 
tinued the  action  later  by  firing  principally  on  the  Maria  Teresa,  Oquendo, 
Furor  and  Pluton.  Several  of  our  shells  were  seen  to  take  effect  on  these  ves- 
sels. Our  secondary  battery  guns  were  directed  principally  on  the  destroyers 
as  also  were  the  six-inch  guns.  The  destroyers  were  sunk  through  the  agency 
of  our  guns  and  those  of  the  Gloucester,  which  vessel  had  come  up  and  engaged 
them  close  abreast. 

"  4.  The  initial  fire  of  the  last  two  ships  was  directed  at  this  vessel,  and  al- 
though falling  very  close,  only  struck  the  ship  twice  without  any  injury  to 
ship  or  crew. 

"  5.     Our  ranges  were  obtained  by  stadimeter  angles  on  Morro  as  the  ships 


CAPTAIN  TAYLOR'S  REPORT.  531 

emerged,  and  then  by  angles  on  the  tops  of  the  rear  ships.  The  ranges  were 
from  4,500  to  3,000  yards,  observed  from  the  top.  From  the  bridge  I  could  see 
that  our  shooting  was  excellent  and  showed  its  effects.  One  of  our  thirteen, 
inch  shells  was  seen  to  enter  the  Maria  Teresa  under  the  quarter  deck  and  ex* 
plode,  and  that  ship  was  observed  on  fire  very  shortly  afterward. 

"  6.  About  10:15  A.  M.  observed  the  Maria  Teresa  and  Oquendo  on  fire  and 
heading  for  the  beach,  the  fire  from  their  guns  having  ceased.  We  then  de- 
voted our  special  attention  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  destroyers,  which  ap- 
peared more  than  a  match  for  the  Gloucester,  she  being  the  only  small  vessel 
near  to  engage  them.  They  were  soon  seen  to  blow  up,  apparently  struck  by 
our  six-inch  and  six-pounders.  We  now  fired  our  large  guns  at  the  Vizcaya, 
which  was  at  long  range  ;  she  made  for  the  shore  soon  after,  on  fire  and  battery 
silenced.  These  ships  hauled  down  their  colors  as  they  made  for  the  beach. 
The  Spanish  flagship  hoisted  the  white  flag  as  she  grounded. 

"  7.  We  now  ceased  firing.  The  Colon  was  observed  well  over  the  western 
horizon,  closely  pursued  by  the  Brooklyn,  Oregon,  and  Texas  off  shore  of  her. 
The  flagship  New  York,  steaming  full  speed  to  the  westward,  as  soon  as  the 
Vizcaya  surrendered,  signaled  us  '  Go  back  and  guard  entrance  of  harbor.' 
Several  explosions  were  observed  on  board  the  burning  ships.  At  noon  turned 
and  stood  to  the  eastward  for  our  station  in  obedience  to  the  above  signal.  Ob- 
served the  Harvard  and  several  transports  standing  to  the  westward. 

"  8.  About  12:30  the  Resolute  came  within  hail  and  informed  us  by  mega- 
phone that  a  Spanish  battleship  was  sighted  to  the  eastward,  standing  toward 
us.  Later  the  Harvard  passed,  confirming  the  information,  and  adding  that 
the  ship  was  painted  white.  We  made  out  the  vessel  ahead  and  stood  for  her 
with  our  guns  bearing.  She  proved  to  be  the  Austrian  armored  cruiser  Kais- 
erin  Maria  Teresa.  She  sent  an  officer  on  board  and  requested  permission  to 
enter  the  harbor.  I  referred  him  to  the  Commander-in-Chief.  She  then  stood 
on  to  the  westward  and  we  resumed  our  station. 

"  9.  During  this  action  we  used  no  armor-piercing  shell,  except  the  smoke- 
less-powder six-pounders,  and  the  good  effect  of  the  common  shell  is  shown  by 
the  fires  on  the  enemy's  ships  and  the  short  time  taken  to  disable  them  with- 
out piercing  their  armor,  and  with  almost  no  injury  to  our  ships. 

"  10.  The  guns  and  mounts  worked  well,  only  two  failures  of  electric  prim- 
ers noted. 

"  11.  During  the  afternoon  sent  boats  with  surgeon  on  shore  to  the  burning 
vessels  to  assist  in  caring  for  the  wounded.  The  boats  returned  bringing  one 
wounded  officer  and  seventeen  men  as  prisoners. 

"  12.  Received  also  during  the  afternoon  and  night  prisoners  from  the 
Gloucester  and  Hist,  in  all  seven  officers  and  217  men,  who  were  to-day  trans- 
ferred to  the  St.  Louis. 

"  13.  The  conduct  of  the  officers  and  crew  was  in  every  way  commendable  ; 
coolness  and  good  discipline  prevailed,  coupled  with  a  marked  enthusiasm. 
29 


532  CAPTAIN  CHADWICK'S  REPORT. 

This  desirable  condition  of  affairs  is  largely  due  to  the  efforts  of  the  officers, 
and  I  desire  to  commend  to  the  Commander-in-Chief  the  executive  officer,  Lieu- 
tenant Commander  John  A.  Rodgers  and  all  the  officers  of  the  ship  for  the  part 
taken  by  the  Indiana  in  bringing  about  this  great  victory,  and  the  complete 
destruction  of  the  enemy's  squadron.  Very  respectfully, 

u  H.  C.  TAYLOR, 
u  Captain  Commanding. 
"  To  the  Commander-in-Chief,  IT.  S.  Naval  Forces  on  North  Atlantic  Station." 

CAPTAIN  CHADWICK'S  REPORT. 

"  UNITED  STATES  FLAGSHIP  NEW  YORK, 
"  PLAYA  DEL  ESTE,  July  4,  1898. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  make  the  following  report  of  the  part  taken  by 
this  ship  in  the  action  of  yesterday  during  and  following  the  sortie  of  Admiral 
Cervera's  squadron. 

"  1.  The  ship  had  started  at  8:50  for  the  army  landing  at  Siboney,  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief having  an  appointment  with  the  General  commanding  the 
army.  A  few  minutes  after  the  crew  had  been  called  to  quarters  for  Sunday 
inspection  firing  was  heard  and  a  ship  was  seen  leaving  the  harbor  entrance. 
The  helm  was  at  once  put  over,  the  crew  called  to  general  quarters,  signal 
(  Close  in  toward  the  harbor  entrance  and  attack  vessels '  made,  orders  given  to 
spread  all  fires,  and  the  ship  headed  back  for  the  enemy,  whose  ships  were  seen 
successfully  coming  out  at  a  high  speed.  The  Flagship  Infanta  Maria  Teresa 
was  first,  then  another  armored  cruiser  of  the  same  class  (which  turned  out  to 
be  the  Vizcaya),  followed  by  the  Cristobal  Colon,  an  armored  cruiser 
(Oquendo)  and  the  torpedo-boat  destroyers  Furor  and  Phi  ton. 

"  2.  The  nearer  ships  had  immediately  engaged  and  by  the  time  we  were 
off  the  entrance,  one,  the  flagship,  was  alreadj'  afire  and  was  soon  ashore  ;  the 
Indiana  and  Gloucester  were  actively  engaged  with  the  torpedo  boats ;  this 
ship  fired  some  four-inch  shells  at  the  one  nearer  the  port  toward  which  she 
was  already  headed  and  seemed  attempting  to  return,  but  she  was  already 
practically  out  of  the  fight.  The  boiler  of  the  more  advanced  one  had  blown 
up,  showing  a  vast  column  of  condensed  steam.  During  the  time  the  batteries, 
whose  line  of  fire  we  had  crossed  close  to,  repeatedly  fired  upon  us,  but  with- 
out effect.  No  return  was  made  to  this  fire.  A  shell  from  the  west  battery 
fell  within  200  yards  of  the  ship  when  we  were  over  four  miles  to  the  west- 
ward and  we  had  thought  ourselves  entirely  out  of  range.  This  ship  stood  on, 
leaving  the  Gloucester,  which  had  shown  herself  so  capable,  to  look  after  the 
survivors  in  the  torpedo  boats.  By  this  time  a  second  cruiser  was  ashore  and 
burning  (the  Almirante  Oquendo),  while  the  third,  the  Vizcaya,  and  the 
Cristobal  Colon  were  still  steaming  rapidly  westward.  The  Indiana  was  now 
signaled  (11:26  A.  M.)  to  return  to  her  blockading  position,  to  look  after  any- 


CAPTAIN  CHADWICK'S  REPORT.  533 

thing  which  might  be  there.  Very  shortly  the  Vizcaya  turned  shoreward,  smoke 
began  to  issue  from  her  after  port,  and  by  the  time  that  she  was  ashore  on  the 
reef  at  Aserradero  (fifteen  miles  west  of  Santiago)  she  was  ablaze.  The  Iowa 
had  signaled  a  little  before  that  she  had  surrendered,  and  stopped  off  this 
place,  where  she  gave  much  assistance  in  the  rescue  of  the  Vizcaya's  people. 

"  3.  This  ship  stood  on  in  chase  of  the  Cristobal  Colon,  with  ahead  of  us 
the  Brooklyn,  Oregon,  Texas,  and  Vixen,  the  Oregon  being  much  nearer  in 
shore  of  the  two  headmost  ships,  but  not  in  gunshot.  We  were  rapidly  in- 
creasing our  speed. 

"  4.  It  was  evident,  however,  that  the  Colon  would  give  us  a  lengthy  chase, 
and  at  noon  the  crew  left  quarters  and  went  to  dinner. 

"5.  About  12:50  the  Oregon  opened  fire,  and  some  of  her  shell  were  ob- 
served to  strike  beyond  the  Colon  ;  this  made  her  capture  a  foregone  conclusion, 
and  shortly  after  one  o'clock  she  turned  in  toward  shore,  and  soon  struck  her 
colors.  She  had  been  beached  at  a  small  inlet  known  as  Rio  Tarquino.  By 
the  time  we  arrived,  a  boat  was  alongside  her  from  the  Brooklyn,  and  Captain 
Cook,  the  boarding  officer  came  alongside  this  ship  and  reported.  This  ship 
then  sent  a  boat  to  take  possession,  the  commanding  officer  going  in  the  boat. 
I  was  received  by  the  Commodore  of  the  squadron,  the  Captain,  Captain  de 
Navio  Don  Emilio  Moreu,  and  Captain  de  Navio  of  the  first-class  Don  Jose 
de  Paredes  y  Chacon  (which  latter  had  been  civil  Governor  of  Santiago,  and 
had  only  just  been  attached  to  the  squadron).  I  arranged  for  the  transfer  of 
the  crew  and  officers,  a  division  to  each  ship  present,  and  the  engineer  force  to 
be  left  aboard.  While  aboard,  however,  the  Resolute  arrived,  and  it  was  ar- 
ranged to  transfer  the  whole  number  to  her. 

"  6.  I  had  taken  with  me  the  fleet  surgeon,  an  engineer,  and  the  carpenter f 
to  examine  and  make  secure  everything  necessary.  The  engineer  reported  to 
me  that  she  was  making  water  aft.  I  had  previously  had  soundings  taken  and 
found  eight  feet  at  the  bow  and  seventy  at  the  stern,  so  that  but  a  small  portion 
of  the.  ship  was  ashore.  I  returned  as  quickly  as  possible  to  the  flagship  to  re- 
port the  situation.  The  Oregon  was  signaled  to  take  charge,  and  the  men 
were  hastened  on  board,  a  number  sent  also  from  the  ship.  Our  work  of 
closing  watertight  doors,  &c.,  was,  however,  of  no  avail;  a  large  number  of 
sea  valves  had  been  treacherously  opened,  and  the  valves  so  broken  as  to  make 
it  impossible  to  close  them;  the  ship  thus  slowly  settled.  At  7:30  she  came 
afloat,  and  came  out  into  deeper  water.  The  officer  in  charge,  Lieutenant-Com- 
mander Cogswell,  had  let  go  an  anchor,  but  it  was  clear  that  if  she  went  down 
in  water  of  the  depth  in  which  she  was,  she  could  never  be  recovered.  This 
ship's  stem  was  placed  against  her  quarter,  and  later  a  line  being  taken  from 
our  own  bow  to  hers,  the  Colon  was  forced  inshore.  It  was  by  this  time  dark, 
but  using  a  searchlight,  we  were  enabled  to  force  the  ship  on  the  beach,  the 
chain  being  played  out  at  the  same  time.  She  thus  sank  in  a  very  moderate 
depth  of  water,  and  it  is  very  probable  she  may  be  saved. 


534  LIEUTENANT-COMMANDER  WAINWRIGHT'S  REPORT. 

"  7.  At  eleven  p.  M.  the  flagship  returned  to  Santiago,  leaving  the  Texas  and 
Oregon  in  charge  of  the  prize. 

"  8.  Though  the  ship  was  not  able  to  come  to  action  with  any  of  the  larger 
ships  on  account  of  her  distance  to  the  eastward,  every  nerve  was  strained  to 
do  so,  and  all  was  done  that  could  be  done.  Our  speed  had  rapidly  increased, 
so  that  we  were  going  sixteen  knots  at  the  end.  We  were  immediately  astern, 
while  all  others  were  considerably  to  seaward.  We  were  thus  in  a  position  to 
prevent  a  possible  doubling  to  the  rear  and  escape  to  the  southeast. 

"  9.  The  officers  and  crew,  as  they  always  have  done,  acted  in  the  most  en- 
thusiastic and  commendable  manner.  They  have  worked  into  so  complete  a 
system  that  the  ship  is  practically  instantaneously  ready  for  action,  and  while 
(all)  are  deserving  of  commendation  and  credit,  I  think  it  no  derogation  from 
the  deserts  of  others  to  particularly  name  Lieutenant-Commander  Potter,  to 
whom,  as  executive  officer,  so  much- of  the  ship's  efficienc}'  is  due,  and  Chief 
Engineer  McConnell,  who  has  kept  the  machinery  in  the  admirable  order  which 
has  enabled  us  at  all  times  to  develop  the  ship's  full  speed. 

"  Very  respectfully, 

"  F.  E.  CHADWIOK, 
"  Captain  U.  S.  Navy,  Commanding. 
"  To  the  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  North  Atlantic  Station." 


LIEUTENANT-COMMANDER  WAINWEIGHT'S  REPORT. 

"  UNITED  STATES  STEAMSHIP  GLOUCESTER, 
"  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  July  6,  1898. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  report  that  at  the  battle  of  Santiago  on  July  3 
the  officers  and  crew  of  the  Gloucester  were  uninjured  and  the  vessel  was  not 
injured  in  hull  or  machinery,  the  battery  only  requiring  some  slight  overhaul- 
ing. It  is  now  in  excellent  condition. 

"  I  enclose  herewith  a  copy  of  the  report  of  the  executive  officer,  made  in 
.compliance  with  paragraph  525,  page  110,  Naval  Regulations,  which  report  I 
believe  to  be  correct  in  all  particulars.  I  also  enclose  copies  of  the  reports  of 
the  several  officers  which  may  prove  valuable  for  future  reference. 

"  It  was  the  plain  duty  of  the  Gloucester  to  look  after  the  destroyers,  and 
she  was  held  back,  gaining  steam,  until  they  appeared  at  the  entrance.  The 
Indiana  poured  in  a  hot  fire  from  all  her  secondary  battery  upon  the  destroy- 
ers ;  but  Captain  Taylor's  signal, '  Gunboats  close  in,'  gave  security  that  we 
would  not  be  fired  upon  by  our  own  ships.  Until  the  leading  destroyer  was 
injured,  our  course  was  converging,  necessarily;  but  as  soon  as  she  slackened 
her  speed  we  headed  directly  for  both  vessels,  firing  both  port  and  starboard 
batteries  as  the  occasion  offered. 

"  All  the  officers  and  nearly  all  the  men  deserve  my  highest  praise  during 


LIEUTENANT-COMMANDER  WAINWRIGHT'S  REPORT.  535 

the  action.  The  escape  of  the  Gloucester  was  due  mainly  to  the  accuracy  and 
rapidity  of  the  fire.  The  efficiency  of  this  fire,  as  well  as  that  of  the  ship  gen- 
erally, was  largely  due  to  the  intelligence  and  unremitting  efforts  of  the  exec- 
utive officer,  Lieutenant  Harry  P.  Huse.  The  result  is  more  to  his  credit  when 
it  is  remembered  that  a  large  portion  of  the  officers  and  men  were  untrained 
when  the  Gloucester  was  commissioned.  Throughout  the  action  he  was  on  the 
bridge,  and  carried  out  my  orders  with  great  coolness. 

"  That  we  were  able  to  close  in  with  the  destroyers — and  until  we  did  so  they 
were  not  seriously  injured — was  largely  due  to  the  skill  and  constant  attention 
of  Passed-Assistant  Engineer  George  W.  McElroy.  The  blowers  were  put  out, 
and  the  speed  increased  to  seventeen  knots  without  causing  a  tube  to  leak  or  a 
brass  to  heat.  Lieutenant  Thomas  C.  Wood,  Lieutenant  George  H.  Norman, 
Jr.,  and  Ensign  John  T.  Edson  not  only  controlled  the  fire  of  the  guns  in  their 
division  and  prevented  waste  of  ammunition,  but  they  also  did  some  excellent 
shooting  themselves.  Acting  Assistant  Surgeon  J.  F.  Bransford  took  charge 
of  one  of  the  guns,  and  fired  it  himself  occasionally.  Acting  Assistant  Pay- 
master  Brown  had  charge  of  the  two  Colt  guns,  firing  one  himself,  and  they 
did  excellent  work.  Assistant  Engineer  A.M.  Proctor  carried  my  orders  from 
the  bridge,  and  occasionally  fired  a  gun  when  I  found  it  was  not  being  served 
quite  satisfactorily.  All  were  cool  and  active  at  a  time  when  they  could  have 
had  but  little  hope  of  escaping  uninjured. 

"  Lieutenants  Wood  and  Norman,  Ensign  Edson  and  Assistant  Engineer 
Proctor  were  in  charge  of  the  boats  engaged  in  saving  life.  They  all  risked 
their  lives  repeatedly  in  boarding  and  remaining  near  the  two  destroyers  and 
the  two  armored  cruisers  when  their  guns  were  being  discharged  by  the  heat 
and  their  magazines  and  boilers  were  exploding.  They  also  showed  great  skill 
in  landing  and  taking  off  the  prisoners  through  the  surf. 

"  Of  the  men  mentioned  in  the  several  reports,  I  would  call  special  attention 
to  John  Bond,  chief  boatswain's  mate.  He  would  have  been  recommended  to 
the  department  for  promotion,  prior  to  his  gallant  conduct  during  the  action  of 
July  3.  I  would  also  recommend  to  your  attention  Robert  P.  Jennings,  chief 
machinist,  mentioned  in  the  report  of  Mr.  McElroy.  I  believe  it  would  have  a 
good  effect  to  recognize  the  skill  of  the  men  and  the  danger  incurred  by  the 
engineers'  force.  I  would  also  recommend  that  the  acting  appointments  of 
those  men  mentioned  by  the  officers  in  their  reports  be  made  permanent. 

"  The  wounded  men  and  exhausted  prisoners  were  well  and  skilfully  tended 
by  Assistant  Surgeon  Bransford,  assisted  by  Ensign  Edson,  who  is  also  a  sur- 
geon. The  Admiral,  his  officers,  and  men  were  treated  with  all  consideration 
and  care  possible.  They  were  fed  and  clothed  as  far  as  our  limited  means 
would  permit.  Very  respectfully, 

"  RICHARD  WATNWRIGHT, 

"  Lieutenant  Commander,  U.  S.  Navy,  commanding. 
"  To  the  Coininander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Forces,  North  Atlantic  Station." 


536  LlEUTENANT-COMMANDEK   SHARP'S   REPORT. 

"  UNITED  STATES  STEAMSHIP  VIXEN, 
"  GUANTANAMO,  Cuba,  July  7,  1898. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  make  the  following  report  as  to  the  part  taken  by 
the  United  States  Steamship  Vixen  in  the  engagement  with  the  Spanish  fleet 
under  the  command  of  Admiral  Cervera  during  the  morning  and  afternoon  of 
Sunday,  July  3,  1898: 

"  Between  9:35  and  9:45  A.  M.,  the  Vixen  was  at  a  point  about  four  miles  to 
the  westward  of  Morro  and  at  a  distance  of  about  one  and  one-half  miles  south 
of  the  shore  line.  At  about  9:40  o'clock  it  was  reported  to  me  that  an  explo- 
sion had  taken  place  in  the  entrance  of  Santiago  harbor.  I  went  on  deck  and 
almost  immediately  sighted  the  leading  vessel  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  standing  out 
of  the  entrance.  Some  of  the  vessels  of  our  fleet  were  closing  in  toward  Morro 
and  firing. 

"  The  Vixen  was  heading  toward  the  Morro.  The  engines  were  ordered 
ahead  at  full  speed  and  the  helm  put  hard-a-port,  the  object  being  to  cross 
ahead  of  the  leading  Spanish  vessel  and  thus  not  obstruct  the  gun  fire  of  our 
own  fleet,  the  shells  from  which  soon  began  to  fall  about  the  position  we  had 
just  left.  The  leading  Spanish  vessel  opened  fire  on  this  vessel  with  her  star- 
board bow  guns,  the  projectiles  from  which  passed  over  us,  all  being  aimed  too 
high.  I  estimate  the  number  of  shots  fired  at  us  at  this  time  to  have  been  be- 
tween five  and  ten. 

"  As  the  Vixen  gathered  headway  her  head  came  to  about  south  by  east, 
opening  the  Krooklyn  up  about  two  points  on  our  port  bow.  Steadied  her  and 
steamed  on  about  this  course  until  we  had  reached  a  position  about  a  mile  to 
the  southward  and  westward  of  the  Brooklyn,  which  was  now  turning  with 
port  helm  and  firing  her  guns  as  they  bore  on  the  enemy's  vessels.  At  9:50 
o'clock  hoisted  signal  No.  252.  The  course  was  then  ordered  changed  to  west- 
southwest,  the  intention  being  to  steer  a  parallel  course  to  that  of  the  Spanish 
fleet.  By  some  mistake  the  Quartermaster  steadied  the  helm  on  southwest  by 
south,  which  was  soon  discovered,  but  not  until  the  Vixen  had  increased  her 
distance  off  shore  by  perhaps  another  half  mile.  The  course  west-southwest 
was  again  ordered,  and  when  steadied  on  it  we  were  at  an  estimated  distance  of 
about  five  miles  from  the  shore.  From  about  10:15  the  courses  and  times  of 
changing  were  as  follows:  At  10:15,  changed  course  to  west  half  south;  at 
10:56,  to  northwest  by  north  ;  at  11:00,  west-northwest ;  at  11:05,  west  by  north  ; 
at  11:10,  northwest  by  west;  at  11:15,  west  by  north  ;  at  11:30,  west  by  south; 
at  1:50,  west  by  north.  All  these  courses  were  by  the  steering  compass,  and 
the  speed  was  estimated  from  twelve  to  thirteen  and  one-half  knots  per  hour. 
Times  noted  are  by  the  deck  clock,  which  was  five  minutes  fast  of  watch  time, 
used  in  the  notes  inclosed.  Seeing  that  the  Spanish  vessels  were  out  of  range 
of  our  guns,  while  we  were  well  within  range  of  theirs,  we  reserved  our  fire. 

"About  11:06,  having  approached  within  range  of  the  Vizcaya,  we  opened 
fire  with  our  starboard  battery  at  an  elevation  of  5,000  yards  for  the  six-pounder 


CAPTAIN  COTTON'S  REPORT.  537 

guns  and  extreme  elevation  for  the  one-pounders.  Continued  the  fire  for  six 
minutes,  when,  seeing  that  the  ensign  of  the  Vizcay^a  was  not  flying,  at  11:12 
ordered  cease  firing.  Expended  twenty-seven  six-pounders  A.  P.  shells  and 
i-ighteen  one-pounder  common  shells.  After  passing  Aserradero  the  course  was 
held  at  from  west  by  north  to  west  by  south,  heading  for  the  point  on  the 
western  horizon.  Average  speed  about  twelve  to  thirteen  and  one-half  knots ; 
average  number  of  revolutions,  105  per  minute;  average  steam  pressure,  122^ 
pounds. 

"  The  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  bore  on  the  port  and  starboard  bows  respectively, 
and  were  gradually  dropping  the  Vixen  astern,  as  was  the  Cristobal  Colon, 
which  was  running  closer  inshore.  About  12:25  the  Oregon  opened  fire  on  the 
Colon,  as  did  also  the  Brooklyn,  feeling  their  way  up  to  the  range,  which  was 
apparently  obtained  after  the  fourth  or  fifth  shot.  About  1:20  the  Oregon  and 
Brooklyn  headed  in  shore,  about  four  points.  About  1:28  the  Texas  hoisted 
signal, '  Enemy  has  surrendered.'  This  signal  was  repeated  to  the  New  York 
by  the  Vixen.  At  2:30  the  Vixen  stopped  off  Rio  Tarquino,  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  Oregon  and  Brooklyn.  The  Cristobal  Colon  was  close  in  shore,  bows  on 
the  beach,  her  colors  down,  lying  on  the  deck  at  the  foot  of  her  staff. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  inclose  a  copy  of  notes,  taken  during  the  chase  by  my 
orders,  upon  the  suggestion  of  Lieutenant  Harlow.  These  notes  were  written 
by  Assistant  Paymaster  Doherty,  the  incidents  and  times  were  given  by  Lieu- 
tenant Harlow,  whose  watch  was  five  minutes  slow  of  deck-clock  time.  The 
times  taken  after  10:30  are  accurate ;  those  taken  before  that  time  were  esti- 
mated, and  may  be  in  error  a  few  minutes. 

"  Inclosed  is  a  sketch  showing  positions  of  vessels  at  various  times.  It  is 
taken  from  a  chart  taken  from  the  Cristobal  Colon  after  the  surrender,  and  is 
enlarged  four  times.  All  courses  are  true. 

"  In  conclusion,  I  wish  to  call  your  attention  to  the  coolness  and  strict  atten- 
tion to  duty  of  both  officers  and  men.  Very  respectfully, 

"  ALEX.  SHARP,  Jr., 
"  Lieutenant,  Commanding. 
"  To  the  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Forces,  North  Atlantic  Station." 


CAPTAIN  COTTON'S  REPORT. 

"  UNITED  STATES  STEAMSHIP  HARVARD, 
"  AT  SEA,  OFF  ALTARES,  Cuba,  July  4,  1898. 

"  SIR:  1.  On  Sunday,  the  3d  inst.,  the  Harvard,  under  my  command,  was 
at  Altares,  Cuba,  discharging  the  military  stores  brought  in  the  ship  with  the 
troops  from  Newport  News,  Va.  Nearly  all  of  the  boats  and  the  majority  of 
the  officers  of  the  ship  were  employed  in  this  work.  Some  of  the  boats  were 
away  from  the  ship  discharging  their  loads  and  others  were  alongside  loading. 


538  CAPTAIN  COTTON'S  REPORT. 

"  2.  At  10:45  A.  M.  the  United  States  Steamship  Resolute  passed  Altares  at  a 
considerable  distance,  standing  to  the  eastward,  sounding  her  whistle  vigorously 
and  flying  a  signal  which  announced  that  the  Spanish  fleet  had  '  fled.'  With  the 
utmost  despatch  I  recalled  the  boats  and  officers  to  the  ship,  hoisted  the  former, 
sent  the  steam  launch  on  shore,  got  under  way  and  stood  to  the  westward  to 
join  you.  The  ship  was  cleared  for  action. 

u  3.  I  had  previously  observed  that  the  fleet  was  firing,  but  supposed  that 
it  was  a  bombardment  of  the  Morro  and  the  neighboring  batteries.  The  ships 
of  the  fleet  had  meantime  disappeared  to  the  westward,  none  being  in  sight 
when  I  came  out  from  behind  the  land  where  I  could  command  an  uninter- 
rupted view  of  the  coast  west  of  Morro. 

"  4.  I  soon  came  up  with  the  wrecks  on  shore  of  two  of  the  smaller  vessels 
and  two  of  the  cruisers  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  shortly  afterward  with  the 
wreck  of  a  third  cruiser,  all  of  the  cruisers  burning  fiercely. 

"  5.  I  had  meantime  passed  the  Indiana  and  one  of  our  torpedo  boats  stand- 
ing to  the  eastward  in  search  of  the  missing  Spanish  cruiser  and  informed 
them  that  a  large  Spanish  battleship  or  cruiser  was  in  sight  to  the  eastward  off 
Baiquiri.  They  immediately  stood  on  in  chase,  but  the  supposed  enemy  was 
ascertained  later  to  be  the  Austrian  cruiser  Maria  Teresa. 

"  6.  At  the  most  westerly  of  the  three  wrecks  of  the  Spanish  cruisers,  the 
Vizcaya,  I  found  the  battleship  Iowa  and  communicated  with  her.  Learning 
from  Captain  Evans  that  you  in  the  New  York  were  in  chase  of  the  Cristobal 
Colon,  and  were  probably  many  miles  to  the  westward,  I  decided  not  to  go 
further  in  that  direction. 

"  7.  Shortly  afterward  the  Iowa  and  the  Harvard  stood  to  the  eastward,  and 
upon  reaching  the  wrecks  of  the  Oquendo  and  Maria  Teresa,  Captain  Evans 
informed  me  that  the  officers  and  crews  of  both  vessels  were  on  shore  in  great 
distress  and  suffering  for  want  of  food,  and  asked  me  if  I  would  rescue  them — 
a  request  with  which  I,  of  course,  instantly  complied,  and  which  would  have 
been  unnecessary  had  I  previously  known  the  circumstances  concerning  them. 

"  8.  I  took  the  Harvard  in  as  near  the  wrecks  as  I  deemed  to  be  prudent, 
and  at  4:40  p.  M.  lowered  nine  of  our  boats  and  sent  them  in  to  the  shore  to 
rescue  the  survivors.  This  work  continued  until  9:45  P.  M.,when  the  last  boat- 
load of  Spanish  prisoners  came  alongside.  During  the  greater  part  of  the 
time  the  steam  cutter  of  the  Indiana  rendered  valuable  assistance  in  towing 
our  boats  to  and  from  the  shore.  We  had  the  good  fortune  to  rescue  thirt}-- 
five  officers  and  637  men,  without  accident  to  them  or  to  our  boats,  notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  the  landing  was  through  the  surf  and  dangerous,  as  well 
from  the  incessant  explosion  of  ammunition,  both  small  and  large,  as  from  the 
surf.  The  boats  were  handled  with  skill  and  judgment  by  the  officers  in  com- 
mand of  them,  who  were  Lieutenants  Beale,  Roberts,  Davis,  and  Bradshaw, 
Ensigns  Turner  and  Cuming,  and  Cadets  Noa  and  Bruff,  whose  conduct  and 
that  of  the  boats'  crews  was  commendable. 


LIEUTENANT  USHER'S  REPORT.  539 

"  9.  Among  the  rescued  were  thirty-eight  sick  and  wounded.  At  ten 
o'clock  I  steamed  on  to  rejoin  the  ships  off  Santiago,  reaching  them  at  10:55 
p.  M.  with  the  junior  medical  officer  of  the  Indiana  and  a  Lieutenant  and  a 
boat's  crew  of  the  United  States  Steamship,  Gloucester. 

"  10.  The  Spanish  officers  and  men  received  every  attention  that  it  was  pos- 
sible to  bestow  upon  them  for  their  comfort  and  welfare.  Some  of  them  came 
on  board  wholly  nude,  and  many  with  only  a  shirt  or  trousers.  As  soon  as 
possible  after  their  arrival  on  board  they  were  provided  with  food  and  neces- 
sary clothing.  About  300  working  suits  and  many  shoes  and  canvas  hats  were 
issued  to  them.  The  sick  and  wounded  were  attended  by  our  own  medical 
staff,  assisted  by  two  Spanish  surgeons. 

"  11.  I  transmit  herewith  a  copy  of  the  detailed  report  of  Lieutenant 
Joseph  Beale,  United  States  Navy,  of  the  Harvard,  who  was  the  senior  officer 
in  charge  of  the  transportation  of  the  Spaniards  to  this  ship,  and  I  beg  leave 
to  invite  your  attention  to  the  terms  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  highly  com- 
mendable conduct  of  the  officers  and  men  associated  with  him  in  the  successful 
accomplishment  of  an  important  and  humane  duty,  and  one  not  without  ex- 
posure to  danger. 

"  12.  This  forenoon  sixteen  of  the  most  severely  wounded  men  were  trans- 
ferred to  the  United  States  hospital  ship  Solace.  None  of  the  Spanish  officers 
on  board  this  ship  was  so  seriously  wounded  as  to  require  transfer  to  that 
vessel. 

"  13.  In  conclusion  I  beg  to  be  permitted  the  privilege,  in  my  own  behalf  as 
well  as  that  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Harvard,  to  extend  to  you  and  to 
the  people  of  the  United  States  our  most  hearty  and  sincere  congratulations 
upon  the  brilliant  victory  achieved  by  you  yesterday,  which  adds  another  page 
to  the  imperishable  glory  and  renown  of  the  history  of  our  navy. 
"  Very  respectfully, 

"  C.  S.  COTTON, 

"  Captain  U.  S.  Navy,  Commanding. 
"  To  the  Commander-in-Chief  IT,  S.  Naval  Force,  North  Atlantic  Station." 


LIEUTENANT  USHEE'S  REPORT. 

"UNITED  STATES  TORPEDO  BOAT  ERICSSON, 
"  HARBOR  OP  GUANTANAMO,  Cuba,  July  5,  1898. 

"  SIR:  In  obedience  to  Art.  437,  p.  98,  "United  States  Navy  Register,  1896, 
I  respectfully  report  that  on  the  morning  of  July  3,  1898,  the  United  States 
Torpedo  Boat  Ericsson  was  proceeding  under  half  speed  on  the  starboard 
quarter  of  the  United  States  Flagship  New  York  toward  Siboney,  when  the 
enemy  was  sighted  coming  out  of  Santiago  entrance,  we  being  then  five  or  six 
miles  to  the  eastward  of  the  Morro.  The  vessels  of  our  fleet  were  firing  on 


540  LIEUTENANT  USHER'S  REPORT. 

the  enemy.  The  helm  was  put  hard  aport  at  once  and  full  power  put  on  as 
speedily  as  possible,  and  the  course  directed  toward  the  enemy's  ships,  the  crew 
at  quarters  and  the  vessel  in  all  respects  ready  to  deliver  torpedo  attack.  By 
the  time  we  had  turned  to  westward  two  of  the  enemy's  vessels  were  out  in 
plain  sight ;  they  were  followed  at  short  intervals  by  the  other  two  cruisers, 
and  then  after  a  longer  interval  by  the  two  torpedo-boat  destroyers.  The  fire 
of  the  shore  batteries  supported  the  enemy's  fleet,  and  the  fire  of  both  fleets 
was  rapid  and  continuous.  The  flagship  New  York  had  hoisted  signal  260  : 
'  Close  in  toward  harbor  entrance  and  attack  vessels.'  The  Ericsson  proceeded 
as  fast  as  possible,  the  steam  pressure  and  speed  gradually  increasing.  The 
shore  batteries  at  entrance  to  Santiago  were  directing  their  fire  on  the  Glouces- 
ter at  this  time,  which  was  hotly  engaged  with  the  two  torpedo-boat  destroy- 
ers. At  full  speed  we  drew  near  the  entrance,  and  as  we  passed  and  afterward 
the  fire  of  the  shore  batteries  was  directed  on  us.  Several  shells  struck  near 
us,  short  or  beyond,  and  two  burst  overhead  and  over.  The  Ericsson  was  not 
struck.  The  Brooklyn,  Texas,  Oregon,  Iowa  and  Indiana  were  closely  en- 
gaged with  the  Colon,  Vizcaya,  Oquendo  and  Maria  Teresa;  the  firing  was 
furious.  As  we  drew  near,  the  two  torpedo-boat  destroyers  were  seen  to  strike 
to  the  Gloucester,  and  the  Maria  Teresa  and  Oquendo  to  run  ashore,  strike 
their  colors,  and  display  white  flags.  They  were  both  on  fire  and  clouds  of 
steam  arising  from  their  hatches  and  ports.  The  Indiana  remained  near  them, 
the  Iowa  directed  her  fire  on  the  Vizca3Ta,  and  the  Oregon  joined  in  the  chase 
of  the  Colon.  The  course  of  the  Ericsson  was  directed  toward  the  Vizcaya, 
prepared  to  deliver  torpedo  attack,  but  before  we  could  arrive  within  striking 
distance  the  Vizcaya  was  seen  to  strike  to  the  Iowa,  run  ashore  and  burst  into 
flames,  her  engines  being  left  running  and  clouds  of  steam  issuing  from  all  her 
openings  on  deck  and  in  her  sides.  The  course  of  the  Ericsson  was  then  set 
for  the  Colon,  which  was  running  very  fast  to  the  westward,  pursued  by  the 
Brookljn,  Texas,  and  Oregon.  As  the  Ericsson  was  hauling  away  from  the 
New  York  in  the  chase,  signal  was  made,  interrogatory  2,872  :  '  Request  per- 
mission to  continue  the  chase.'  The  flagship  hoisted  negative,  and  by  wigwag 
signal  directed  the  Ericsson  to  pick  up  men  in  the  water  astern.  Turned  with 
port  helm  and  found  and  picked  up  one  man  afloat  on  a  piece  of  wreckage  and 
then  returned  to  the  chase,  the  New  York  in  the  meantime  chasing  fast  after 
the  Colon.  As  we  came  up  with  the  Iowa,  lying  about  two  miles  seaward  of 
Vizcaya,  the  Ericsson  was  hailed  and  directed  to  go  inshore  and  rescue  the  crew 
of  the  Vizcaya  from  the  burning  vessel.  Ran  close  alongside  the  Vizcaya  and 
sent  small  boat  to  her,  boats  from  Iowa  pulling  in  also  at  same  time.  Explo- 
sions from  the  ammunition  on  board  the  Vizcaya  began  about  this  time,  and 
her  guns,  which  had  been  left  loaded,  were  fired  one  after  the  other  by  the 
flames.  The  Vizcaya  was  on  fire  fore  and  aft,  but  the  mass  of  the  fire  was  aft, 
and  the  position  of  the  Ericsson  was  perilous  in  the  extreme  and  only  the 
urgency  of  the  occasion  caused  her  to  remain.  Rescued  eleven  officers  and 


ADMIRAL  CERVERA'S  STATEMENT.  541 

about  nine  sailors  and  marines  from  the  vessel,  many  of  them  sorely  wounded. 
The  Spanish  were  110  sooner  taken  on  board  than  thejr  urged  immediate  with- 
drawal of  the  Ericsson,  but  this  vessel  remained  until  all  alive  had  been  taken 
from  the  Vizcaya  by  the  Ericsson's  small  boat  and  the  boats  from  the  Iowa.  One 
of  the  Yizcaya's  large  cutters  was  also  used.  The  Ericsson's  deck  was  then 
crowded  with  prisoners,  most  of  them  naked  and  many  of  them  wounded,  and 
she  returned  to  the  Iowa  towing  the  Vizcaya's  cutter,  also  filled  with  prisoners. 
These  were  all  put  on  board  the  Iowa. 

"  [The  enemy  afterward  towed  boats  to  and  from  the  burning  wrecks  of  the 
Maria  Teresa  and  Oquendo  until  no  more  persons  remained  to  be  rescued  from 
the  vessels,  the  remaining  prisoners  being  all  ashore  on  the  beach.  There  were 
no  casualties  on  board  this  vessel.] 

"  I  respectfully  commend  the  good  conduct  of  Edward  Ryan,  G.  M.,  second 
class,  who  manned  the  small  boat  and  brought  off  the  officers  and  men  from  the 
stern  of  the  Vizcaya,  a  duty  of  great  danger  from  the  incessant  explosions  of 
ammunition  on  board  her.  Very  respectfully, 

"  N.  R.  USHER, 

"  Lieutenant  U.  S.  Navy.  Commanding. 
"  To  the  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  North  Atlantic  Station.'' 

This  naval  history  is  compiled  from  a  semi-official  statement  issued  by 
Admiral  Cervera  on  leaving  this  country.  This  document  declares,  that 

"  The  full  truth  concerning  what  led  to  the  destruction  of  the  magnificent 
Cape  Verde  ileet,  has  never  yet  been  told,  and  the  time  has  come  when  certain 
facts  which  have  been  heretofore  withheld  should  be  made  public.  It  is  true 
that  Admiral  Cervera  and  his  officers  may  be  court-martialed  upon  reaching 
Spain,  and  upon  conviction  it  is  also  true  that  they  could  be  shot  if  the  authori- 
ties, those  composing  the  court-martial  or  the  Government,  saw  fit  to  impose 
such  a  penalty.  However,  such  a  catastrophe  is  not  looked  for ;  it  will  not 
occur;  and  when  all  the  facts  are  plainly  set  forth  and  the  blame  placed  where 
it  belongs,  it  will  be  clearly  shown  that  Admiral  Cervera  acted  like  the  wise 
and  sagacious  Admiral  that  he  is  and  both  he  and  his  officers  and  crew  will  be 
completely  exonerated. 

"  Notwithstanding  this,  their  situation  at  present  or  upon  their  approaching 
Spain  is  critical,  and  it  may  be  safely  said  that  the  high  standing  of  Admiral 
Cervera's  family — all  being  of  royal  blood — will  not  save  him  from  court-mar- 
tial. Public  opinion  has  been  inflamed  against  him  in  Spain  through  gross 
misrepresentation,  through  falsehood  and  conspiracy  of  those  who  seek  to  shift 
the  blame  for  the  loss  of  the  Spanish  ships  from  their  own  shoulders  to  the 
shoulders  of  Admiral  Cervera.  Their  erring  deeds,  unfaithfulness  and  treach- 
ery were  entirely  responsible  for  the  disaster  they  would  place  upon  those  who 
are  innocent,  and  who,  if  allowed  to  exercise  their  own  wisdom  and  discretion, 
would  have  saved  for  Spain  the  pride  of  her  navy. 


542  ADMIRAL  CERVERA'S  STATEMENT. 

"  It  is  untrue  that  Admiral  Cervera,  after  leaving  the  Cape  Verde  Islands 
and  reaching  western  waters,  was  seeking  to  avoid  the  American  fleet  and  flying 
here  and  there  to  avoid  a  fight.  Naturally,  his  plans  were  different  from  those 
laid  out  for  him  to  follow  by  the  American  Board  of  Strategy,  for  he  was 
endeavoring  to  separate  the  American  fleets  and  engage  them  separately ;  he 
wanted  to  meet  and  fight  them  singly,  but  his  misfortune  would  not  permit  him 
to  do  that.  When  he  was  nearly  without  coal  and  being  in  need  of  some  slight 
repairs  to  his  ships  he  naturally  put  into  Santiago,  expecting  there  to  find  sup- 
plies, to  make  what  few  repairs  were  needed,  get  provisions  and  proceed  further, 
but  there  he  was  greatly  disappointed. 

"  Through  the  interference  of  General  Blanco  he  was  prevented  from  carry- 
ing out  his  plans,  and  the  whole  world  knows  the  result.  General  Blanco  im- 
mediately communicated  to  Spain  and  asked  the  Minister  of  Marine  to  place 
Admiral  Cervera  and  his  fleet  under  his  (Blanco's)  orders,  making  various  rep- 
resentations and  explaining  the  necessity  of  such  action  from  his  standpoint, 
and  his  request  was  finally  granted. 

"  It  was  simply  a  deep  diabolical  trick  on  the  part  of  General  Blanco.  He 
foresaw  disaster  somewhere,  and  in  case  it  should  come  he  wanted  to  have  some 
one  high  in  authority  upon  whom  he  could  shove  a  portion  if  not  all  of  the 
blame  for  any  loss  which  might  accrue  to  Spain  and  for  which  he  was  held 
responsible.  General  Blanco  then  ordered  Cervera  to  remain  in  Santiago  and 
assist  in  the  defence  of  the  shore  batteries.  Admiral  Cervera  protested  strongly 
against  this  and  appealed  to  Spain,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  his  appeal  ever  reached 
the  Government.  He  asked  to  be  allowed  to  coal  up  and  then  leave  Santiago, 
where  he  might  be  free  to  meet  the  American  fleet,  rather  than  to  be  bottled 
up  in  a  blockaded  harbor.  He  contended  that  he  could  not  possibly  be  useful 
to  Spain  by  remaining  in  Santiago  harbor  with  the  certainty  of  American  ships 
coming  to  keep  him  there,  whereas,  outside  and  free,  his  strong  fleet  could  be 
of  great  value  to  the  Spanish  cause. 

"  The  answer  of  General  Blanco  was  that  Admiral  Cervera  was  now  subject 
to  his  orders,  and  that  he,  and  not  Admiral  Cervera,  was  in  command  of  affairs 
in  Cuba,  and  that  the  Admiral  must  obey  his  command.  Cervera  could  then 
do  nothing. 

"  After  the  Merrimac  affair,  which  made  the  name  of  Lieutenant  Hobson  im- 
mortal and  made  Admiral  Cervera,  by  his  kindly  treatment  of  the  prisoner, 
well  regarded  by  Americans  when  he  came  to  be  a  prisoner  himself,  Cervera 
was  fully  aware  that  he  could  still  get  out  of  Santiago  harbor  if  he  had  per- 
mission to  do  so.  His  immediate  investigation  showed  that  the  channel  was 
not  entirely  closed  and  that  his  ships  could  pass  out.  Finally,  when  fully 
aware  that  the  strong  American  fleet  were  waiting  for  him  outside  of  the 
harbor,  as  he  was  completely  informed  of  the  movements  of  the  Americans 
at  all  times,  he  concluded  that  he  would  do  his  best  to  defend  the  city,  as 
it  would  at  that  time  be  certain  destruction  to  attempt  to  run  out  of  the 


ADMIRAL  CERVERA'S  STATEMENT.  543 

harbor.  The  time  to  escape  had  already  passed,  and  he  became  resigned  to  do 
his  best. 

"  Then  one  night  an  order  came  to  him  from  General  Blanco  to  be  ready  to 
sail  out  of  the  harbor  within  twenty-four  hours  and  fixing  one  o'clock  in  the 
morning  for  the  time  of  departure,  when,  it  was  argued  by  General  Blanco,  the 
Americans  would  be  taken  by  surprise  and  probably  off  their  guard  and  the 
escape  could  be  made.  Admiral  Cervera  protested  strongly  against  this,  main- 
taining that  the  American  commanders  were  too  shrewd  not  to  double  and 
treble  their  guard  at  night,  and  pointed  out  to  General  Blanco  that  one  o'clock 
in  the  morning  would  be  a  very  bad  time  to  start,  if  indeed  he  should  insist 
upon  the  order  to  get  out  of  the  harbor. 

"  Admiral  Cervera  did  not  know  at  that  time  of  the  villainy  of  Blanco  in 
telegraphing  to  Madrid  asking  that  Cervera  be  removed  from  command  of  the 
fleet  and  Commodore  Villamil  be  placed  in  command.  Then  later,  when  the 
fleet  was  destroyed,  Blanco  sent  another  telegram  stating  that  it  was  the  fault 
of  the  Minister  of  Marine  in  not  heeding  his  advice  and  granting  his  request 
to  remove  Cervera. 

"  Blanco  was  fully  aware  that  to  leave  Santiago  meant  the  destruction  of  the 
fleet,  and  he  waited  to  again  shift  the  blame,  and  so  made  the  request  for  the 
change  of  commanders,  which  he  knew  would  not  and  could  not  be  made,  but 
he  nevertheless  had  an  excuse  and  some  one  to  blame  for  not  accepting  his 
counsel.  General  Blanco  knew  that  the  action  which  he  ordered  must  mean 
the  destruction  of  the  fleet,  and  he  actually  hoped  and  believed  that  it  would 
mean  the  death  of  Admiral  Cervera,  so  that  he  could  not  make  answer  to  the 
charges  which  Blanco  proposed  to  make  against  him. 

"  The  same  vile  treachery  of  General  Blanco  is  also  shown  in  his  conduct 
toward  General  Toral,  who  he  first  ordered  to  surrender  the  city  when  it  be- 
came actually  necessary  to  do  so  and  the  siege  could  no  longer  be  endured,  and 
then  publicly  accused  of  cowardice  when  he  and  his  command  had  laid  down 
their  arms  in  honorable  surrender. 

"  Every  one  of  Admiral  Cervera's  crew,  of  course,  knew  that  in  attempting 
to  escape  from  Santiago  harbor  at  the  time  they  did  meant  not  only  the  loss  of 
their  vessels,  but  probably  death  to  them.  They  knew  that  the  course  they 
were  entering  upon  by  order  of  General  Blanco  was  one  of  suicidfe,  and  all  ex- 
pected to  find  graves  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea.  But  the  fleet  would  not  have 
attempted  the  escape  had  it  not  been  for  the  command  of  Blanco,  and  the  only 
concession  which  Admiral  Cervera  could  obtain  from  the  Captain-General  was 
a  change  in  the  time  of  departure. 

"  It  is  true  that  Admiral  Cervera  and  some  of  his  officers  and  crew  attempted 
to  escape  by  swimming  to  the  shore,  but  there  they  found  another  obstacle  and 
were  fired  upon  by  a  force  of  men  whom  it  was  afterward  learned  were  Cubans 
under  command  of  Colonel  Candelaris  Cebrecos.  The  Spaniards  have  no  cause 
for  complaint  at  the  treatment  received  at  their  hands,  for  when  the  rank  of 


544  ARMY  AND  NAVY  BEFORE  SANTIAGO. 

their  prisoners  was  ascertained  they  were  taken  to  the  Cuban  camp  and  after- 
ward surrendered  to  the  American  commanders  and  distributed  among  the 
American  ships. 

"  The  remainder  is  all  history,  but  the  world  at  large  has  never  known  the 
real  inside  facts  or  the  cause  which  led  to  the  destruction  of  the  pride  of  the 
Spanish  navy,  and  the  blame  has  never  been  properly  attached.  History 
knows  that  the  Spanish  Cape  Verde  fleet  was  destroyed  by  superior  American 
forces,  but  it  does  not  know  of  the  wilful  treachery,  incompetency,  and  das- 
tardly villainy  of  those  who  were  responsible  for  it,  and  Admiral  Cervera  will 
in  the  end  be  vindicated." 


ARMY  AND  NAVY  BEFORE  SANTIAGO. 
REPORT  OF  ADMIRAL  SAMPSON  TO  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

"  On  July  1,  a  demonstration  was  made  by  a  Michigan  volunteer  regiment 
at  Aguadores,  under  command  of  General  Duffield.  The  New  York,  Glouces- 
ter, and  Suwanee  moved  up  at  the  request  of  the  army  to  assist  in  an  attack 
which  was  to  begin  at  daylight,  but  the  troops  who  came  by  rail  did  not  arrive 
until  9:20. 

"  The  small  river  San  Juan  cuts  through  a  deep  defile  and  is  spanned  by  an 
iron  railroad  bridge.  There  is  an  ancient  fort  near  the  water,  and  on  the  hills 
two  small  rifle-pits.  Some  sixteen  or  twenty  of  the  enemy  had  been  encoun- 
tered while  waiting  for  the  troops,  but  disappeared  when  the  ships  began  firing. 
The  troops  advanced  so  far  as  the  bridge,  a  corner  of  the  fort  was  knocked  off 
by  the  shells  of  the  navy,  and  the  flagstaff  was  shot  away.  Desultory  firing 
was  kept  up  between  our  troops  and  the  Spanish,  the  troops  returning  to  Sib- 
oney  about  half-past  ten. 

"  On  the  evening  of  July  1  the  Admiral  was  advised  by  General  Shafter  that 
the  army  would  assault  at  daylight  on  the  2d,  and  the  navy  was  requested  to 
keep  up  a  fire  at  the  batteries  on  the  bluff.  The  squadron  consequently  closed 
in  early  on  the  morning  of  the  2d,  and  kept  up  a  vigorous  fire  for  two  hours, 
but  the  attack  proposed  by  General  Shafter  did  not  take  place  on  that  day. 

"  On  the  night  of  July  1  the  Reina  Mercedes  was  sunk  by  the  Spaniards  so 
as  to  obstruct  the  ships.  Extensive  shore  batteries  existed,  and  if  smaller 
vessels  had  been  sent  in  and  sunk  by  the  mines  or  batteries,  the  harbor  would 
have  been  effectually  closed  against  us. 

"  It  was  essential  to  the  new  scheme  of  attack  of  the  combined  forces  that 
the  position  occupied  by  the  eastern  and  western  batteries  should  be  carried, 
and  this  was  the  scheme  of  action  first  proposed  by  General  Shafter  on  the  day 
of  his  first  arrival.  It  was  at  that  time  explained  to  him  that  it  was  of  pri- 
mary importance  that  these  points  should  first  be  carried,  as  their  possession 


ARMY  AND  NAVY  BEFORE  SANTIAGO.  545 

insured  the  destruction  of  the  mines,  the  entrance  of  heavy  ships  into  the  har- 
bor, and  the  assault  on  Cervera's  fleet. 

"  This  was  heartily  consented  to  by  General  Shafter,  who  stated  that  the  en- 
trance to  the  harbor  was  the  key  to  the  situation.  This  was  repeated  in  his 
interview  with  General  Garcia  at  Aserraderos. 

"  It  had  been  the  Admiral's  desire  to  do  everj'thing  possible  to  cooperate  with 
General  Shafter.  Such  an  attack  as  that  proposed  by  the  General  was  in  com- 
plete accord  with  the  views  held  by  the  Admiral  and  discussed  with  his  staff. 
It  was  proposed  to  bring  up  the  marines  from  Guantanamo  and  add  them  to 
the  marines  of  the  squadron,  thus  making  a  force  of  nearly  a  thousand  men, 
which  might  be  landed  either  at  the  foot  of  the  Morro  in  Estrella  Cove,  to  as- 
sault the  Morro,  or  to  the  westward,  for  the  purpose  of  assaulting  the  west 
battery  ;  at  the  same  time  detaching  a  force  of  two  or  three  thousand  men  from 
the  army  and  proceeding  by  Aguadores,  to  occupy  the  ground  between  the 
Morro  and  that  just  to  the  northward  of  it.  A  visit  to  General  Shafter  was 
arranged,  but  the  Admiral  being  ill,  his  chief  of  staff  went  instead.  The  fol- 
lowing arrangement  was  made : 

"  Camp  near  San  Juan  River,  Cuba,  July  6,  1898. — Minutes  of  a  conversa- 
tion between  Captain  Chadwick  of  the  navy,  representing  Admiral  Sampson 
and  General  Shafter. 

"  That  a  long-continuing  bombardment  be  made  of  Santiago  from  the  sea, 
with  the  heavier  guns  of  the  fleet,  the  fleet  firing  slowly  and  continually  dur- 
ing, say,  twenty-four  hours,  at  the  rate  of  one  shell  every  five  minutes,  except- 
ing one  hour,  at  the  rate  of  one  every  two  minutes.  This  refers  to  the  eight- 
inch  and  thirteen-inch  shells. 

"  If  this  be  not  sufficient  to  bring  the  enemy  to  terms,  that  an  assault  be  ar- 
ranged on  the  Socapa  battery,  using  marines  and  the  Cuban  forces  under  Gen- 
eral Cebrecos,  and  an  effort  made  to  enter  the  harbor,  with  some  of  the  smaller 
ships  of  the  squadron.  This  attack  to  be  made  upon  knowing  the  result  of  a 
second  demand  made  upon  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Spanish  forces  for 
the  surrender  of  the  place,  stating  to  him  the  conditions  that  surround  him  ; 
destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  etc.,  etc.,  and  the  number  of  forces  opposed  to 
him.  To  give  him  time  to  consider  the  matter,  the  date  of  the  bombardment 
is  fixed  at  noon  of  the  9th  unless  he  positive!}'  refuses  to  consider  it  at  all, 
when  it  will  be  begun  at  such  time  as  is  convenient  to  ourselves.  General 
Shafter  will  furnish  Admiral  Sampson  with  correct  map,  showing  where  his 
lines  will  be  surrounding  the  city,  and  also  open  telegraphic  communication  by 
the  way  of  Siboney  down  to  near  Aguadores,  to  give  information  as  to  the  fall- 
ing of  shots. 

"  This  was  followed  by  the  following  correspondence  : 

"  The  General-in-Chief  commanding  the  Spanish  forces,  Santiago  de  Cuba: 

•"  SIR  :     1,     Jn  view  of  the  events  of  the  3d  inst.,  I  have  the  honor  to  lay  before 


546  ARMY  AND  NAVY  BEFORE  SANTIAGO. 

your  Excellency  certain  propositions,  to  which  I  trust  your  Excellency  will 
give  the  consideration  which  in  my  opinion  they  deserve. 

"  2.  I  enclose  a  bulletin  of  the  engagement  of  Sunday  morning,  which  re- 
sulted in  the  complete  destruction  of  Admiral  Cervera's  fleet,  the  loss  of  600 
of  his  officers  and  men,  and  the  capture  of  the  remainder.  The  Admiral,  Gen- 
eral, Paredes,  and  all  others  who  escaped  alive  are  now  prisoners  on  board  the 
Harvard  and  St.  Louis,  and  the  later  ship,  in  which  are  the  Admiral,  General 
Paredes,  and  the  surviving  captains  (all  except  the  Captain  of  the  Almirante 
Oquendo,  who  was  slain),  has  already  sailed  for  the  United  States.  If  desired 
by  j'ou,  this  may  be  confirmed  by  your  Excellency  sending  an  officer  under  a 
flag  of  truce  to  Admiral  Sampson,  and  he  can  arrange  a  visit  to  the  Harvard, 
which  will  not  sail  until  to-morrow,  and  obtain  the  details  from  Spanish  officers 
and  men  aboard  that  ship. 

"  3.  Our  fleet  is  now  perfectly  free  to  act,  and  I  have  the  honor  to  state  that 
unless  a  surrender  be  arranged  by  noon  of  the  9th  instant,  a  bombardment  of 
the  city  will  be  begun  and  continued  with  the  heavy  guns  of  our  ships.  The 
city  is  within  easy  range  of  these  guns,  the  eight-inch  being  capable  of  firing 
9,500  yards,  the  thirteen-inch,  of  course,  much  further.  The  ships  c:m  so  lie 
that  with  a  range  of  8,000  yards  they  can  reach  the  centre  of  the  city. 

"  4.  I  make  this  suggestion  of  a  surrender  purely  in  a  humanitarian  spirit. 
I  do  not  wish  to  cause  the  slaughter  of  any  more  men  either  of  j*our  Excel- 
lency's forces  or  my  own ;  the  final  result  under  circumstances  so  disadvan- 
tageous to  your  Excellency  being  a  foregone  conclusion. 

"  5.  As  your  Excellencj'  may  wish  to  make  reference  of  so  momentous  a 
question  to  your  Excellency's  home  government,  it  is  for  this  purpose  that  I 
have  placed  the  time  of  the  resumption  of  hostilities  sufficiently  far  in  the  fu- 
ture to  allow  a  reply  being  received. 

"  6.     I  beg  an  early  answer  from  your  Excellency. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  Excellency's  obedient  servant, 

"  WILLIAM  R.  SHAFTER,  Major-General,  IT.  S.  V. 
"  Commanding  Fifth  Army  Corps." 


PART  II.     MILITARY  REPORTS. 

GENERAL  SHATTER'S  REPORT. 

"  CAMP  BEFORE  SANTIAGO,  Cuba,  July  18,  1898. 

"  I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  to  you  this  morning  a  copy  of  the  agreement 
between  the  Commissioners  on  my  part  and  the  Commissioners  on  the  part  of 
the  Government  of  Spain  for  the  surrender  of  eastern  Cuba.  The  schedule  just 
submitted  shows  there  to  be  a  little  over  22,000  men  and  officers,  about  6,000 
more  men  than  I  have  had  myself;  and  I  am  glad  to  say  that  we  have  got  all 
these  men  with  very  little  loss  of  life,  compared  to  what  it  would  have  been  had 
we  had  to  have  fought  them.  The  city  of  Santiago  is  simply  a  network  of 
fortifications  at  every  street  corner.  I  had  no  proper  conception  of  its  strength 
until  I  went  into  it,  although  I  knew  these  old  stone  towns  were  naturally  very 
strong.  Everything  is  going  admirably,  so  far  as  the  transfer  is  concerned, 
and  the  Spanish  troops  are  behaving  well,  as  they  are  perfectly  delighted  at 
the  thought  of  getting  home. 

"  I  send  to  you  personally  a  telegram  of  General  Linares  to  his  Government, 
which  one  of  the  Consuls  gave  me.  It  shows  the  straits  to  which  they  were 
put  and  the  feelings  that  animated  them.  He  stated  the  case  exactly.  I  did 
have  him  so  surrounded  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  get  away, and  I  could 
wait  and  he  could  not. 

"  I  send  out  to-morrow  morning  to  receive  something  over  2,000  men  up  in 
the  interior  a  short  distance,  about  thirty  miles,  and  in  two  or  three  daj's  will 
send  to  Guantanamo  to  receive  the  7,000  that  have  surrendered  there.  They 
should  be  shipped  from  Guantanamo  Bay  direct  to  Spain.  There  ai'e  also 
about  800  men  each  from  Baracoa  and  Saguabe  Tamamo  on  the  north  coast, 
who  will  come  into  the  port  there  for  shipment.  I  will  send  an  officer  around 
with  a  Spanish  officer  to  take  their  arms  and  military  supplies.  We  have  got- 
ten a  great  deal  more  than  I  had  any  idea  of  getting  in  the  way  of  munitions  of 
war.  In  everything  but  food  they  were  well  supplied.  Have  got  a  few  beau- 
tiful, modern,  high-power  guns — about  a  dozen. 

"My  only  fear  is  that  we  will  have  some  sickness  ;  and  it  is  for  that  reason 

that  I  have  wired  you  so  earnestly  about  getting  these  prisoners  away,  so  that 

we  can  go  up  in  the  mountains  with  my  command,  fifteen  or  twenty  miles,  at 

the  end  of  the  railroad,  at  San  Luis,  which  is  said  to  be  very  healthy.     It  is,  at 

80  (547) 


548  GENERAL  SHAFTER'S  REPORT. 

any  rate,  about  1,500  feet  above  the  sea,  and  has  communication  by  rail  with 
Santiago.  So  far  there  is  no  fever  in  Santiago.  I*  suppose  there  is  no  one 
there  except  immunes.  Three  cases  only  so  far  this  year,  and  the  English 
Consul  tells  me  there  was  very  little  last  year. 

"  Of  those  here  who  served  throughout  the  Civil  War  all  declare  they  never 
had  anything  that  could  compare  with  it  for  hardship.  With  only  one  set  of 
clothes,  officers  have  been  until  now  rained  on  nearly  every  day,  carrying  three 
days'  rations  like  the  men  on  their  person,  and  suffering  every  privation  that 
any  man  can  added  to  all  these  privations;  in  addition,  all  the  horrors  of  dis- 
ease in  an  unknown  land,  and  very  limited  accommodations  should  they  be 
wounded.  The  spirit  shown  by  them  and  by  the  whole  army  was  simply 
grand.  I  can  recall  no  instance  where  a  greater  surrender  has  been  made  than 
this.  The  final  surrender  of  General  Toral  and  his  generals  to  myself  and  my 
generals  was  highly  dramatic,  as  well  as  the  hoisting  of  the  flag  over  the  city 
of  Santiago,  one  of  the  oldest  cities  in  this  continent. 

"  I  want  to  thank  you  and  the  President  for  the  words  of  cheer  that  have 
come  to  us,  and  to  say  that  none  of  us  has  ever  doubted  that  every  effort  possi- 
ble to  make  our  lives  as  secure  and  our  situation  as  comfortable  as  is  possible 
would  be  done. 

"  W.  R.  SHAFTER, 
"  Major-General  Commanding." 


In  a  more  extended  report,  condensed  by  the  War  Department,  Gen- 
eral Shafter  says: 

The  expedition  under  his  command,  sailed  from  Tampa  with  815  officers  and 
16,072  enlisted  men.  The  orders  were  given  by  telegraph  on  May  30. 

•'  Admiral  Schley  reports  that  two  cruisers  and  two  torpedo  boats  have  been 
seen  in  the  harbor  of  Santiago.  Go  with  your  force  to  capture  garrison  at 
Santiago  and  assist  in  capturing  harbor  and  fleet. 

"  On  the  morning  of  June  20  we  arrived  off  Guantanamo  Bay,  and  about 
noon  reached  the  vicinity  of  Santiago,  where  Admiral  Sampson  came  on  board 
my  headquarters  transport.  It  was  arranged  between  us  to  visit  in  the  after- 
noon the  Cuban  General  (Garcia)  at  Aserradero,  about  eighteen  miles  to  the 
west  of  the  Morro.  During  the  interview  General  Garcia  offered  the  services 
of  his  troops,  comprising  about  4,000  men  in  the  vicinity  of  Aserradero  and 
about  500,  under  General  Castillo,  at  the  little  town  of  Cujababo,  a  few  miles 
east  of  Baiquiri.  I  accepted  his  offer,  impressing  it  upon  him  that  I  could 
exercise  no  military  control  over  him  except  such  as  he  would  concede, 
and  as  long  as  he  served  under  me  I  would  furnish  him  rations  and  ammuni- 
tion. 

"  Ever  since  the  receipt  of  my  orders  I  had  made  a  study  of  the  terrain  sur- 


GENERAL  SHAFTER'S  REPORT.  649 

rounding  Santiago,  gathering  information  mainly  from  former  residents  of  the 
city,  several  of  whom  were  on  the  transports  with  me.  At  this  interview  all 
the  possible  points  of  attack  were  for  the  last  time  carefully  weighed,  and  then, 
for  the  information  and  guidance  of  Admiral  Sampson  and  General  Garcia,  I 
outlined  the  plan  of  campaign,  which  was  as  follows : 

"  With  the  assistance  of  the  small  boats  of  the  navy,  the  disembarkation  was 
to  commence  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-second  at  Baiquiri.  On  the  twenty- 
first  500  insurgent  troops  were  to  be  transferred  from  Aserradero  to  Cujababo, 
increasing  the  force  already  there  to  1,000  men.  This  force,  under  General 
Castillo,  was  to  attack  the  Spanish  force  at  Baiquiri  in  the  rear  at  the  time  of 
disembarkation.  This  movement  was  successfully  made.  To  mislead  the 
enemy  as  to  the  real  point  of  our  intended  landing,  I  requested  General  Garcia 
to  send  a  small  force  (about  500  men),  under  General  Rabi,  to  attack  the  little 
town  of  Cabanis,  situated  on  the  coast  a  few  miles  to  the  west  of  the  entrance 
to  Santiago  harbor,  and  where  it  was  reported  the  enemy  had  several  hundred 
men  intrenched,  and  from  which  a  trail  leads  around  the  west  side  of  the  bay 
to  Santiago. 

"  I  also  requested  Admiral  Sampson  to  send  several  of  his  warships,  with 
a  number  of  my  transports,  opposite  this  town,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a 
show  of  disembarking  there.  In  addition,  I  asked  the  Admiral  to  cause  a 
bombardment  to  be  made  at  Cabanis,  and  also  at  the  ports  around  the 
Morro,  and  at  the  towns  of  Aguadores,  Siboney  and  Baiquiri.  The  troops 
under  General  Garcia  remaining  at  Aserradero  were  to  be  transferred  to 
Baiquiri  or  Siboney  on  the  twenty-fourth.  This  was  successfully  accomplished 
at  Siboney. 

"  These  movements  committed  me  to  approaching  Santiago  from  the  (;ast 
over  a  narrow  road,  at  first  in  some  places  not  better  than  a  trail,  running  from 
Baiquiri  through  Siboney  and  Sevilla,  and  making  attack  from  that  quarter. 
This,  in  my  judgment,  was  the  only  feasible  plan,  and  subsequent  information 
and  results  confirmed  my  judgment. 

"  On  the  23d  General  Lawton's  advance  reached  Siboney  and  the  disembark- 
ation of  Kent's  division  on  that  date  enabled  Shafter  to  establish  a  base  eight 
miles  nearer  Santiago  and  to  proceed  with  disembarkation  at  both  points. 
General  Shafter  continues  with  details  of  movements  up  to  the  battle  of  El 
Caney,  July  1,  concerning  which  he  says : 

"  These  preparations  were  far  from  what  I  desired  them  to  be,  but  we  were 
in  a  sickly  climate ;  our  supplies  had  to  be  brought  forward  by  a  narrow  wagon 
road,  which  the  rains  might  at  any  time  render  impassable ;  fear  was  enter- 
tained that  a  storm  might  drive  the  vessels  containing  our  stores  to  sea,  thus 
separating  us  from  our  base  of  supplies,  and,  lastly,  it  was  reported  that  Gen- 
eral Pando,  with  8,000  reinforcements  for  the  enemy,  was  enroute  from 
Manzanillo,  and  might  be  expected  in  a  few  days.  Under  these  conditions  I 
determined  to  give  battle  without  delay. 


550  GENERAL  SHAFTER'S  REPORT. 

"  The  disposition  of  the  several  bodies  of  troops  is  given,  their  formation  under 
fire  (in  which  Colonel  Wikoff  was  killed),  and  the  results  of  their  movements 
are  set  forth  in  detail,  and  General  Shafter  adds : 

u  After  completing  their  formation  under  a  destructive  fire,  and  advancing  a 
short  distance,  both  divisions  (Kent's  and  Hawkins's)  found  in  their  front  a 
wide  bottom  in  which  there  had  been  placed  a  barbed-wire  entanglement,  and 
beyond  which  there  was  a  high  hill,  along  the  crest  of  which  the  enemy  was 
strongly  posted.  Nothing  daunted,  these  gallant  men  pushed  on  to  drive 
the  enemy  from  his  chosen  position,  both  divisions  losing  heavily.  In  this 
assault  Colonel  Hamilton  and  Lieutenants  Smith  and  Shipp  were  killed,  and 
Colonel  Carroll  and  Lieutenants  Thayer  and  Myer,  all  in  the  cavalry,  were 
wounded. 

"  Great  credit  is  due  to  Brigadier-General  H.  S.  Hawkins,  who,  placing  him- 
self between  his  regiments,  urged  them  on  by  voice  and  bugle  call  to  the  attack 
so  brilliantly  executed.  In  this  fierce  encounter  words  fail  to  do  justice  to  the 
gallant  regimental  commanders  and  their  heroic  men,  for,  while  the  General 
indicated  the  formations  and  the  points  of  attack,  it  was,  after  all,  the  intrepid 
bravery  of  the  subordinate  officers  and  men  that  planted  our  colors  on  the  crest 
of  San  Juan  Hill  and  drove  the  enemy  from  his  trenches  and  blockhouses,  thus 
gaining  a  position  which  sealed  the  fall  of  Santiago.  In  this  action  on  this 
part  of  the  field  most  efficient  service  was  rendered  by  Lieutenant  John 
H.  Parker,  Thirteenth  Infantry,  and  the  Gatling  gun  detachment  under 
his  command.  The  fighting  continued  at  intervals  until  nightfall,  but  our 
men  held  resolutely  to  the  position  gained  at  the  cost  of  so  much  blood  and 
toil. 

"  I  am  greatly  indebted  to  General  Wheeler,  who,  as  previously  stated,  re- 
turned from  the  sick  list  to  duty  during  the  afternoon.  His  cheerfulness  and 
aggressiveness  made  itself  felt  on  this  part  of  the  battlefield,  and  the  information 
furnished  to  me  at  various  stages  of  the  battle  proved  to  be  most  useful.  M.y 
own  health  was  impaired  by  overexertion  in  the  sun  and  the  intense  heat  of  the 
day  before,  which  prevented  me  from  participating  as  actively  in  the  battle  as 
I  desired,  but  from  a  high  hill  near  my  headquarters  I  had  a  general  view  of 
the  battlefield  extending  from  El  Caney  on  the  right  to  the  left  of  our  lines  on 
San  Juan  Hill.  My  staff  officers  were  stationed  at  various  points  on  the  field, 
rendering  frequent  reports,  and  through  them,  by  the  means  of  orderlies  and 
the  telephone,  I  was  enabled  to  transmit  my  orders. 

"  During  the  afternoon  I  visited  the  position  of  Grimes's  battery  on  the 
heights  of  El  Pozo.  and  saw  Sumner  and  Kent  in  firm  possession  of  San  Juan 
Hill,  which  I  directed  should  be  intrenched  during  the  night.  My  regular 
officer,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Derby,  collected  and  sent  forward  the  necessary 
tools,  and  during  the  night  trenches  of  very  considerable  strength  were  con- 
structed. 

"  The  cessation  of  firing  at  noon  on  July  3  practically  ended  the  battle  of 


GENERAL  SHAFTER'S  REPORT.  551 

Santiago.  General  Shafter  says  it  is  doubtful  if  he  had  more  than  12,000  men 
on  the  firing  line  on  July  1,  when  the  battle  was  fiercest  and  when  the  impor- 
tant and  strong  positions  of  El  Caney  and  San  Juan  were  captured. 

"  A  few  Cubans  assisted  in  the  attack  at  El  Caney  and  fought  valiantly,  but 
their  numbers  were  too  small  to  materially  change  the  strength,  as  indicated 
above.  The  enemy  confronted  us  with  numbers  about  equal  to  our  own  ;  they 
fought  obstinately  in  strong  and  intrenched  positions  and  the  results  obtained 
clearly  indicate  the  intrepid  gallantry  of  the  company  officers  and  men  and  the 
benefits  derived  from  the  careful  training  and  instruction  given  in  the  company 
in  recent  years  in  rifle  practice  and  other  battle  exercises.  Our  losses  in  these 
battles  were  twenty-two  officers  and  208  men  killed  and  eighty-one  officers  and 
1,203  men  wounded  ;  missing,  seventy-nine.  The  missing,  with  few  exceptions, 
reported  later. 

"  In  the  battle  of  Santiago  the  Spanish  Navy  endeavored  to  shell  our  troops 
on  the  extreme  right,  but  the  latter  were  concealed  by  the  inequalities  of  the 
ground,  and  the  shells  did  little,  if  an}',  harm.  Their  naval  forces  also  assisted 
in  the  trenches,  having  1,000  on  shore,  and  I  am  informed  they  sustained  con- 
siderable loss;  among  others  Admiral  Cervera's  chief  of  staff  was  killed.  Being 
convinced  the  city  would  fall,  Admiral  Cervera  determined  to  put  to  sea,  in- 
forming the  French  Consul  it  was  better  to  die  fighting  than  to  sink  his  ships. 
The  news  of  the  great  naval  victory  which  followed  was  enthusiastically  re- 
ceived by  the  army. 

"  The  information  of  our  naval  victor}7  was  transmitted  under  flag  of  truce  to 
the  Spanish  commander  in  Santiago  on  July  4,  and  the  suggestion  again  made 
that  he  surrender  to  save  needless  effusion  of  blood.  On  the  same  date  I  in- 
formed Admiral  Sampson  that  if  he  would  force  his  way  into  the  harbor  the 
city  would  surrender  without  any  further  sacrifice  of  life.  Commodore  Watson 
replied  that  Admiral  Sampson  was  temporarily  absent,  but  that  in  his  (Wat- 
son's) opinion  the  navy  should  not  enter  the  harbor. 

"  July  12,  I  informed  the  Spanish  commander  that  Major-General  Miles, 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army,  had  just  arrived  in  my  camp,  and  requested 
him  to  grant  us  a  personal  interview  on  the  following  day.  He  replied  that  he 
would  be  pleased  to  meet  us.  The  interview  took  place  on  the  13th,  and  I  in- 
formed him  that  his  surrender  only  could  be  considered,  and  that  as  he  was 
without  hope  of  escape  he  had  no  right  to  continue  the  fight. 

"  At  two  P.  M.  on  July  11  the  surrender  of  the  city  was  again  demanded. 
The  firing  ceased  and  was  not  again  renewed. 

"  By  this  date  the  sickness  in  the  army  was  increasing  very  rapidly,  as  a 
result  of  exposure  in  the  trenches  to  the  intense  heat  of  the  sun  and  the  heavy 
rains.  Moreover,  the  dews  in  Cuba  are  almost  equal  to  rains.  The  weakness 
of  the  troops  was  becoming  so  apparent  I  was  anxious  to  bring  the  siege  to  an 
end,  but  in  common  with  most  of  the  officers  of  the  army  I  did  not  think  an 


552  GENERAL  SHAFTER'S  REPORT. 

assault  would  be  justifiable,  especially  as  the  enem}T  seemed  to  be  acting  in 
good  faith  in  their  preliminary  propositions  to  surrender. 

u  I  wish  to  dwell  upon  the  natural  obstacles  I  had  to  encounter  and  which  no 
foresight  could  have  overcome  or  obviated.  The  rocky  and  precipitous  coast 
offered  no  sheltered  landing  places,  the  roads  were  mere  bridle  paths,  the  effect 
of  the  tropical  sun  and  rains  upon  unacclimated  troops  was  deadly  and  a  dread 
of  strange  and  unknown  diseases  had  its  effect  on  the  army.  At  Baiquiri  the 
landing  of  the  troops  and  stores  was  made  at  a  small  wooden  wharf  which  the 
Spaniards  tried  to  burn,  but  unsuccessfully,  and  the  animals  were  pushed  into 
the  water  and  guided  to  a  sandy  beach  about  200  yards  in  extent.  At  Siboney 
the  landing  was  made  on  the  beach  and  at  a  small  wharf  occupied  by  the  engi- 
neers. I  had  neither  the  time  nor  the  men  to  spare  to  construct  permanent 
wharves.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  I  had  nearly  1,000  men  continuously  at 
work  on  the  roads,  they  were  at  times  impassable  for  wagons. 

"  The  San  Juan  and  Aguadores  rivers  would  often  suddenly  rise  so  as  to 
prevent  the  passage  of  wagons,  and  then  the  eight  pack  trains  with  the  com- 
mand had  to  be  depended  upon  for  the  victualing  of  my  armj7,  as  well  as  the 
20,000  refugees,  who  could  not  in  the  interests  of  humanity,  be  left  to  starve 
while  we  had  rations.  Often  for  days  nothing  could  be  moved  except  on  pack 
trains. 

"  After  the  great  physical  strain  and  exposure  of  July  1  and  2  the  malarial 
and  other  fevers  began  to  rapidly  advance  throughout  the  command,  and  on 
July  4  the  yellow  fever  appeared  at  Siboney.  Though  efforts  were  made  to 
keep  this  fact  from  the  army  it  soon  became  known. 

"  The  supply  of  quartermaster  and  commissary  stores  during  the  campaign 
was  abundant,  and,  notwithstanding  the  difficulties  in  landing  and  transporting 
the  ration,  the  troops  on  the  firing  lines  were  at  all  times  supplied  with  its 
coarser  components,  namely  of  bread,  meat,  sugar  and  coffee. 

"  There  was  no  lack  of  transportation,  for  at  no  time  up  to  the  surrender 
could  all  the  wagons  I  had  be  used. 

"  In  reference  to  the  sick  and  wounded,  I  have  to  say  that  they  received 
every  attention  that  it  was  possible  to  give  them.  The  medical  officers  without 
exception  worked  night  and  day  to  alleviate  the  suffering,  which  was  no  greater 
than  invariably  accompanies  a  campaign.  It  would  have  been  better  if  we  had 
had  more  ambulances,  but  as  many  were  taken  as  was  thought  necessary, 
judging  from  previous  campaigns.  The  discipline  of  the  command  was  superb, 
and  I  wish  to  invite  attention  to  the  fact  that  no  officer  was  brought  to  trial  by 
court-martial  and,  as  far  as  I  know,  no  enlisted  men.  This  speaks  volumes  for 
an  army  of  this  size  and  in  a  campaign  of  such  duration." 


GENERAL  WHEELER'S  REPORT.  553 

GENERAL  JOSEPH  WHEELER'S  OPERATIONS. 

"  BEFORE  SANTIAGO,  Cuba,  July  T,  1898. 
"  To  Adjutant-General,  Fifth  Army  Corps  : 

"SiR:  After  the  engagements  of  June  24  I  pushed  forward  my  command 
through  the  valley,  Lawton's  and  Kent's  commands  occupying  the  hills  in  the 
vicinity  of  that  place.  After  two  days'  rest  Lawton  was  ordered  forward,  and 
on  the  night  of  the  30th  instructions  were  given  by  Major-General  Shafter  to 
this  officer  to  attack  Caney,  while  the  cavalry  division  and  Kent's  division 
were  ordered  to  move  forward  on  the  regular  Santiago  roads.  The  movement 
commenced  on  the  morning  of  July  1.  The  cavalry  division  advanced  and 
formed  its  line  with  its  left  near  the  Santiago  road,  while  Kent's  division 
formed  its  line  with  the  right  joining  the  left  of  the  cavalry  division. 

"  Colonel  McClernand  of  General  Shafter's  staff  directed  me  to  give  instruc« 
tions  to  General  Kent,  which  I  complied  with  in  person,  at  the  same  time  per. 
sonally  directing  General  Simmer  to  move  forward.  The  men  were  all  com. 
pelled  to  wade  the  San  Juan  River  to  get  into  line.  This  was  done  under  very 
heavy  fire  of  both  infantry  and  artillery.  Our  balloon,  having  been  sent  up 
right  by  the  main  road,  was  made  a  mark  of  by  the  enemy.  It  was  evident 
that  we  were  as  much  under  fire  in  forming  the  line  as  we  would  be  by  an 
advance,  and  I  therefore  pressed  the  command  forward  from  the  covering  under 
which  it  was  formed.  It  merged  into  open  space  in  full  view  of  the  enemy, 
who  occupied  breastworks  and  batteries  on  the  crest  of  the  hill  which  over- 
looks Santiago,  officers  and  men  falling  at  every  step. 

"The  troops  advanced  gallantly,  soon  reached  the  foot  of  the  hill  a:i«.1  as- 
cended,  driving  the  enemy  from  their  works  and  occupying  them  on  the  crest 
of  the  hill.  To  accomplish  this  required  courage  and  determiiihtion  on  the 
part  of  the  officers  and  men  of  a  high  order  and  the  losses  were  very  srvere. 
Too  much  credit  cannot  be  given  to  General  Sumner  and  General  Kent,  and 
their  gallant  brigade  commanders,  Colonel  Wood  and  Colonel  Carroll  of  the 
cavalry;  General  Hamilton  S.  Hawkins,  commanding  First  .Brigade;  Kent's 
division,  and  Colonel  Pearson,  commanding  Second  Brigade.  Colonel  Carroll 
and  Major  Wessels  were  both  wounded  during  the  charge,  but  Major  Wessells 
was  enabled  to  return  and  resume  command.  Colonel  Wikoff,  commanding 
Kent's  Third  Brigade,  was  killed  at  12:10;  Lieutenant-Colonel  Worth  took 
command,  and  was  wounded  at  12:15;  Lieutenant-Colonel  Liscum  then  took 
command  and  was  wounded  at  12:20,  and  the  command  then  devolved  upon 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Ewers,  Ninth  Infantry. 

"  Upon  reaching  the  crest  I  ordered  breastworks  to  be  constructed,  and  sent 
to  the  rear  for  shovels,  picks,  spades,  and  axes.  The  enemy's  retreat  from  the 
ridge  was  precipitate,  but  our  men  were  so  thoroughly  exhausted  that  it  was 
impossible  for  thorn  to  follow.  Their  shoes  were  soaked  with  water  by  wading 
the  San  Juan  River,  they  had  become  drenched  with  rain,  and  when  they 


554  GENERAL  WHEELER'S  REPORT. 

reached  the  crest  they  were  absolutely  unable  to  proceed  further.  Notwith- 
standing this  condition,  these  exhausted  men  labored  during  the  night  to  erect 
breastworks,  furnish  details  to  bury  the  dead,  and  carry  the  wounded  back  in 
improvised  litters.  I  sent  word  along  the  line  that  reinforcements  would  soon 
reach  us,  and  that  Lawton  would  join  our  right  and  that  General  Bates  would 
come  up  and  strengthen  our  left. 

"  After  reaching  the  crest  of  the  ridge,  General  Kent  sent  the  Thirteenth 
Regulars  to  assist  in  strengthening  our  right.  At  midnight  General  Bates  re- 
ported, and  I  placed  him  in  a  strong  position  on  the  left  of  our  line.  General 
Lawton  had  attempted  to  join  us  from  Caney,  but  when  very  near  our  lines  he 
was  fired  upon  by  the  Spaniards,  and  turned  back,  but  joined  us  next  day  at 
noon  by  a  circuitous  route.  During  all  the  day  on  July  2,  the  cavalry  divi- 
sion, Kent's  division,  and  Bates's  brigade  were  engaged  with  the  enemy,  being 
subjected  to  a  fierce  fire  and  incurring  many  casualties,  and  later  in  the  day 
Lawton's  division  also  became  engaged. 

"During  the  entire  engagement  my  staff  performed  their  duties  with  cour- 
age, judgment,  and  ability.  Special  credit  is  due  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  H. 
Dorst,  Major  William  D.  Beach,  Captain  Joseph  G.  Dickman,  and  Lieutenant 
M.  F.  Steele.  I  desire  also  to  say  that  Lieutenants  James  H.  Reeves  and 
Joseph  Wheeler,  Jr.,  Captain  William  'Astor  Chanler,  Major  B.  A.  Garlington, 
Mr.  Aurelius  Mestre,  and  Corporal  John  Lundmark  also  deserve  high  com- 
mendation for  courage  and  good  conduct.  Major  West,  my  Quartermaster, 
deserves  special  commendation  for  his  energy  and  good  conduct  during  the 
campaign,  and  Major  Valery  Havard  and  Mr.  Leonard  Wilson  have  also  done 
their  full  duty.  Captain  Hardie  and  First  Lieutenant  F.  J.  Koester,  with 
Troop  G,  Third  Cavalry,  were  detailed  with  headquarters  and  conducted  them- 
selves handsomely  under  fire.  The  superb  courage  displayed  by  the  officers 
and  men  will  be  especially  mentioned  in  the  reports  of  subordinate  com- 
manders. 

"  JOSEPH  WHEELER, 
"Major-General,  Volunteers. 

"  Accompanying  the  report  is  a  copy  of  the  despatches  which  were  sent  to 
General  Shafter  by  General  Wheeler,  beginning  June  25  and  ending  July  2. 
On  July  1,  at  8;20  p.  M.,  General  Wheeler,  writing  from  San  Juan,  has  the  fol- 
lowing to  say  about  withdrawing  from  the  position  we  had  won  : 

"  I  examined  the  line  in  front  of  Wood's  brigade,  and  gave  the  men  shovels 
and  picks,  and  insisted  on  their  going  right  to  work.  I  also  sent  word  to  Gen- 
eral Kent  to  come  and  get  entrenching  tools,  and  saw  General  Hawkins  in  per- 
son, and  told  him  the  same  thing.  They  all  promise  to  do  their  best,  but  say 
the  earth  is  very  difficult,  as  a  great  part  of  it  is  rocky.  The  positions  our 
men  carried  were  very  strong  and  the  entrenchments  were  very  strong. 

"  A  number  of  officers  have  appealed  to  me  to  have  the  line  withdrawn,  and 
take  up  a  strong  position  farther  back,  and  I  expect  they  will  appeal  to  you.  I 


GENERAL  KENT'S  REPORT.  555 

have  positively  discountenanced  this,  as  it  would  cost  us  much  prestige.  The 
lines  are  very  thin,  as  so  many  men  have  gone  to  the  rear  wounded  and  so 
many  are  exhausted,  but  I  hope  these  men  can  be  got  up  to-night,  and,  with 
our  line  intrenched  and  Lawton  on  our  right,  we  ought  to  hold  to-morrow,  but 
I  fear  it  will  be  a  severe  day. 

"  If  we  can  get  through  to-morrow  all  right,  we  can  make  our  breastworks 
very  strong  the  next  night.  You  can  hardly  realize  the  exhausted  condition 
of  the  troops.  The  Third  and  Sixth  Cavalry  and  other  troops  were  up  march- 
ing, and  halted  on  the  road  all  last  night,  and  have  fought  for  twelve  hours 
to-day,  and  those  that  are  not  on  the  line  will  be  digging  trenches  to-night. 

"  I  was  on  the  extreme  front  line.  The  men  were  lying  down,  and  reported 
the  Spaniards  not  more  than  300  yards  in  their  front." 


OPERATIONS  ABOUND  SANTIAGO. 

"  HEADQUARTERS  FIRST  DIVISION,  FIFTH  ARMY  CORPS  IN  THE  FIELD, 

"  FORT  SAN  JUAN,  NEAR  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  July  7,  1898. 
"  The  Assistant  Adjutant-General,  Fifth  Army  Corps; 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report  of  the  operations  of 
my  command  in  the  battle  of  July  1. 

"  On  the  afternoon  of  June  30,  pursuant  to  orders  given  me  verbally  by  the 
corps  commander  at  his  headquarters,  I  moved  1113-  Second  and  Third  Brigades 
(Pearson  and  Wikoff)  forward  about  two  miles  to  a  point  on  the  Santiago  road 
near  corps  headquarters.  Here  the  troops  bivouaced,  the  First  Brigade  (Haw- 
kins) remaining  in  its  camp  of  the  two  preceding  days,  slightly  in  the  rear  of 
corps  headquarters. 

"  On  the  following  morning  (July  1),  at  seven  o'clock,  I  rode  forward  to  the 
hill  where  Captain  Grimes's  battery  was  in  position.  I  here  met  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  McClernand,  Assistant  Adjutant-General,  Fifth  Corps,  who  pointed  out 
to  me  a  green  hill  in  the  distance,  which  was  to  be  my  objective  on  my  left,  and 
either  he  or  Lieutenant  Miley  of  Major-General  Shafter's  staff  gave  me  di- 
rections to  keep  my  right  on  the  main  road  leading  to  the  city  of  Santiago.  I 
had  previously  given  the  necessary  orders  for  Hawkins's  brigade  to. move  early, 
to  be  followed  in  turn  by  Wikoff  and  Pearson.  Shortly  after  Grimes's  battery 
opened  fire  I  rode  down  to  the  stream  and  there  found  General  Hawkins  at  the 
head  of  his  brigade,  at  a  point  about  250  yards  from  the  El  Pozo  sugar  house. 
Here  I  gave  him  his  orders. 

"  The  enemy's  artillery  was  now  replying  to  Grimes's  battery.  I  rode  for- 
ward with  Hawkins  about  150  yards,  closely  followed  by  the  Sixth  Infantry, 
which  was  leading  the  First  Brigade.  At  this  point  I  received  instructions  to 
allow  the  cavalry  the  right  of  way,  but  for  some  unknown  reason  they  moved 
up  very  slowly,  thus  causing  a  delay  in  my  advance  of  fully  forty  minutes. 


556  GENERAL  KENT'S  REPORT. 

Lieutenant  Miley  of  General  Shafter's  staff  was  at  this  point  and  understood 
how  the  division  was  delayed,  and  repeated  several  times  that  he  understood  I 
was  making  all  the  progress  possible.  General  Hawkins  went  forward,  and 
word  came  back  in  a  few  minutes  that  it  would  be  possible  to  observe  the 
enemy's  position  from  the  front.  I  immediately  rode  forward  with  my  staff. 
The  fire  of  the  enemy's  sharpshooters  was  being  distinctly  felt  at  this  time.  I 
crossed  the  main  ford  of  the  San  Juan  River,  joined  General  Hawkins,  and, 
with  him,  observed  the  enemy's  position  from  a  point  some  distance  in  advance 
of  the  ford.  General  Hawkins  deemed  it  possible  to  turn  the  enemy's  right  at 
Fort  San  Juan,  but  later,  under  the  heavy  fire,  this  was  found  impracticable 
for  the  First  Brigade,  but  was  accomplished  by  the  Third  Brigade  coming  up 
later  on  General  Hawkins's  left.  Having  completed  the  observation  with  my 
staff,  I  proceeded  to  join  the  head  of  my  division,  just  coming  under  heavy  fire. 
Approaching  the  First  Brigade,  I  directed  them  to  move  alongside  the  cavalry, 
which  was  halted.  We  were  already  suffering  losses  caused  by  the  balloon  near 
by  attracting  fire  and  disclosing  our  position. 

"  The  enemy's  infantry  fire,  steadily  increasing  in  intensity,  now  came  from 
all  directions,  not  only  from  the  front  and  the  dense  tropical  thickets  on  our 
flanks,  but  from  sharpshooters  thickly  posted  in  trees  in  our  rear,  and  from 
shrapnel  apparently  aimed  at  the  balloon.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Derby  of  General 
Shafter's  staff  met  me  about  this  time  and  informed  me  that  a  trail  or  narrow 
way  had  been  discovered  from  the  balloon  a  short  distance  back  leading  to  the  left 
to  a  ford  lower  down  the  stream.  I  hastened  to  the  forks  made  by  this  road,  and 
soon  after  the  Seventy-first  New  York  Regiment  of  Hawkins's  Brigade  came 
up.  I  turned  them  into  the  bypath  indicated  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Derby 
leading  to  the  lower  ford,  sending  word  to  General  Hawkins  of  this  movement. 
This  would  have  speedily  delivered  them  in  their  proper  place  on  the  left  of 
their  brigade,  but  under  the  galling  fire  of  the  enemy  the  leading  battalion  of 
this  regiment  was  thrown  into  confusion  and  recoiled  in  disorder  on  the  troops 
in  the  rear.  At  this  critical  moment  the  officers  of  my  staff  practically  formed 
a  cordon  behind  the  panic-stricken  men,  and  urged  them  to  again  go  forward. 
I  finally  ordered  them  to  lie  down  in  the  thicket  and  clear  the  way  for  others 
of  their  own  regiment  who  were  coming  up  behind.  This  many  of  them  did, 
and  the  Second  and  Third  battalions  came  forward  in  better  order  and  moved 
along  the  road  toward  the  ford. 

"  One  of  my  staff  officers  ran  back,  waving  his  hat  to  hurry  forward  the 
Third  Brigade,  who,  upon  approaching  the  forks,  found  the  way  blocked  by 
men  of  the  Seventy-first  New  York.  There  were  other  men  of  this  regiment 
crouching  in  the  bushes,  many  of  whom  were  encouraged  by  the  advance  of  the 
approaching  column  to  rise  and  go  forward.  As  already  stated,  I  had  received 
orders  some  time  before  to  keep  in  rear  of  the  cavalry  division.  Their  ad- 
vance was  much  delayed,  resulting  in  frequent  halts,  presumably  to  drop  their 
blanket  rolls,  and  due  to  the  natural  delay  in  fording  a  stream.  These  delays, 


GENERAL  KENT'S  REPORT.  567 

under  such  a  hot  fire,  grew  exceedingly  irksome  and  I  therefore  pushed  the 
bead  of  my  division  as  quickly  as  I  could  toward  the  river  in  column  of  files 
or  twos,  paralleled  in  the  narrow  way  by  the  cavalr}'.  This  quickened  the  for- 
ward movement  and  enabled  me  to  get  into  position  as  speedily  as  possible  for 
the  attack.  Owing  to  the  congested  condition  of  the  road  the  progress  of  the 
narrow  columns  was,  however,  painfully  slow.  I  again  sent  a  staff  officer  at  a 
gallop  to  urge  forward  the  troops  in  rear.  The  head  of  Wikoff's  brigade 
reached  the  forks  at  12:20  p.  M.  and  hurried  on  the  left,  stepping  over  prostrate 
forms  of  men  of  the  Seventy-first.  This  heroic  brigade  (consisting  of  the 
Thirteenth,  Ninth,  and  Twenty-fourth  United  States  Infantry)  speedily  crossed 
the  stream  and  were  quickly  deployed  to  the  left  of  the  lower  ford.  While  per- 
sonally superintending  this  movement  Colonel  Wikoff  was  killed,  the  command 
of  the  brigade  then  devolving  upon  Lieutenant-Colonel  Worth,  Thirteenth  In- 
fantry, who  immediately  fell,  severely  wounded,  and  then  upon  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Liscum,  Twenty-fourth  Infantiy,  who,  five  minutes  later,  also  fell  un- 
der the  withering  fire  of  the  enemj'.  The  command  of  the  brigade  then  de- 
volved upon  Lieutenant-Colonel  E.  P.  Ewers,  Ninth  Infantry. 

"  Meanwhile,  I  had  again  sent  a  staff  officer  to  hurry  forward  the  Second 
Brigade,  which  was  bringing  up  the  rear.  The  Tenth  and  Second  Infantry, 
soon  arriving  at  the  forks,  were  deflected  to  the  left  to  follow  the  Third  Brigade, 
while  the  Twenty-first  was  directed  along  the  main  road  to  support  Hawkins. 

"  Crossing  the  lower  ford  a  few  minutes  later,  the  Tenth  and  Second  moved 
forward  in  column  in  good  order  toward  the  green  knoll  already  referred  to  as 
my  objective  on  the  left.  Approaching  the  knoll  the  regiments  deph^'ed, 
passed  over  the  knoll,  and  ascended  the  high  ridge  beyond,  driving  back  the 
enemy  in  the  direction  of  his  trenches.  I  observed  this  movement  from  the 
Fort  San  Juan  Hill.  Colonel  E.  P.  Pearson,  Tenth  Infantry,  commanding  the 
Second  Brigade,  and  the  officers  and  troops  under  his  command  deserve  great 
credit  for  the  soldierly  manner  in  which  this  movement  was  executed.  I 
earnestly  recommend  Colonel  Pearson  for  promotion. 

"  Prior  to  this  advance  of  the  Second  Brigade  the  Third,  connecting  with 
Hawkins's  gallant  troops  on  the  right,  had  moved  toward  Fort  San  Juan, 
sweeping  through  a  zone  of  most  destructive  fire,  scaling  a  steep  and  difficult 
hill,  and  assisting  in  capturing  the  enemy's  strong  position,  Fort  San  Juan,  at 
1:30  P.  M.  This  crest  was  about  125  feet  above  the  general  level,  and  was 
defended  by  deep  trenches  and  a  loopholed  brick  fort  surrounded  by  barbed  wire 
entanglements.  General  Hawkins,  some  time  after  I  reached  the  crest,  reported 
that  the  Sixth  and  Sixteenth  Infantry  had  captured  the  hill,  which  I  now  con- 
sider incorrect,  and  credit  is  almost  equally  due  to  the  Sixth,  Ninth,  Thirteenth, 
Sixteenth,  and  Twenty-fourth  regiments  of  Infantry.  Owing  to  General 
Hawkins's  representations  I  forwarded  the  report  sent  to  corps  headquarters 
about  three  P.  M.  that  the  Sixth  and  Sixteenth  Infantry  regiments  had  cap- 
tured the  hill.  The  Thirteenth  Infantry  captured  the  enemy's  colon  waving 


658  GENERAL  KENT'S  REPORT. 

over  the  fort,  but  unfortunately  destroyed  them,  distributing  the  fragments 
among  the  men,  because,  as  was  asserted, '  it  was  a  bad  omen,'  two  or  thru- 
men  having  been  shot  while  assisting  Private  Arthur  Agnew,  Company  II, 
Thirteenth  Infantry,  the  captor.  All  fragments  which  could  be  recovered  are 
submitted  with  this  report.  The  greatest  credit  is  due  to  the  officers  of  my 
command,  whether  company,  battalion,  regimental  or  brigade  commanders,  who 
so  admirably  directed  the  formation  of  their  troops,  unavoidably  intermixed  in 
the  dense  thicket,  and  made  the  desperate  rush  for  the  distant  and  strongly  de- 
fended crest. 

"  I  have  already  mentioned  the  circumstances  of  my  Third  Brigade's  advance 
across  the  ford,  where  in  the  brief  space  of  ten  minutes  it  lost  its  brave  com- 
mander (killed)  and  the  next  two  ranking  officers  by  disabling  wounds.  Yet, 
in  spite  of  these  confusing  conditions,  the  formations  were  effected  without 
hesitation,  although  under  a  stinging  fire,  companies  acting  singly  in  some  in- 
stances and  by  battalion  and  regiment  in  others,  rushing  through  the  jungle, 
across  the  stream  waist  deep,  and  over  the  wide  bottom  thickly  set  with  barbed 
wire  entanglements.  In  this  connection  I  desire  to  particularly  mention  First 
Lieutenant  Wendell  L.  Simpson,  Adjutant  Ninth  Infantry,  Acting  Assistant 
Adjutant-General  Third  Brigade,  who  was  noticeably  active  and  efficient  in 
carrying  out  orders  which  I  had  given  him  to  transmit  to  his  brigade  com- 
mander, who  no  longer  existed. 

"  The  enemy  having  retired  to  a  second  line  of  rifle  pits,  I  directed  my  line 
to  hold  their  positions  and  intrench.  At  ten  minutes  past  three  P.  M.  I  received 
almost  simultaneously  two  requests — one  from  Colonel  Wood,  commanding  a 
cavalry  brigade,  and  one  from  General  Sumner,  asking  for  assistance  for  the 
cavalry  on  my  right,  'as  they  were  hard  pressed.'  I  immediately  sent  to  their 
aid  the  Thirteenth  Infantry,  who  promptly  went  on  this  further  mission,  de- 
spite the  heavy  losses  they  had  already  sustained. 

"  Great  credit  is  due  to  the  gallant  officer  and  gentleman,  Brigadier-General 
H.  S.  Hawkins,  who,  placing  himself  between  the  two  regiments  leading  his 
brigade,  the  Sixth  and  the  Sixteenth  Infantry,  urged  and  led  them  by  voice 
and  bugle  calls  to  the  attack  so  successfully  accomplished.  My  earnest  thanks 
are  due  to  my  staff  officers  present  at  my  side  and  under  my  personal  observa- 
tion on  the  field,  especially  to  Major  A.  C.  Sharpe,  Assistant  Adjutant-Gen- 
eral ;  Major  Philip  Reade,  Inspector-General ;  Captain  U.  G.  McAlexander, 
Chief  Quartermaster,  and  my  aides,  First  Lieutenant  George  S.  Cartwright, 
Twenty-fourth  Infantry,  and  First  Lieutenant  William  R.  Jackson,  Second  In- 
fantry;  also  to  Mr.  Adolfo  Carlos  Munoz,  the  latter  a  volunteer  aide,  subse- 
quently wounded  in  the  fight  of  the  2d  inst.,  who  richly  merits  a  commission 
for  his  able  assistance  given  without  pa}'. 

"  The  officers  enumerated  should  at  least  be  brevetted  for  gallantry  under 
fire.  I  also  personally  noticed  the  conduct  of  First  Lieutenant  T.  J.  Kirk- 
patrick,  Assistant  Surgeon,  United  States  Army,  on  duty  with  the  Twenty- 


GENERAL  KENT'S  REPORT. 


559 


fourth  Infanty,  giving  most  efficient  aid  to  the  wounded  under  fire.  I  observed 
several  times  First  Lieutenant  J.  D.  Miley,  Fifth  Artillery,  aide  to  General 
Shafter,  who  was  conspicuous  throughout  the  day  for  his  coolness  under  fire, 
delivering  instructions  with  apparent  unconcern.  The  bloody  fighting  of  my 
brave  command  cannot  be  adequately  described  in  words.  The  following  list 
of  killed,  wounded  and  missing  tells  the  story  of  their'valor : 


REPORT  OF  KILLED,  WOUNDED  AND  MISSING,  FIRST 
DIVISION,  FIFTH  ARMY  CORPS,  JULY  1,  1898. 


Organization. 

Killed. 

Wounded. 

1 

| 

r 

^ 

: 

First  Brigade. 
Sixteenth  Infanty  

1 
4 

5 

13 
13 
12 

38 

5 

7 
1 

13 

82 
95 
47 

224 

6 
43 
49 

Seventy-first  N.  Y.  Vol.  Inf... 
Totals 

Second  Brigade. 
Tenth  Infantry  

1 
1 

4 
5 
1 

10 

5 

1 
4 

10 

21 
25 
16 

62 

1 

Totals  

Third  Brigade. 
Brigade  Commander  

1 

1 
2 
2 

6 

3 

16 
10 

29 

5 
4 

9 

23 
81 
73 

177 

i 

7 
9 
68 

Thirteenth  Infantry  

Twenty-fourth  Infantry  
Totals  

Grand  totals  

12 

77 

32 

463 

"  At  daylight  on  the  morning  of  July  2,  the  enemy  resumed  the  battle,  and 
firing  continued  throughout  the  day,  part  of  the  time  in  a  drenching  rain.  At 
nightfall  the  firing  ceased,  but  at  nine  P.  M.  a  vigorous  assault  was  made  nil 
along  our  lines.  This  was  completely  repulsed,  the  enemy  again  retiring  to 
his  trenches.  The  following  morning  firing  was  resumed  and  continued  until 
near  noon,  when  a  white  flag  was  displayed  by  the  enemy  and  firing  was 
ordered  to  cease. 


560  GENERAL  KENT'S  REPORT. 

"  The  casualties  of  these  two  days  (July  2  and  3)  are  as  follows: 
JULY  2,  1898. 


Organization. 

Kill 

J 

ed. 

Won 

nded. 

7 

! 

1* 

First  Brigade. 

i 
i 

2 

21 
2 

30 

i 

Sixth  Infantry  



Seventy-first  N.  Y.  Vol.  Inf... 
Totals                  

Second  Brigade. 
Tenth  Infantry  

•• 

1 
1 

4 

6 



14 
7 
31 

52 

3 
3 

Twenty-first  Infantry  

Totals 



Third  Brigade. 
Ninth  Infantry  

—  " 

i 

2 

4 
3 
1 

8 

4 

Thirteenth  Infantry  

Twenty-fourth  Infantry  
Totals  

Grand  totals  

.. 

9 

4 

90 

"  General  Kent's  table  of  the  casualties  in  the  third  day's  fighting  shows  that 
only  one  man,  a  private  in  the  Second  Infantry,  was  killed.  One  man  was 
wounded  in  the  Sixteenth  Infantry,  two  in  the  Sixth  Infantry,  four  in  the 
Seventy-first  New  York  and  one  in  the  Thirteenth  Infantry.  No  missing. 

'Grand  total  for  July  1,2  and  3 — Twelve  officers  and  eighty-seven  men 
killed,  thirty-six  officers  and  561  men  wounded,  sixty-two  missing. 

"  One  hospital  corps  man  attached  to  the  Tenth  Infantry,  killed,  is  not  in- 
cluded in  the  above  report. 

"  The  report  concludes  :  '  I  desire  in  conclusion  to  express  my  gratitude  to 
Major-General  Joseph  Wheeler  for  his  courteous  conduct  to  me  and  through 
me  to  my  division  under  the  trying  circumstances  enumerated.  Though  ill 
and  suffering,  General  Wheeler  was  so  perfectly  at  home  under  fire  that  he  in- 
spired all  of  us  with  assurance.' 

"  Attention  is  invited  in  this  connection  to  the  report  of  the  brigade  and 

*Mr.  A.  C.  Mufioz,  volunteer  aide  to  Division  Commander. 


GENERAL  BRECKENRIDGE'S  REPORT.  561 

subordinate  commanders  and  of  my  Inspector-General  herewith  submitted.     I 
cordially  indorse  their  commendations. 

"  Very  respectfully, 

"  J.  FORD  KENT, 
"  Brigadier-General  United  States  Volunteers,  Commanding." 


REPORT  OF  INSPECTOR- GENERAL  BRECKENRIPGE. 

"  IT  was  seldom,  indeed,  that  the  supplies  were  brought  up  to  the  fighting 
lines  in  any  great  excess  of  the  immediate  needs,  and  the  entire  absence  of  the 
usual  comforts  and  conveniences  of  even  the  simplest  army  life  during  the  whole 
of  the  expedition,  and  sometimes  of  medical  essentials,  even  in  the  hour  of  ut- 
most need,  was  one  of  its  most  marked  features  after  landing.  Even  the  shelter 
tents  and  flies  were  abandoned,  and  all  bivouacked  without  the  wall  of  the 
common  tent.  The  energy  with  which  every  element  was  driven  from  first  to 
last  will  be  sufficiently  understood  when  such  men  as  General  Shafter  and  Col- 
onels Humphrey  and  Watson  had  the  task  in  hand.  The  means  of  expediting 
the  landing  of  stores  seemed  inadequate,  even  to  the  last,  and  it  is  understood 
that  lighter  after  lighter  ordered  to  the  Cuban  coast  was  sunk  at  sea,  and  the 
lack  of  quick  communication  between  the  vessels  or  of  any  launches  was  ap- 
parently irremediable.  The  extent  to  which  the  transports  suffered  in  their 
ground  tackle,  capstans,  small  boats,  and  other  paraphernalia,  and  the  dread 
their  masters  had  of  even  a  greater  loss  on  such  a  surf-beaten,  rock-bound 
shore  was  constantly  shown,  and  the  navy  appeared  to  leave  the  army  at  last 
much  to  its  own  devices. 

"  Nothing  like  the  usual  proportion  of  artillery,"  continues  the  report, "  was 
present  on  the  field  to  aid  the  other  arms  as  accessories  before  the  fact,  and  the 
comments  on  and  results  of  this  question  came  best  from  line  officers  of  other 
arms.  The  remarkable  marksmanship  of  our  trained  soldiers  was  hardly  more 
exploited  than  the  gross  ignorance  of  our  recruits.  The  books  say  that  it 
ought  not  to  be  possible  to  successfully  assault  the  enemy  in  front  unshaken, 
still  more  with  his  fortified  infantry  under  modern  conditions.  But  in  this 
instance  dismounted  cavalry,  as  well  as  its  confrere  of  the  infantry  arm,  did, 
without  bayonets,  successfully  assault  infantry  posted  on  commanding  ground 
and  well  entrenched,  valiant  and  unshaken,  and  the  difficulty  of  the  task  indi- 
cated by  the  list  of  casualties,  as  compared  with  the  actual  numbers  the  imme- 
diately opposing  trenches  will  hold.  And  when  the  fight  was  over,  though 
successful  everywhere,  we  had  no  reserves,  Bates'  Independent  Brigade  having 
been  in  the  assault,  first  at  Caney  and  then  by  a  night  march  reinforcing  the 
last  at  San  Juan  under  most  urgent  calls.  It  was  afterward  supposed  that  the 
gap  between  our  road  and  the  bay  was  closed  by  Garcia's  forces,  and  the  de- 
mand for  the  surrender  of  the  Spaniards  was  made  prior  to  any  knowledge  of 


562  GENERAL  BRECKENRIDGE'S  REPORT. 

the  intention  of  Cervera  to  escape  with  his  fleet  or  of  the  arrival  of  the  enemy's 
reinforcements. 

"  Such  a  conjunction  of  evidence  may  indicate  the  rapidity  of  the  changes, 
in  the  situation.  Indeed,  the  fighting  of  this  army  came  up  to  the  highest 
expectation,  and  accomplished  results  beyond  what  is  usually  expected  of  a 
force  so  constituted. 

"  At  early  dawn  on  July  1,  the  troops  of  Lawton's  division  started  in  to  the 
position  previously  designated  to  them  to  occupy.  The  one  battery  of  artillery 
assigned  to  this  division  for  the  day  occupied  a  position  overlooking  the  village 
of  El  Caney,  2,400  yards  distant.  General  Chaffee's  brigade  took  up  a  position 
east  of  the  village,  ready  to  carry  the  town  as  soon  as  it  should  have  been 
bombarded  by  the  artillery.  General  Ludlow's  brigade  took  up  a  position  to 
the  west  of  the  village,  in  order  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Spaniards  when 
they  should  be  driven  out  and  attempt  to  retreat  to  the  city  of  Santiago.  But 
with  soldierly  instinct  and  admirable  effect  he  closed  in  upon  the  defences  of  the 
village,  and  his  white  sailor  hat  became  a  target  for  the  enemy  during  the 
hours  he  hugged  the  blockhouses  on  his  flank  of  the  well  defended  village. 
Colonel  Miles'  brigade  was  held  in  reserve  south  of  the  village. 

"  The  artillery  opened  fire  about  seven  A.  M.  The  battery  was  entirely  be- 
yond the  reach  of  small  arms'  fire,  and  the  enemy  had  no  artillery.  The 
battery  opened  with  shrapnel  at  what  appeared  to  be  a  column  of  cavalry 
moving  along  the  road  from  El  Caney  toward  Santiago ;  then  fired  a  few  shots 
at  the  blockhouses,  then  a  few  at  hedges  where  the  enemy's  infantry  seemed  to 
be  located,  and  then  fired  a  few  shots  into  the  village.  At  about  eleven  o'clock 
the  battery  stopped  fire.  During  all  this  time  a  continuous  fire  of  musketry, 
partly  firing  at  will  and  partly  by  volley,  was  kept  up  in  all  parts  of  the  lines. 
Our  lines  were  drawing  closer  toward  the  enemy's  works,  and  the  brigade  in 
reserve  was  brought  up  on  the  line.  General  Bates'  independent  brigade 
reached  the  position  in  the  afternoon  and  also  went  into  line,  all  closing  in  to- 
ward the  village. 

"  Between  one  and  two  o'clock  the  division  commander  directed  the  battery 
of  artillery  to  concentrate  its  fire  upon  the  stone  fort  or  blockhouse  situated 
upon  the  highest  point  in  the  village  on  the  northern  side,  as  it  was  the  key 
point  to  the  village.  The  practice  of  the  artillery  against  this  was  very 
effective,  knocking  great  holes  in  the  fort  and  rendering  it  untenable.  The 
infantry  of  Chaffee's,  Bates'  and  Miles'  brigades  then  made  an  assault  upon  the 
work  and  carried  it.  There  were  a  number  of  small  blockhouses  on  the  other 
side  of  the  village  from  which  a  strong  fire  was  kept  up  for  some  time  after  the 
stone  fort  had  fallen.  Word  was  sent  to  the  commander  of  the  artillery  to 
bring  his  battery  down  so  as  to  take  these  blockhouses,  but  by  the  time  the 
battery  had  arrived  the  fire  ceased.  But  there  was  one  blockhouse  still  occu- 
pied by  the  Spaniards,  and  at  this  the  battery  fired  four  shots,  resulting  in  the 
loss  of  a  number  of  Spaniards.  Orders  having  reached  the  division  commander 


GENERAL  BRECKEN  RIDGE'S  REPORT,  563 

in  the  meantime  to  withdraw  his  forces  as  soon  as  possible  and  to  come  into 
touch  with  the  division  at  his  left,  our  troops  were  not  moved  into  the  village, 
but  were  ordered  to  bivouac  near  the  main  road  leading  to  the  city  of  Santiago. 

"  The  dawn  of  July  1  found  the  troops  of  Wheeler's  division  bivouacked  on 
the  eminence  of  El  Pozo.  Kent's  division  bivouacked  near  the  road  back  of  El 
Pozo.  Grimes's  battery  went  into  position  about  250  yards  west  of  the  ruined 
buildings  of  El  Pozo  soon  after  sunrise  and  prepared  gun  pits.  Grimes's  bat- 
tery opened  fire  against  San  Juan  a  little  before  eight  A.  M.  The  troops  of  the 
cavalry  division  were  scattered  about  on  El  Pozo  Hill  in  the  rear  and  around 
the  battery,  apparently  without  order  and  With  no  view  to  their  protection 
from  the  enemy's  fire.  This  condition  rectified  itself  when  the  enemy,  after 
five  or  six  shots  by  our  battery,  replied  with  shrapnel  fire  at  correct  range  and 
with  accurately  adjusted  fuses,  killing  two  men  at  the  first  shot.  After  some 
firing  soon  after  nine  A.  M.,  Wheeler's  division  was  put  in  march  toward  San- 
tiago. Crossing  Aguadores  stream,  it  turned  to  the  right,  under  General 
Sumner,  who  was  in  command  at  that  time  owing  to  General  Wheeler's  illness. 
Scattering  shots  were  fired  by  the  enemy  before  the  arrival  of  the  first  troops 
at  the  crossing,  but  his  volley  firing  did  not  commence  until  the  dismounted 
cavalry  went  into  position,  crossing  open  ground.  Kent's  division  followed 
Wheeler's  moving  across  the  stream,  and  advanced  along  the  road  in  close  order 
under  a  severe  enfilading  fire.  After  advancing  some  distance,  it  turned  off  to 
the  left.  Lieutenant  Orr  (killed  in  battle)  made  a  reconnaissance  from  a  large 
tree  on  the  banks  of  the  stream. 

"  At  about  one  o'clock,  after  a  delay  of  nearly  two  hours  waiting  for  the 
troops  to  reach  their  positions,  the  whole  force  advanced,  charged,  and  carried 
the  enemy's  first  line  of  intrencbments.  They  were  afterward  formed  on  the 
crest  and  there  threw  up  intrenchments  facing  the  enemy's  second  line  at  a  dis- 
tance of  from  500  to  1,000  yards.  In  the  charge  the  Second  Brigade  of  Kent's 
division  advanced  upon  the  First,  some  of  the  regiment  getting  into  the  first  line 
and  reaching  the  crossing  at  about  the  same  time  as  the  regiment  of  the  lead- 
ing brigade.  At  about  one  o'clock  General  Wheeler  arrived  at  the  crossing,  and, 
after  a  brief  stay,  proceeded  on  the  road  toward  San  Juan  with  his  staff,  obtain- 
ing a  good  view  of  the  troops  as  they  were  ascending  San  Juan  Hill  in  the 
final  stage  of  the  battle,  and  soon  thereafter  reached  the  command. 

"During  the  2d  of  July  there  were  a  great  many  casualties,  resulting  not 
entirely  from  aimed  fire,  but  from  bullets  clearing  the  crest  of  our  intrench- 
ments and  going  far  be3'ond,  striking  the  men  as  they  were  coming  up  together 
into  position  or  as  they  were  going  back  and  forth  bringing  water,  caring  for 
the  wounded,  etc.  Many  casualties  resulted  from  the  fire  of  sharpshooters 
stationed  in  trees,  with  such  thick  foliage  that  the  sharpshooters  could  not  be 
seen.  It  seemed  incredible  that  men  should  be  so  reckless  as  to  i-emain  within 
our  lines  and  continue  firing,  and  it  is  believed  by  many  that  what  was  reported 
to  be  firing  from  sharpshooters  was  simply  spent  bullets.  But  I  and  the  mem- 
81 


564  GENERAL  LINARES'  REPORT. 

bers  of  my  staff  can  testify  to  the  fact  that  in  many  places  along  the  road  lead- 
ing  up  to  the  centre  of  our  lines  the  sharp  crack  of  the  Mauser  rifle  could  be 
heard  very  close  to  the  road,  and  there  were  all  the  usual  indications  of  the 
near  and  selected  aim  against  individuals.  Scouting  parties  were  sent  out 
from  time  to  time  to  get  hold  of  these  fellows,  and  a  number  of  them  were  cap- 
tured or  shot,  but  it  was  not  until  a  day  or  two  afterward,  however,  that  they 
were  all  cleared  out." 

REPORT  OF  THE  SPANISH  COMMANDER  OF  SANTIAGO. 

"  OFFICIAL  CABLEGRAM,  July  12,  1898. 

"  To  the  Minister  of  War  from  the  General-in-Chief  of  the  Division  of  San- 
tiago de  Cuba.: 

"  Although  confined  to  my  bed  by  great  weakness  and  in  much  pain,  the 
situation  of  the  long-suffering  troops  here  occupies  my  mind  to  such  an  extent 
that  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  address  your  Excellency,  that  the  state  of  affairs 
may  be  explained.  The  enemy's  lines  are  verj*  near  the  town  on  account  of  the 
nature  of  the  ground  :  our  lines  are  in  full  view  from  them.  Troops  weak  ;  sick 
in  considerable  proportion  not  sent  to  hospitals,  owing  to  the  necessity  for  keep- 
ing them  in  the  intrenchments.  Horses  and  mules  without  the  usual  allowance 
of  forage;  in  the  midst  of  the  wet  season,  with  twenty  hours' daily  fall  of  rain 
in  the  trenches,  which  are  simpty  ditches  dug  in  the  ground  without  any  per- 
manent shelter  for  the  men,  who  have  nothing  but  rice  to  eat  and  no  means  of 
changing  or  drying  their  clothing.  Considerable  losses ;  field  officers  and  com- 
pany officers  killed,  wounded,  and  sick  deprive  the  troops  of  necessary  orders 
in  critical  moments. 

"  Under  these  circumstances  it  is  impossible  to  fight  our  way  out,  because  in 
attempting  to  do  so  our  force  would  be  lacking  one-third  of  the  men,  who  could 
not  leave,  and  we  should  be  weakened  besides  by  casualties  caused  by  the  enemy, 
resulting  finally  in  a  veritable  disaster,  without  saving  our  diminished  battal- 
ions. In  order  to  get  out,  protected  by  the  Holguin  division,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary for  me  to  come  and  break  the  enemy's  lines,  in  order  that  my  forces  may 
break  through  in  some  other  place,  both  acting  in  conjunction.  For  this  opera- 
tion the  Holguin  division  will  require  eight  days,  and  will  have  to  bring  a 
large  amount  of  rations,  which  it  is  impossible  to  transport. 

"  The  solution  of  the  question  is  ominously  imposed  upon  us.  Surrender  is 
inevitable,  and  we  can  only  succeed  in  prolonging  the  agony.  The  sacrifice  is 
useless,  and  the  enemy  understand  this.  They  see  our  lines,  theirs  being  well 
established,  up.  They  tire  out  our  men  without  exposing  themselves,  as  they 
did  yesterday  when  they  cannonaded  us  on  land,  with  such  an  elevation  that 
we  were  unable  to  see  their  batteries  ;  and,  from  the  sea,  by  the  squadron,  which 
had  perfect  range,  and  bombarded  the  town  in  sections  with  mathematical 
precision. 


HIERARCHICAL  JEALOUSIES.  565 

"  Santiago  de  Cuba  is  not  a  walled  town,  a  part  of  a  country  defended  inch 
by  inch  by  its  own  sons  without  distinction,  by  the  old,  the  women,  and  the 
children,  who  are  all  inspired,  and  help,  and  even  expose  their  lives,  all  being 
actuated  by  the  holy  thought  of  independence,  with  the  hope  of  succor  that 
they  shall  receive.  The  complete  exodus  of  the  inhabitants,  insular  as  well  as 
peninsular,  includes  the  occupants  of  the  public  offices  with  few  exceptions. 
There  only  remain  the  clergy,  and  they  to-day  started  to  leave  the  town,  with 
the  Archbishop  at  their  head. 

"  The  defenders  here  cannot  now  begin  a  campaign  full  of  enthusiasm  and 
energy.  They  came  here  three  years  ago  struggling  against  the  climate,  pri- 
vations, and  fatigue,  and  now  they  are  placed  in  these  sad  circumstances,  where 
they  have  no  food,  no  physical  force,  and  no  means  of  recuperating.  The  ideal 
for  them  is  lacking,  because  they  are  defending  the  city  property  of  those  that 
have  abandoned  it  and  of  those  that  now  are  being  fed  by  the  American  forces. 
The  honor  of  arms  has  its  limits,  and  I  appeal  to  the  opinion  of  the  whole  na- 
tion as  to  whether  these  long-suffering  troops  have  not  kept  it  safely  many 
times  since  May  18,  when  they  were  subject  to  the  first  cannonade.  If  it  is 
necessary  that  the  sacrifice  be  endured,  for  reasons  of  which  I  am  ignorant,  or 
that  some  one  shall  assume  the  responsibility  of  the  unfortunate  termination 
which  I  have  anticipated  and  mentioned  in  a  number  of  telegrams,  I  faithfully 
offer  myself  on  the  altar  of  my  country  for  the  one,  and  for  the  other  I  will  re- 
tain the  command  for  the  purpose  of  signing  the  surrender,  for  my  modest 
reputation  is  of  little  value  as  compared  with  the  country's  interests. 

"  LINARES." 

Hierarchical  jealousies  seem  an  inevitable  part  of  the  campaigns.  There 
was  heart  burning  and  recrimination  even  in  Napoleon's  perfectly  com- 
bined general  staff.  In  war  these  always  result  in  disaster.  For  had  the 
marshals  fought  the  enemy  and  not  among  each  other — Spain  would 
never  have  proven  the  pit  of  doom  Napoleon  found  there.  In  our  Civil 
War  the  schisms  among  eminent  generals  for  years  rendered  the  army  of 
the  Potomac  impotent.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  so  adjust  military  mechanisms 
as  to  wholly  avoid  this  personal  strife.  It  is  true  that  the  presence  of 
a  civilian  in  the  war  office,  inevitably  tends  to  create  jealousy — even 
mutiny — unless  the  civilian  be  of  a  most  unusual  type.  It  was  not  until 
the  closing  days  of  the  war,  that  it  was  known  outside  the  exclusive  con- 
claves of  the  war  office,  that  General  Miles  distrusted  the  direction  of 
Secretary.  Alger.  The  President  did  everything  to  assuage  the  indigna- 
tion of  the  commander  of  the  armies  and  keep  the  quarrel  from  becoming 
a  public  scandal.  But  while  in  Porto  Rico — General  Miles,  as  if  con- 
scious of  the  slightly  absurd  anti-climax  his  campaign  made,  revealed  all 
his  griefs  to  the  correspondent  of  a  Western  journal.  The  assertion  will 


566  GENERAL  MILES'  STATEMENT. 

be  seen  gravely  to  compromise  the  good  faith,  not  only  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  but  all  the  official  hierarchy  directing  the  conduct  of  the  cam- 
paign. The  subjoined  statement  which  will  form  part  of  the  official  his- 
tory of  the  war,  was  issued  by  the  General-in-Chief,  partly  in  his  own 
words  and  partly  in  the  third  person  : 

"  After  I  arrived  in  Santiago  with  reinforcements  for  General  Shafter  and 
while  I  was  conducting  the  surrender  negotiations  Adjutant-General  Corbin 
sent  a  secret  dispatch  to  General  Shafter  assuring  him  that  my  coming  made 
no  difference  in  his  command;  that  I  did  not  go  to  supersede  him. 

"  This  dispatch  I  did  not  see  then.  General  Shafter  did  not  mention  it  to 
me,  but  it  was  given  out  for  publication  in  Washington.  It  might  have  caused 
great  trouble  and  confusion  except  that  it  was  based  on  an  impossibility. 

"  I  no  more  superseded  General  Shafter  than  a  Colonel  supersedes  a  Captain. 
If  a  Captain  were  sent  ahead  with  a  com  pan}*  of  soldiers  and  was  later  on 
joined  by  his  Colonel  with  the  rest  of  the  regiment  the  Colonel  would  not 
supersede  the  Captain  ;  he  would  simply  take  command  of  the  entire  force,  as 
I  did  at  Santiago.  That  this  fact  was  recognized  by  the  War  Department  is 
shown  by  all  the  subsequent  proceedings,  for  the  dispatches  from  there  in  re- 
gard to  the  surrender  all  came  to  me,  and  General  Shafter  was  not  mentioned 
in  them.  I  have  been  commanding  General  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States 
ever  since  Mr.  Cleveland  appointed  me  such  three  years  ago,  and  I  have  heard 
nothing  to  lead  me  to  believe  I  have  been  relieved  of  the  responsibility. 

"  The  dispatches  from  and  to  Santiago  all  show  this,  but  they  were  very 
much  mutilated  and  garbled  in  Washington  when  given  to  the  public.  Words 
and  sentences  were  left  out,  which  changed  the  meaning  and  significance  of  the 
messages,  and  several  very  important  ones,  which  would  have  thrown  a  clearer 
light  upon  the  situation,  were  entirely  suppressed." 

Newspapers  which  reach  here  from  the  United  States  show  that  considerable 
discussion  is  now  going  on  as  to  the  credit  for  moving  the  Santiago  army  from 
Cuba  back  to  the  States.  Secretary  Alger  claims,  it  appears,  that  he  origi- 
nated the  idea  and  had  already  made  the  necessary  arrangements  before  the 
appeal  sent  from  the  commanding  officers  at  Santiago  reached  Washington. 

<l  When  called  upon  to  submit  a  plan  of  campaign,  he  did  so  and  put  it  in 
writing.  In  substance  lie  took  the  stand,  first,  that  every  effort  should  be  made 
to  equip  the  Cubans  and  thereby  enable  them  to  harass  the  Spanish  forces. 
The  cry  of  'on  to  Havana'  should  be  encouraged,  but  when  the  transports, 
loaded  with  troops,  were  out  of  sight  of  land  they  should  sail  as  straight  as 
steam  power  could  bear  them  to  the  gate  of  the  Antilles  and  the  key  to  the 
whole  position,  Porto  Rico;  then,  having  seized  and  occupied  that  island,  a 
movement  to  Cuba  was  to  follow  by  means  of  a  strong  cavalry  force,  which  was 
to  be  organized  and  equipped  by  August  or  September.  He  contemplated  that 
20,000  cavalry  thrown  to  the  centre  of  Cuba,  cutting  the  Spanish  forces  in  two 


GENERAL  MILES'  STATEMENT.  567 

and  moving  west  to  Havana,  by  the  time  the  rainy  season  was  over  and  it 
would  be  possible  to  manoeuver  an  army,  we  could  move  against  that  city  a 
well  organized,  well  equipped,  and  well  disciplined  army,  and  complete  the  cap- 
ture of  the  Spanish  forces. 

"  The  inclosure  of  Cervera's  fleet  in  the  harbor  of  Santiago  changed  condi- 
tions and  made  it  necessary  to  move  a  military  force  to  that  point.  General 
Miles,  while  at  Tampa,  organized  the  expedition,  felt  the  importance  of  the 
enterprise  so  greatly  that  he  requested  permission  to  accompany  that  expedi- 
tion, or  to  immediately  organize  another  to  join  it.  This  permission  was  not 
granted  so  far  as  accompanying  that  expedition  was  concerned,  but  authority 
was  granted  to  equip  a  second  4  for  movement  and  operation  against  the  enemy 
in  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico.'  However,  before  this  expedition  was  equipped  calls 
were  made  for  additional  forces  to  go  to  Santiago,  and  they  were  immediately 
forwarded. 

"  The  day  he  sailed  with  reinforcements  (July  7)  he  sent  the  following  de- 
spatch from  Washington : 
"  '  GENERAL  SHAFTER,  SANTIAGO  : 

"'Take  every  precaution  against  surprise,  and  be  on  the  lookout  that  the 
enemy  does  not  turn  your  right  flank  and  come  in  on  the  line  of  your  commu- 
nications. Reinforcements  are  being  sent  forward  as  rapidly  as  possible,  but 
you  will  have  to  be  the  judge  of  the  position  you  are  to  hold  until  reenforce- 
ments  can  reach  you. 

"  *  MILES, 
" l  Major-General,  Commanding.' 

"  General  Miles  sailed  for  Cuba.  On  July  11  at  noon  he  reported  his  safe 
arrival  to  the  War  Department  and  at  once  assumed  charge,  reporting  to  the 
Secretary  of  War. 

'•  All  of  the  subsequent  business  of  the  surrender  was  entirely  in  his  hands, 
as  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  War  Department  communicated  with  him  direct, 
not  even  mentioning  General  Shafter's  name  in  the  numerous  despatches. 

"  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  July  13,  1898. 

"  MAJOR-GENERAL  MILES  :  You  may  accept  surrender  by  granting  parole  to 
officers  and  men,  the  officers  retaining  their  side  arms.  The  officers  and  men 
after  parole  will  be  permitted  to  return  to  Spain,  the  United  States  assisting. 
If  not  accepted,  then  assault,  unless  in  your  judgment  an  assault  would  fail. 
Consult  with  Sampson  and  pursue  such  course  as  to  the  assault  as  you  jointly 
agree  upon.  Matters  should  be  settled  promptly. 

"  R.  A.  ALGER, 
"  Secretary  of  War." 

"In  the  face  of  this  situation,  Secretary  Alger,  through  General  Corbin, 
sent  a  despatch  to  General  Shafter,  assuring  him  that  General  Miles  did  not 
come  to  Cuba  to  supersede  Shafter  in  any  way. 


568  GENERAL  MILES'  STATEMENT. 

"  This  despatch  General  Miles  refers  to  as  '  secret,'  for  he  says  he  did  not 
know  it  had  been  sent,  not  being  notified  from  Washington  and  General  Shaf- 
ter  saying  nothing  about  it. 

"  On  July  15  Shafter  wired  General  Miles  that  the  surrender  was  not  as 
complete  as  he  thought,  and  said, *  Please  do  not  go  away  with  the  reinforce- 
ments, as  I  may  yet  need  them.' 

"  Miles  promptly  replied  by  wire  from  Baiquiri  that  the  surrender  '  is  com- 
plete '  and  the  Spaniards  '  must  surrender.' 

"  On  July  16  Shafter  wired  Miles  that  the  surrender  was  finally  complete,  and 
General  Miles  replied  through  Adjutant-General  Gilmore  as  follows  : 

"'  The  Commanding-General  is  very  much  gratified  to  hear  that  the  surren- 
der is  complete.  He  directs  that  you  telegraph  anything  of  importance  and 
the  condition  of  your  command  daily.' 

"  General  Miles  then  reported  the  condition  of  affairs  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  with  whom  he  had  been  in  conference.  In  one  of  his  telegrams  to  Miles 
Secretary  Alger  says : 

"  '  As  soon  as  Santiago  falls  the  troops  must  all  be  put  in  camp  as  comforta- 
ble as  they  can  be  made  and  remain,  I  suppose,  until  the  fever  has  had  its  run.' 

"  Miles  did  not  agree  with  Secretary  Alger,  for  on  July  21,  in  a  letter,  the 
General  urged  the  return  of  the  army  to  the  United  States  as  soon  as  possible. 
July  17,  after  the  surrender  was  complete,  General  Shafter  wired  as  follows  to 
General  Miles :  '  Letters  and  orders  in  reference  to  movement  of  camp  re- 
ceived and  will  be  carried  out.  None  is  more  anxious  to  get  away  from  here 
than  myself.' 

"  It  seems  from  your  orders  given  me  that  you  regarded  my  forces  as  part 
of  your  command.  Nothing  will  give  me  greater  pleasure  than  serving  you, 
General,  and  I  shall  comply  with  all  your  requests  and  directions,  but  I  was 
told  by  the  Secretary  that  you  were  not  to  supersede  in  command  here.  I  will 
furnish  the  information  called  for  as  to  condition  of  command  to  Gilmore, 
Adjutant-General,  A.  H.  Q. 

u  SHAFTER, 
"  Major-General." 

"  General  Miles  promptly  replied  as  follows  : 

"'PLATA  DEL  ESTE,  July  18,  1898. 

" '  GENERAL  SHAFTER  :  Telegram  received.  Have  no  desire  and  have  care- 
fully avoided  any  appearance  of  superseding  you.  Your  command  is  a  part  of 
the  United  States  army  which  I  have  the  honor  to  command,  having  been  duly 
assigned  thereto  and  directed  by  the  President  to  go  wherever  I  thought  my 
presence  required  and  give  such  general  directions  as  I  thought  best  concern- 
ing military  matters,  and  especially  directed  to  go  to  Santiago  for  a  specific 
purpose. 

"  *  You  will  also  notice  that  the  orders  of  the  Secretary  of  War  of  July  18 


GENERAL  MILES'  STATEMENT.  569 

left  the  matter  to  my  discretion.     I  should  regret  that  any  event  should  cause 
either  yourself  or  any  part  of  your  command  to  cease  to  be  a  part  of  mine. 
"  '  Very  truly  yours, 

" '  NELSON  A.  MILES, 
"  •  Major-General,  Commanding  United  States  Army.'  " 

"  Miles'  arrival  at  Santiago,  July  11,  was  not  as  a  private  individual  nor  as 
a  visitor.  Any  pretense  that  he  went  there  disrobed  of  his  authority  or  official 
capacity  is  too  childish  to  be  considered  by  sensible  men.  From  the  moment 
he  arrived  at  Santiago  he  was  responsible  for  what  might  occur.  He  arrived 
there  with  the  Yale,  Columbia,  and  Rita,  loaded  with  infantry,  and  three  ships 
loaded  with  artillery,  besides  those  already  disembarked.  He  designed  to  dis- 
embark the  troops  and  artillery  named  on  the  west  side  of  Santiago,  as  was 
understood  before  leaving  Washington,  and  before  he  went  ashore  he  made  the 
necessary  arrangements  according!}*. 

"  He  then  proceeded  to  the  front,  and  after  consulting  with  General  Shafter 
a  note  was  sent  to  the  Spanish  commander  by  General  Shafter,  saying,  that  the 
commanding  General  of  the  United  States  Army  had  arrived  in  his  camp  with 
strong  reinforcements  and  would  meet  him  between  the  lines  at  any  hour  agree- 
able to  him.  The  reply  of  the  Spanish  commander  was  that  he  would  meet 
him  at  twelve  o'clock  next  morning.  The  meeting  was  held,  and  after  spme 
conversation  between  General  Shafter  and  General  Toral,  General  Miles  frankly 
informed  the  Spanish  General  that  he  had  left  Washington  six  days  before  and 
that  it  was  then  the  determination  of  the  government  that  this  portion  of  the 
Spanish  army  must  be  captured  or  destroj'ed.  He  also  informed  the  Spanish 
General  that  his  reinforcements  had  arrived  with  him;  that  some  of  these 
forces  had  already  disembarked  and  the  remainder  would  be  disembarked  on 
the  west  side  of  the  harbor,  and  that  it  was  useless  for  him  to  contend  against 
the  inevitable.  These  transports  could  also  be  plainly  seen  by  the  Spanish 
from  Morro  Castle  and  other  points. 

"  General  Toral  replied  that  so  long  as  he  had  rations  and  ammunition  he 
had  to  fight  in  order  to  maintain  the  honor  of  the  Spanish  Army.  In  response 
to  that  he  was  informed  that  he  had  already  maintained  the  honor  of  the  Span- 
ish Arm}',  and  that  further  efforts  would  be  useless,  and  would  result  in  the 
wanton  sacrifice  of  human  life.  He  then  said  that  he  was  waiting  to  hear 
from  his  government,  and  was  informed  by  General  Miles  that  he  had  already 
taken  much  time  for  that  purpose,  and  would  be  given  until  daylight  of  the 
following  morning,  it  being  then  three  o'clock,  to  submit  his  final  answer.  He 
begged  for  longer  time,  and  earnestly  requested  until  twelve  o'clock  next  day. 
This  was  finally  granted  by  General  Miles,  the  meeting  dissolved,  and  the  offi- 
cers separated. 

"  On  returning  from  this  conference,  a  dispatch  was  received  by  General 
Miles  from  Washington  as  follows  : 


570  GENERAL  MILES'  STATEMENT. 

"  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  July  13,  1898. 
"  MAJOR-GENERAL  MILES  : 

"  You  may  accept  surrender  by  granting  parole  to  officers  and  men,  the  offi- 
cers retaining  their  side  arms,  the  officers  and  men  after  parole  to  be  permitted 
to  return  to  Spain,  the  United  States  assisting.  If  not  accepted  then  assault, 
unless,  in  your  judgment,  an  assault  would  fail.  Consult  with  Sampson  and 
pursue  such  course  as  to  the  assault  as  you  jointly  agree  upon.  Matter  should 
be  settled  promptly. 

"R.  A.  ALGER, 
"  Secretary  of  War. 

"  This,"  the  statement  says,  "does  not  look  as  if  General  Miles  was  there  as 
a  visitor.  He  was  charged  with  responsibility  of  ordering  an  assault  upon  the 
entrenchments  and  fortifications  of  an  army,  which,  if  successful,  would  have 
cost  at  least  5,000  lives,  or  of  withholding  the  assault,  if,  in  his  judgment,  such 
assault  would  fail.  No  greater  discretion  was  ever  given  to  any  General  com- 
manding an  army,  and,  what  is  more,  as  will  be  observed,  he  was  authorized  to 
accept  the  surrender,  which,  in  the  interests  of  his  subordinates,  he  generously 
declined  to  do,  and  went  away,  leaving  all  the  honor  to  his  next  in  rank,  Gen- 
eral Shafter." 

LETTER  FROM  GENERAL  TORAL. 

"  On  the  morning  succeeding  the  first  interview,  a  letter  was  received  from 
General  Toral,  of  which  the  following  is  a  literal  translation  : 

"  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  July  14,  1898. 
"  General-in-Chief  of  the  American  Forces : 

"  HONORED  SIR  :  His  excellency,  the  General-in-Chief  of  the  army  of  the 
Island  of  Cuba  telegraphs  from  Havana  yesterday  at  seven  p.  M.,  the  following: 

"  '  Believing  the  business  of  such  importance  as  the  capitulation  of  that  place 
to  be  known  and  decided  upon  by  the  government  of  his  majesty,  I  give  you 
notice  that  I  have  sent  the  conditions  of  3rour  telegram  asking  an  immediate 
answer  and  enabling  you  also  to  show  this  to  the  General  of  the  American 
Army  to  see  if  he  will  agree  to  await  the  answer  of  the  government  which 
cannot  be  as  soon  as  the  time  which  he  has  decided,  as  communication  by  \vnj 
of  Bermuda  is  more  slow  than  by  Key  West.  In  the  meanwhile  your  honoi 
and  the  General  of  the  American  Army  may  agree  upon  capitulation  on  the 
basis  of  repatriation  (returning  to  Spain).' 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  this  to  you  that  in  case  you  may  consider  the 
foregoing  satisfactory  that  he  may  designate  persons  in  representation  of  him- 
self who  with  those  in  my  name  may  agree  to  clauses  of  the  capitulation  upon 
the  basis  of  returning  to  Spain,  accepted  already  in  the  beginning  by  the  Gen- 
eral-in-Chief of  this  army.  Awaiting  a  reply,  I  am  very  respectfully  your 
servant. 

"  JOSE  TORAL,  etc." 


GENERAL  MERRITT'S  REPORT.  571 

"  At  the  meeting  on  the  following  day  General  Toral  stated  that  he  was  pre- 
pared to  surrender,  with  the  approval  of  the  Captain-General  of  Cuba,  but  it 
would  require  a  little  time  to  have  his  acts  confirmed  by  the  home  govern 
ment ;  that,  in  the  meantime,  he  was  prepared  to  appoint  commissioners  to  ar- 
range the  clauses  of  capitulation.  Not  only  this,  he  offered  to  surrender  the 
balance  of  his  command,  which  had  not  been  under  fire  during  the  campaign. 
This  remarkable  offer  was  on  his  motion,  and  was  in  the  nature  of  a  surprise  to 
the  American  generals  present.  However,  at  the  conference  of  the  day  pre- 
vious, General  Miles  had  reminded  him  that  he  had  been  tendered  the  most 
liberal  terms  ever  offered  to  an  enemy,  that  his  fleet  was  destroyed,  and  that 
they  were  3,000  miles  from  home. 

"  Toral's  offer  could  be  accounted  for  in  one  of  two  ways — either  that  the 
troops  were  wanted  at  home  to  meet  a  threatened  revolution,  or  that  they 
wanted  to  get  home,  and  regarded  this  as  the  only  means  of  doing  so  at  the 
expense  of  the  United  States.  Whether  Blanco  and  the  rest  of  the  Spanish 
forces  in  Cuba  would  have  surrendered  on  the  same  terms  is  not  now,  and  per- 
haps may  never  be  known." 


OCCUPATION  OF  MANILA. 
REPORT  OP  GENERAL  WESLEY  MERRITT. 

Under  date  of  August  20th,  General  Merritt  said :  "  In  obedience  to 
instruction  from  the  President,  I  embarked  at  San  Francisco  June  29th, 
and  reached  Cavite,  Manila  Bay,  July  25th. 

"  The  American  fleet  of  warships,  commanded  by  Rear  Admiral  George 
Dewey,  was  anchored  in  line  off  Cavite  and  just  outside  of  the  transports  and 
supply  vessels  engaged  in  the  military  service.  The  distinguished  Admiral 
above  mentioned  was  in  full  control  of  the  navigation  of  the  bay,  and  his  ves- 
sels passed  and  re  passed  within  range  of  the  water  batteries  of  the  town  of 
Manila  without  drawing  the  fire  of  the  enemy. 

"  Brigadier-General  Thomas  M.  Anderson,  United  States  Volunteers,  was  in 
command  of  the  military  forces  prior  to  my  arrival,  and  from  his  report  I 
learned  that  his  headquarters  were  in  Cavite,  and  that  the  troops  were  disposed 
as  follows : 

41  The  Second  Oregon,  detachments  of  California  Heavy  Artillery,  Twenty- 
third  Infantry  and  Fourteenth  Infantry  occupied  the  town  of  Cavite;  while 
Brigadier-General  F.  V.  Greene,  United  States  Volunteers,  was  encamped  with 
his  brigade,  consisting  of  the  Eighteenth  Infantry,  Third  United  States  Artil- 
lery, Company  A,  Engineer  Battalion,  First  Colorado,  First  California,  First 
Nebraska,  Tenth  Pennsylvania  and  Batteries  A  and  B,'of  the  Utah  Artillery, 


572  GENERAL  MERRITT'S  REPORT. 

along  the  line  of  the  bay  shore  near  the  village  of  Paranaque,  about  five  miles 
by  water  and  twenty-five  miles  by  the  roads  from  Cavite. 

"  Immediately  after  my  arrival  I  visited  General  Greene's  camp,  and  made 
a  reconnoissance  of  the  position  held  by  the  Spanish,  and  also  the  opposing 
lines  of  the  insurgent  forces,  hereafter  to  be  described.  I  found  General 
Greene's  command  encamped  on  a  strip  of  sandy  land  running  parallel  to  the 
shore  of  the  bay,  and  not  far  distant  from  the  beach,  but  owing  to  the  great 
difficulties  of  landing  supplies,  the  greater  portion  of  the  force  had  shelter 
tents  only,  and  were  suffering  many  discomforts,  the  camp  being  situated  in  a 
low,  flat  place,  without  shelter  from  the  heat  of  the  tropical  sun  or  adequate 
protection  during  the  terrific  downpours  of  rain  so  frequent  at  this  season.  I 
was  at  once  struck  by  the  exemplary  spirit  of  patient,  even  cheerful,  endur- 
ance shown  by  the  officers  and  men  under  such  circumstances,  and  this  feeling 
of  admiration  for  the  manner  in  which  the  American  soldiers,  volunteer  and 
regular  alike,  accept  the  necessary  hardships  of  the  work  they  have  undertaken 
to  do  has  grown  and  increased  with  every  phase  of  the  difficult  and  trying 
campaign  which  the  troops  of  the  Philippine  expedition  have  brought  to  such 
a  brilliant  and  successful  conclusion. 

"  I  discovered  during  my  visit  to  General  Greene  that  the  left  or  north  flank 
of  his  brigade  camp  extended  to  a  point  on  the  '  Calle  Real '  about  3,200  yards 
from  the  outer  line  of  Spanish  defences  of  the  city  of  Manila.  The  Spanish 
line  began  at  the  powder  magazine,  or  old  Fort  San  Antonio,  within  a  hundred 
yards  of  the  beach,  and  just  south  of  the  Malate  suburb  of  Manila,  and 
stretched  awajr  to  the  Spanish  left  in  more  or  less  detached  works,  eastward, 
through  swamps  and  rice  fields,  covering  all  the  avenues  of  approach  to  the 
town  and  encircling  the  city  completely. 

"  The  Filipinos,  or  insurgent  forces  at  war  with  Spain  had,  prior  to  the  ar- 
rival of  the  American  land  forces,  been  waging  a  desultory  warfare  with  the 
Spaniards  for  several  months,  and  were  at  the  time  of  my  arrival  in  consider- 
able force,  variously  estimated  and  never  accurately  ascertained,  but  probably 
not  far  from  12,000  men.  These  troops,  well  supplied  with  small  arms,  with 
plenty  of  ammunition  and  several  field  guns,  had  obtained  positions  of  invest- 
ment opposite  to  the  Spanish  line  of  detached  works  throughout  their  entire 
extent ;  and  on  the  particular  road  called  the  '  Calle  Real,'  passing  along  the 
front  of  General  Greene's  brigade  camp  and  running  through  Malate  to  Manila, 
the  insurgents  had  established  an  earthwork  or  trench  within  800  3'ards  of  the 
powder  magazine  fort.  They  also  occupied  as  well  the  road  to  the  right,  lead- 
ing from  the  village  of  Pasay,  and  the  approach  by  the  beach  was  also  in  their 
possession.  This  anomalous  state  of  affairs,  namely,  having  a  line  of  quasi- 
hostile  native  troops  between  our  -forces  and  the  Spanish  position,  was,  of 
course,  very  objectionable,  but  it  was  difficult  to  deal  with,  owing  to  the  pecul- 
iar condition  of  our  .relations  with  the  insurgents,  which  may  be  briefly  stated 
as  follows : 


GENERAL  MERRITT'b  REPORT.  573 

"  Shortly  after  the  naval  battle  of  Manila  Bay,  the  principal  leader  of  the 
insurgents,  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  came  to  Cavite  from  Hong  Kong,  and, 
with  the  consent  of  our  naval  authorities,  began  active  work  in  raising  troops 
and  pushing  the  Spaniards  in  the  direction  of  the  city  of  Manila.  Having  met 
with  some  success,  and  the  natives  flocking  to  his  assistance,  he  proclaimed  an 
independent  government  of  republican  form,  with  himself  as  President,  and  at 
the  time  of  my  arrival  in  the  islands  the  entire  edifice  of  executive  and  legisla- 
tive departments  and  sub-division  of  territory  for  administrative  purposes  had 
been  accomplished  at  least  on  paper,  and  the  Filipinos  held  military  possession 
of  many  points  in  the  islands  other  than  those  in  the  vicinit}^  of  Manila. 

"  As  General  Aguinaldo  did  not  visit  me  on  my  arrival  nor  offer  his  services 
as  a  subordinate  military  leader,  and  as  my  instructions  from  the  President 
fully  contemplated  the  occupation  of  the  islands  by  the  American  land  forces, 
and  stated  that '  the  powers  of  the  military  occupant  are  absolute  and  supreme 
and  immediately  operate  upon  the  political  condition  of  the  inhabitants,'  I  did 
not  consider  it  wise  to  hold  any  direct  communication  with  the  insurgent 
leader  until  I  should  be  in  possession  of  the  city  of  Manila,  especially  as  I 
would  not  until  then  be  in  a  position  to  issue  a  proclamation  and  enforce  my 
authority,  in  the  event  that  his  pretensions  should  clash  with  my  designs. 

"  For  these  reasons  the  preparations  for  the  attack  on  the  city  were  pressed 
and  military  operations  conducted  without  reference  to  the  situation  of  the  in- 
surgent forces.  The  wisdom  of  this  course  was  subsequently  fully  established 
by  the  fact  that  when  the  troops  of  my  command  carried  the  Spanish  intrench- 
ments,  extending  from  the  sea  to  the  Pasay  road  on  the  extreme  Spanish  right, 
we  were  under  no  obligations,  by  prearranged  plans  of  mutual  attack,  to  turn 
to  the  right  and  clear  the  front  still  held  against  the  insurgents,  but  were  able 
to  move  forward  at  once  and  occupy  the  city  and  suburbs. 

"  To  return  to  the  situation  of  General  Greene's  brigade  as  I  found  it  on  my 
arrival,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  difficulty  in  gaining  an  avenue  of  approach  to 
the  Spanish  line  lay  in  the  fact  of  my  disinclination  to  ask  General  Aguinaldo 
to  withdraw  from  the  beach  and  the  '  Calle  Real,'  so  that  Greene  could  move 
forward.  This  was  overcome  by  instructions  to  General  Greene  to  arrange,  if 
possible,  with  the  insurgent  brigade  commander  in  his  immediate  vicinity  to 
move  to  the  right  and  allow  the  American  forces  unobstructed  control  of  the 
roads  in  their  immediate  front.  No  objection  was  made,  and  according^  Gen- 
eral Greene's  brigade  threw  forward  a  heavy  outpost  line  on  the  '  Calle  Real ' 
and  the  beach  and  constructed  a  trench,  in  which  a  portion  of  the  guns  of  the 
Utah  batteries  was  placed. 

"  The  Spanish,  observing  this  activity  on  our  part,  made  a  very  sharp  at- 
tack with  infantry  and  artillery  on  the  night  of  July  31.  The  behavior  of  our 
troops  during  this  night  attack  was  all  that  could  be  desired,  and  I  have,  in 
cablegrams  to  the  War  Department,  taken  occasion  to  commend  by  name  those 
who  deserve  special  mention  for  good  conduct  in  the  affair.  (For  particulars 


574  GENERAL  MERRITT'S  REPORT. 

of  the  action  see  the  appended  reports  of  the  brigade  commander.)  Our  posi- 
tion was  extended  and  strengthened  after  this  and  resisted  successfully  re- 
peated night  attacks,  our  forces  suffering,  however,  considerable  loss  in 
wounded  and  killed,  while  the  losses  of  the  enemy,  owing  to  the  darkness, 
could  not  be  ascertained. 

"  The  strain  of  the  night  fighting  and  the  heavy  details  for  outpost  duty 
made  it  imperative  to  reenforce  General  Greene's  troops  with  General  Mac- 
Arthur's  brigade,  which  had  arrived  in  transports  on  the  31st  of  July.  The 
difficulties  of  this  operation  can  hardly  be  overestimated.  The  transports  were 
at  anchor  off  Cavite,  five  miles  from  a  point  on  the  beach  where  it  was  desired 
to  disembark  the  men.  Several  squalls,  accompanied  by  floods  of  rain,  raged 
day  after  day,  and  the  only  way  to  get  to  the  troops  and  supplies  ashore  was 
to  load  them  from  the  ship's  side  into  native  lighters  (called  '  cascos ')  or  small 
steamboats,  move  them  to  a  point  opposite  the  camp,  and  then  disembark  them 
through  the  surf  in  small  boats,  or  by  running  the  lighters  head-on  to  the 
beach.  The  landing  was  finally  accomplished,  after  days  of  hard  work  and 
hardship,  and  I  desire  here  to  express  again  my  admiration  for  the  fortitude 
and  cheerful  willingness  of  the  men  of  all  commands  engaged  in  this  operation. 

"  Upon  the  assembly  of  MacArthur's  brigade  in  support  of  Greene's,  I  had 
about  8,500  men  in  position  to  attack,  and  I  deemed  the  time  had  come  for  final 
action.  During  the  time  of  the  night  attacks  I  had  communicated  my  desire 
to  Admiral  Dewey  that  he  would  allow  his  ships  to  open  fire  on  the  right  of 
the  Spanish  line  of  intrenchments,  believing  that  such  action  would  stop  the 
night  firing  and  loss  of  life,  but  the  Admiral  had  declined  to  order  it  unless  we 
were  in  danger  of  losing  our  position  by  the  assaults  of  the  Spanish,  for  the 
reason  that,  in  his  opinion,  it  would  precipitate  a  general  engagement,  for 
which  he  was  not  ready.  Now,  however,  the  brigade  of  General  MacArthur 
was  in  position  and  the  Monterey  had  arrived,  and  under  date  of  August  6, 
Admiral  Dewey  agreed  to  my  suggestion  that  we  should  send  a  joint  letter  to 
the  Captain-General  notifying  him  that  he  should  remove  from  the  city  all 
non-combatants  within  forty-eight  hours,  and  that  operations  against  the  de- 
fences of  Manila  might  begin  at  any  time  after  the  expiration  of  that  period. 

"  This  letter  was  sent  August  7,  and  a  reply  was  received  the  same  date,  to 
the  effect  that  the  Spanish  were  without  places  of  refuge  for  the  increased  num- 
bers of  wounded,  sick,  women  and  children  now  lodged  within  the  walls.  On 
the  9th,  a  formal  joint  demand  for  the  surrender  of  the  city  was  sent  in.  This 
demand  was  based  upon  the  hopelessness  of  the  straggle  on  the  part  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  that  every  consideration  of  humanity'  demanded  that  the  city 
should  not  be  subjected  to  bombardment  under  such  circumstances.  The  Cap- 
tain-General's reply,  of  the  same  date,  stated  that  the  council  of  defence  had  de- 
clared that  the  demand  could  not  be  granted  ;  but  the  Captain-General  offered 
to  consult  his  government  if  we  would  allow  him  the  time  strictly  necessary 
for  the  communications  by  way  of  Hong  Kong. 


GENERAL  MERRITT'S  REPORT.  575 

"  This  was  declined  on  our  part  for  the  reason  that  it  could,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  Admiral  and  myself,  lead  only  to  a  continuance  of  the  situation,  with  no 
immediate  result  favorable  to  us,  and  the  necessity  was  apparent  and  very 
urgent  that  decisive  action  should  be  taken  at  once  to  compel  the  enemy 
to  give  up  the  town,  in  order  to  relieve  our  troops  from  the  trenches 
and  from  the  great  exposure  to  unhealthy  conditions  which  were  unavoid- 
able in  bivouac  during  the  rainy  season.  The  seacoast  batteries  in  de- 
fence of  Manila  are  so  situated  that  it  is  impossible  for  ships  to  engage  them 
without  firing  into  the  town,  and  as  the  bombardment  of  a  city  filled  with 
women  and  children,  sick  and  wounded,  and  containing  a  large  amount  of 
neutral  property,  could  only  be  justified  as  a  last  resort,  it  was  agreed  between 
Admiral  Dewey  and  myself  that  an  attempt  should  be  made  to  carry  the  ex- 
treme right  of  the  Spanish  line  of  intrenchments  in  front  of  the  positions  at 
that  time  occupied  by  our  troops,  which,  with  its  flank  on  the  seashore,  was 
entirely  open  to  the  fire  of  the  navy. 

"  It  was  not  my  intention  to  press  the  assault  at  this  point,  in  case  the 
enemy  should  hold  it  in  strong  force,  until  after  the  navy  had  made  practicable 
breaches  in  the  works  and  shaken  the  troops  holding  them,  which  could  not  be 
done  by  the  army  alone,  owing  to  the  absence  of  siege  guns.  This  is  indicated 
fully  in  the  orders  and  memorandum  of  attack  hereto  appended.  It  was  be- 
lieved, however,  as  most  desirable  and  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of 
civilized  warfare  that  the  attempt  should  be  made  to  drive  the  enemy  out  of  his 
intrenchments  before  resorting  to  the  bombardment  of  the  city. 

"  By  orders  issued  some  time  previously  MacArthur's  and  Greene's  brigades 
were  organized  as  the  Second  Division  of  the  Eighth  Army  Corps,  Brigade 
General  Thomas  M.  Anderson  commanding,  and  in  anticipation  of  the  attack 
General  Anderson  moved  his  headquarters  from  Cavite  to  the  brigade  camps 
and  assumed  direct  command  in  the  field.  Copies  of  the  written  and  verbal 
instructions,  referred  to  above  and  appended  hereto,  were  given  to  the  division 
and  brigade  commanders  on  the  12th,  and  all  the  troops  were  in  position  on 
the  13th  at  an  early  hour  in  the  morning. 

"  About  nine  A.  M.  on  that  day  our  fleet  steamed  forward  from  Cavite  and  be- 
fore ten  A.  M.  opened  a  hot  and  accurate  fire  of  heavy  shells  and  rapid-fire  pro- 
jectiles on  the  sea  flank  of  the  Spanish  intrenchments  at  the  powder  magazine 
fort,  and  at  the  same  time  the  Utah  batteries,  in  position  in  our  trenches  near 
the  '  Calle  Real,'  began  firing  with  great  accuracy.  At  10:25,  on  a  prearranged 
aignal  from  our  trenches  that  it  was  believed  that  our  troops  could  advance, 
the  navy  ceased  firing,  and  immediately  a  light  line  of  skirmishers  from  the 
Colorado  regiment  of  Greene's  brigade  passed  over  our  trenches  and  deployed 
rapidly  forward,  another  line  from  the  same  regiment  from  the  left  flank  of  our 
earthworks  advancing  swiftly  up  the  beach  in  open  order.  Both  these  lines 
found  the  powder  magazine  fort  and  the  trenches  flanking  it  deserted,  but  as 
they  passed  over  the  Spanish  works  they  were  met  by  a  sharp  fire  from  a 


576  GENERAL  MERRITT'S  REPORT. 

second  line  situated  in  the  streets  of  Malate,  by  which  a  number  of  men  were 
killed  and  wounded,  among  others  the  soldier  who  pulled  down  the  Spanish 
colors  still  flying  on  the  fort  and  raised  our  own. 

"  The  works  of  the  second  line  soon  gave  way  to  the  determined  advance  of 
Greene's  troops,  and  that  officer  pushed  his  brigade  rapidly  through  Malate 
and  over  the  bridges  to  occupy  Binondo  and  San  Miguel,  as  contemplated  in 
his  instructions.  In  the  meantime  the  brigade  of  General  MacArthur,  ad- 
vancing simultaneously  on  the  Pasay  road,  encountered  a  very  sharp  fire,  com- 
ing from  the  blockhouses,  trenches,  and  woods  in  his  front,  positions  which  it 
was  very  difficult  to  carry,  owing  to  the  swampy  condition  of  the  ground  on 
both  sides  of  the  roads  and  the  heavy  undergrowth  concealing  the  enemy. 
With  much  gallantry  and  excellent  judgment  on  the  part  of  the  brigade  com- 
mander and  the  troops  engaged,  these  difficulties  were  overcome  with  a  mini- 
mum loss,  and  MacArthur  advanced  and  held  the  bridges  and  the  town  of 
Malate,  as  was  contemplated  in  his  instructions. 

"The  city  of  Manila  was  now  in  our  possession,  excepting  the  walled  town, 
but  shortly  after  the  entry  of  our  troops  into  Malate  a  white  flag  was  displayed 
on  the  walls,  whereupon  Lieutenant-Colonel  C.  A.  Whittier,  United  States  Vol- 
unteers, of  my  staff,  and  Lieutenant  Brumby,  United  States  Navy,  represent- 
ing Admiral  Dewey,  were  sent  ashore  to  communicate  with  the  Captain-Gen- 
eral. I  soon  personally  followed  these  officers  into  the  town,  going  at  once  to 
the  palace  of  the  Governor-General,  and  there,  after  a  conversation  with  the 
Spanish  authorities,  a  preliminary  agreement  of  the  terms  of  capitulation  was 
signed  by  the  Captain-General  and  myself.  This  agreement  was  subsequent^ 
incorporated  into  the  formal  terms  of  capitulation,  as  arranged  by  the  officers 
representing  the  two  forces,  a  copy  of  which  is  hereto  appended  and  marked. 

"  Immediately  after  the  surrender,  the  Spanish  colors  on  the  seafront  were 
hauled  down  and  the  American  flag  displayed  and  saluted  by  the  guns  of  the 
navy.  The  Second  Oregon  Regiment,  which  had  proceeded  by  sea  from 
Cavite,  was  disembarked  and  entered  the  walled  town  as  a  provost  guard,  and 
the  Colonel  was  directed  to  receive  the  Spanish  arms  and  deposit  them  in  places 
of  security.  The  town  was  filled  with  the  troops  of  the  enemy,  driven  in  from 
the  intrenchments,  regiments  formed  and  standing  in  line  in  the  streets,  but 
the  work  of  disarming  proceeded  quietly  and  nothing  unpleasant  occurred. 

"  In  leaving  the  subject  of  the  operations  of  the  13th,  I  desire  here  to  record 
my  appreciation  of  the  admirable  manner  in  which  the  orders  for  attack  and 
the  plan  for  occupation  of  the  city  were  carried  out  by  the  troops  exactly  as 
contemplated.  I  submit  that  for  troops  to  enter  under  fire  a  town  covering  n 
wide  area,  to  rapidly  deploy  and  guard  all  principal  points  in  the  extensive 
suburbs,  to  keep  out  the  insurgent  forces  pressing  for  admission,  to  quietly  dis- 
arm an  army  of  Spaniards,  more  than  equal  in  numbers  to  the  American  troops, 
and  finally  by  all  this  to  prevent  entirely  all  rapine,  pillage,  and  disorder,  and 
gain  entire  and  complete  possession  of  a  city  of  300,000  people  filled  with  na- 


GENERAL  MERRITT'S  REPORT.  577 

tives  hostile  to  the  European  interests,  and  stirred  up  by  the  knowledge  that 
their  own  people  were  fighting  in  the  outside  trenches,  was  an  act  which  only 
the  law-abiding,  temperate,  resolute  American  soldier,  well  and  skillfully  han- 
dled by  his  regimental  and  brigade  commanders,  could  accomplish. 

"Prior  to  the  action  on  the  13th,  general  order  No.  3,  hereto  appended, 
was  issued,  and  a  copy  was  sent  to  Aguinaldo's  representative  as  an  indication 
of  the  conduct  that  would  be  expected  of  them  in  the  event  that  any  bands  of 
the  insurgents  should  effect  an  entrance  to  the  city.  After  the  action,  general 
order  No.  6  was  published  to  the  troops  as  a  sincere  expression  of  my  appre- 
ciation of  their  conduct. 

"  The  amount  of  public  funds  and  the  numbers  of  the  prisoners  of  war  and 
small  arms  taken  have  been  reported  in  detail  by  cable.  It  will  be  observed 
that  the  trophies  of  Manila  were  nearly  $900,000,  13,000  prisoners,  and  22,000 
arms. 

"  Immediately  after  the  surrender  my  headquarters  were  established  in  the 
ayuntamiento  or  city  office  of  the  Governor-General,  where  steps  were  at  once 
inaugurated  to  set  up  the  government  of  military  occupancy.  A  proclamation 
was  issued  and  published  in  all  the  newspapers  of  the  city  in  English,  Spanish 
and  native  dialect,  and  one  of  my  two  very  efficient  brigade  commanders,  Gen- 
eral Mac  Arthur,  was  appointed  Provost  Marshal  General  and  Civil  Governor 
of  the  town,  while  the  other,  General  Greene,  was  selected  for  the  duties  of  In- 
tendente  General  de  Hacienda  or  director  of  financial  affairs,  the  collectors  of 
customs  and  internal  revenue  reporting  to  him.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Whittier, 
United  States  Volunteers,  of  my  staff,  an  efficient  business  man  of  long  expe- 
rience, was  appointed  collector  of  customs,  and  a  bonded  officer,  Major  Whipple, 
of  the  Pay  Department,  was  announced  as  custodian  of  the  public  funds,  to 
whom  all  Spanish  money  derived  from  any  source  was  to  be  transmitted  for 
safe  keeping  and  disbursement  under  orders. 

"  On  the  16th,  a  cablegram  containing  the  text  of  the  President's  proclama- 
tion directing  a  cessation  of  hostilities  was  received  by  me,  and  at  the  same 
time  an  order  to  make  the  fact  known  to  the  Spanish  authorities,  which  was 
done  at  once.  This  resulted  in  a  formal  protest  from  the  Governor-General  in 
regard  to  the  transfer  of  public  funds  then  taking  place,  on  the  ground  that 
the  proclamation  was  dated  prior  to  the  surrender.  To  this  I  replied  that  the 
status  quo  in  which  we  were  left  with  the  cessation  of  hostilities  was  that  ex- 
isting at  the  time  of  the  receipt  by  me  of  the  official  notice,  and  that  I  must 
insist  upon  the  delivery  of  the  funds.  The  delivery  was  made  under  protest. 

"  After  the  issue  of  my  proclamation  and  the  establishment  of  my  office  as 
Military  Governor,  I  had  direct  written  communication  with  General  Aguinaldo 
on  several  occasions.  He  recognized  my  authority  as  Military  Governor  of  the 
town  of  Manila  and  suburbs,  and  made  professions  of  his  willingness  to  with- 
draw his  troops  to  a  line  which  I  might  indicate,  but  at  the  same  time  asking 
pertain  favors  for  himself.  The  matters  in  this  connection  had  not  been  settled 


578  GENERAL  ANDERSON'S  REPORT. 

at  the  date  of  my  departure.  Doubtless  much  dissatisfaction  is  felt  by  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  insurgents  that  they  have  not  been  permitted  to  enjoy  the 
occupancy  of  Manila,  and  there  is  some  ground  for  trouble  with  them  owing  to 
that  fact,  but  notwithstanding  many  rumors  to  the  contrary,  I  am  of  the  opin- 
ion that  the  leaders  will  be  able  to  prevent  serious  disturbances,  as  they  are 
sufficiently  intelligent  and  educated  to  know  that  to  antagonize  the  United 
States  would  be  to  destroy  their  only  chance  of  future  political  improvement. 

"  On  the  28th  instant  I  received  a  cablegram  directing  me  to  transfer  my 
command  to  Major  General  Otis,  United  States  Volunteers,  and  to  proceed  to 
Paris,  France,  for  conference  with  the  Peace  Commissioners.  I  embarked  on 
the  steamer  China  on  the  30th  in  obedience  to  these  instructions. 

"  In  view  of  my  short  occupancy  of  the  office  of  Military  Governor  (sixteen 
days)  I  shall  leave  to  my  successor  to  report  in  detail  and  at  length  on  the 
many  important  matters  of  administration  and  questions  affecting  trade  and 
commerce,  which  it  was  not  difficult  to  see  would  soon  arise. 

"  I  may  add,  however,  that  great  changes  for  the  better  have  taken  place  in 
Manila  since  the  occupancy  of  the  city  by  the  American  troops.  The  streets 
have  been  cleaned  under  the  management  of  General  MacArthur,  and  the 
police,  under  Colonel  Reeve,  Thirteenth  Minnesota,  were  most  proficient  in 
preserving  order.  A  stranger  to  the  city  might  easily  imagine  that  the  Ameri- 
can forces  had  been  in  control  for  months  rather  than  days. 

"  In  concluding  this  report,  I  wish  formally  to  declare  my  indebtedness  for 
the  success  of  the  expedition  to  the  brigade  commanders,  the  division  com- 
mander, the  members  of  my  staff,  and  my  personal  aids.  While  we  were  still 
in  San  Francisco  these  latter  were  sent  to  me  to  report  to  the  commanders  of 
the  different  organizations  in  camp,  and  were  busy  assisting  in  instructing  the 
newly  arrived  troops.  That  they  did  good  service  in  this  direction  I  have  the 
assurance  of  all  concerned." 


THE  ATTACK  ON  MANILA. 

GENERAL  ANDERSON'S  REPORT. 

The  report  of  General  Thomas  M.  Anderson,  commanding  the  Second 
Division  of  the  Eighth  Army  Corps  was  made  public  October  1.  The 
subjoined  is  from  that  document: 

"  On  the  1st  day  of  July  I  had  an  interview  with  the  insurgent  chief,  Agu- 
inaldo,  and  learned  from  him  that  the  Spanish  forces  had  withdrawn,  driven 
buck  by  his  army,  as  he  claimed,  to  a  line  of  defence  immediately  around  the 
city  and  its  suburbs.  He  estimated  the  Spanish  forces  at  about  14,000  men, 
and  his  own  about  the  same  number.  He  did  not  seem  pleased  at  the  incoming 


GENERAL  ANDERSON'S  REPORT.  579 

of  our  land  forces,  hoping,  as  I  believe,  that  he  could  take  the  city  with  his  own 
arrny,  with  the  cooperation  of  the  American  fleet. 

"  Believing  that,  however  successful  the  insurgents  may  have  been  in  guer- 
rilla warfare  against  the  Spaniards,  they  could  not  carry  their  lines  by  assault 
or  reduce  the  city  by  siege,  and  suspecting,  further,  that  a  hearty  and  effective 
cooperation  could  not  be  expected,  I  had  at  once  a  series  of  reconnaissances 
made  to  exactly  locate  the  enemy's  lines  of  defence,  and  to  ascertain  their 
strength." 

General  Anderson  then  described  the  attack  on  Manila,  which  was  under  his 
immediate  command,  subject  to  orders  from  General  Merritt,  whose  headquar- 
ters were  on  a  dispatch  boat : 

"  The  fleet  opened  fire  at  9:30  A.  M.  The  first  shots  fell  short ;  but  the  range 
was  soon  found,  and  then  the  fire  became  evidently  effective.  I  at  once  tele- 
graphed General  MacArthur  to  open  on  Blockhouse  No.  14  and  begin  his  at- 
tack. At  the  same  time  seven  of  the  guns  of  the  Utah  batteries  opened  fire 
on  the  enemy's  works  in  front  of  the  Second  Brigade  and  two  guns  on  the 
right  of  this  brigade  opened  an  oblique  fire  toward  Blockhouse  No.  14. 
Riding  down  to  the  beach,  I  saw  two  of  our  lighter  draft  vessels  approach  and 
open  on  the  Polvorin,  with  rapid-fire  guns,  and  observed  at  the  same  time  some 
men  of  the  Second  Brigade  start  up  the  beach.  I  ordered  the  First  California, 
which  was  the  leading  regiment  of  the  reserve,  to  go  forward  and  report  to 
General  Greene.  Going  to  the  reserve  telegraph  I  received  a  message  from 
MacArthur  that  his  fire  on  the  blockhouse  was  effective,  but  that  he  was  en- 
filaded from  the  right.  I  knew  from  this  that  he  wished  to  push  the  insurgents 
aside  and  put  in  the  Astor  Battery.  I  then  authorized  him  to  attack,  which 
he  did,  and,  soon  after,  the  Twenty-Third  Infantry  and  the  Thirteenth  Minne- 
sota carried  the  advance  line  of  the  enemy  in  the  most  gajlant  manner,  the  one 
gun  of  the  "Utah  Battery  and  the  Astor  Battery  lending  most  effective  assist- 
ance. 

"  In  the  meantime,  the  Colorado  regiment  had  charged  and  carried  the  right 
of  the  enemy's  line,  and  the  Eighteenth  Regular  Infantry  and  the  Third  Heavy 
(regular)  Artillery,  acting  as  infantry,  had  advanced  and  passed  over  the 
enemy's  works  in  their  front  without  opposition.  The  reserve  was  ordered  for- 
ward to  follow  the  Second  Brigade,  and  a  battery  of  Hotchkiss  guns  was  di- 
rected to  follow  the  Eighteenth  Infantry.  Going  to  the  telegraph  station,  on 
the  left  of  our  line  on  the  beach,  I  found  the  operator  starting  forward  in  the 
rear  of  the  First  California,  and  I  moved  forward  until  the  instrument  was  es- 
tablished in  the  first  house  in  Malate.  The  first  ticking  of  the  sounder  in- 
formed me  that  General  MacArthur  was  heavily  engaged  at  a  second  line  of 
defence  near  Singalong. 

"  It  was  evident  that  the  best  way  to  assist  him  was  to  press  our  success  on 
the  left.  I  therefore,  directed  General  Greene  to  connect,  if  possible,  with 
General  MacArthur  by  sending  a  regiment  to  the  right.  But  the  enemy 
32 


580  GENERAL  ANDERSON'S  REPORT. 

seemed  determined,  for  a  time,  to  give  us  a  street  fight,  and  the  Colorado  and 
California  regiments  were  the  only  ones  available.  At  this  juncture  the 
Eighteenth  Infantry  and  the  Hotchkiss  Battery  appeared  to  be  stopped  by  a 
broken  piece  of  a  bridge,  but  the  Engineer  Corps  brought  forward  a  portable 
bridge,  and  in  a  few  minutes  these  organizations  pressed  through  for  the 
Malate-Ermita  redoubts.  Soon  the  men  from  Nebraska  and  Wyoming  came 
on,  shouting,  for  the  white  flag  could  now  be  seen  on  the  sea  front,  yet  the 
firing  did  not  cease,  and  the  Spanish  soldiers  at  the  front  did  not  seem  to  be 
notified  of  the  surrender.  In  the  meantime,  the  reserve  had  been  ordered  for- 
ward, except  one  regiment,  which  was  ordered  to  remain  in  the  Second  Brigade 
trenches.  The  seven  Utah  guns  were  also  ordered  to  the  front,  one  infantry 
battalion  being  directed  to  assist  the  batteries  in  hauling  the  guns  by  hand. 

"  The  field  telegraph  wires,  extending  in  a  wide  circuit  to  the  extreme  right, 
for  a  time  gave  discouraging  reports.  The  front  was  contracted,  the  enemy 
intrenched  and  the  timber  thick  on  both  sides  of  the  road.  Only  two  regi- 
ments could  be  put  on  the  firing  line.  The  Fourteenth  Infantry  was  brought 
forward,  but  could  not  fire  a  shot.  Under  these  circumstances,  I  telegraphed 
MacArthur  to  countermarch  and  come  to  Malate  by  way  of  Greene's  intrench- 
ments  and  the  beach.  This  was  at  1:25  p.  M.,  but  soon  after  I  learned  that 
MacArthur  was  too  far  committed  to  retire.  The  guns  of  the  Astor  battery 
had  been  dragged  to  the  front  only  after  the  utmost  exertions,  and  were  about 
being  put  into  battery.  At  the  same  time  I  received  a  telegram  stating  that 
the  insurgents  were  threatening  to  cross  the  bamboo  bridge  on  our  right ;  and 
to  prevent  this,  and  guard  our  ammunition  at  Pasay,  I  ordered  an  Idaho  bat- 
talion to  that  point.  It  was  evidently  injudicious  under  these  circumstances 
to  withdraw  the  First  Brigade,  so  the  order  was  countermanded,  and  a  dispatch 
sent  announcing  our  success  on  the  left. 

"  In  answer,  the  report  came  that  Singalong  had  been  carried  and  that  the 
brigade  was  advancing  on  Paco.  At  this  point  it  was  subsequently  met  by  one 
of  my  aids  and  marched  down  to  the  Guartel  de  Malate,  by  the  Calzada  de 
Paco.  I  had  gone  in  the  meantime  to  the  south  bridge  of  the  walled  city,  and 
learning  that  the  Second  Oregon  was  within  the  walls,  and  that  Colonel  Whit- 
tier  was  in  conference  with  the  Spanish  commandant,  I  directed  General 
Greene  to  proceed  at  once  with  his  brigade  to  the  north  side  of  the  Pasig, 
retaining  only  the  Wyoming  battalion  to  remain  with  me  to  keep  up  the  con- 
nection between  the  two  brigades. 

"  A  remarkable  incident  of  the  day  was  the  experience  of  Captain  Stephen 
O'Connor,  of  the  Twenty-Third  Infantry.  With  a  detachment  of  fifteen  skir- 
mishers, he  separated  from  his  regiment  and  brigade  at  Blockhouse  No.  14, 
and,  striking  a  road,  probably  in  rear  of  the  enemy,  marched  into  the  city 
without  opposition,  until  he  came  to  the  Calle  Real,  in  Malate.  Along  this 
street  he  had  some  unimportant  street  fighting,  until  he  came  to  the  Paseo  de 
la  Calzada,  where,  learning  that  negotiations  were  going  on  for  a  surrender,  he 


GENERAL  ANDERSON'S  REPORT. 


581 


took  post  at  the  bridge  of  the  north  sally  port,  and  the  whole  outlying  Spanish 
force  south  of  Pasig  passed  by  this  small  detachment,  hurrying  in,  intramuros. 
Captain  O'Connor  deserves  recognition  for  the  coolness  and  bravery  displayed 
in  this  remarkable  adventure. 

"  Our  loss  in  the  First  Brigade  was  three  officers  wounded,  four  enlisted  men 
killed  and  thirty-five  wounded.  The  loss  in  the  Second  Brigade  was  one  en- 
listed man  killed  and  five  wounded,  making  a  total  of  five  killed  and  forty- 
three  wounded.  The  antecedent  loss  in  the  trenches  was  fourteen  killed  and 
sixty  wounded,  making  a  total  of  122  casualties  in  the  taking  of  Manila.  This 
is  only  part  of  the  price  we  have  paid  and  are  paying  for  this  success,  for  men 
are  dying  daily  in  our  hospitals  from  disease  contracted  from  exposure  in  camp 
and  trenches.  All  hardships  and  privations  have  been  borne  by  our  soldiers 
with  remarkable  patience  and  cheerfulness. 

"  The  opposition  we  met  in  battle  was  not  sufficient  to  test  the  bravery  of 
our  soldiers,  but  all  showed  bravery  and  dash.  The  losses  show  that  the  leading 
regiments  of  the  First  Brigade— Thirteenth  Minnesota,  Twenty-Third  Infantry 
and  the  Astor  battery — met  the  most  serious  opposition  and  deserve  credit  for 
their  success.  The  Colorado,  California  and  Oregon  regiments,  the  regulars, 
and  all  the  batteries  of  the  Second  Brigade,  showed  such  zeal  that  it  seems  a 
pity  that  they  did  not  meet  foemen  worthy  of  their  steel. 

"  My  staff  officers  were  active,  zealous  and  intelligent  in  the  performance  of 
their  duties,  and  the  men  and  officers  of  the  entire  division  showed  the  best 
qualities  of  American  soldiers." 


PART  III.    THE  CONDUCT  OF  THE  WAR. 

To  these  foregoing  official  accounts  of  the  campaigns,  in  order  to  make 
the  narrative  as  exhaustively  complete  as  human  authentication  by  docu- 
ments can  do,  controversial  statements  issued  by  the  various  leading 
actors  are  herewith  added  by  way  of  supplemental  evidence. 

SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY,  JOHN  D.  LONG  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  or  THE  WAR  BOARD. 

"  HINGHAM,  MASS.,  August  21,  1898. 

"  MY  DEAR  ADMIRAL  :  In  view  of  the  practical  ending  of  the  war  with  Spain, 
and  the  well-earned  relief  from  further  duty  to  which  the  Naval  War  Board  is 
now  entitled,  I  cannot,  though  absent  from  the  department,  forbear  to  express 
to  you,  and  through  you  to  your  associates  on  the  board — Commodore  Crownin- 
shield  and  Captain  Mahan  (retired) — the  very  high  appreciation  which  the 
department  has  of  the  services  it  has  rendered  since  the  war  began.  That  its 
members  have  been  faithful  and  diligent  in  the  highest  measure  goes  without 
saying,  for  they  are  animated  by  the  high  professional  spirit  which  distinguishes 
the  navy  and  which  they  themselves  have  done  much  to  stimulate  and  main- 
tain. But  from  my  personal  knowledge  and  observation  I  desire  to  add  to  this 
that  equally  marked  have  been  the  intelligence,  the  wise  judgment,  the  compre- 
hensive forethought,  and  the  unfailing  competency  to  meet  every  exigency 
which  have  distinguished  their  deliberations  and  action.  May  it  not  be  said 
that  not  one  error  has  been  made?  Proper  control  by  the  department  has 
been  exercised  over  all  movements  in  the  field,  and  yet  at  the  same  time,  com- 
manding officers  have  been  duly  left  to  exercise  discretion,  and  have  never  been 
hampered  in  their  work.  I  do  not  know  how  your  work,  as  member  of  that 
important  board,  could  have  been  better  done,  or  where  in  the  arena  of  the  war 
you  could  have  rendered  better  service  or  deserved  more  honor. 

"  Very  truly  yours, 

"  JOHN  D.  LONG, 
"  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
"  To  Rear  Admiral  Montgomery  Sicard,  United  States  Navy." 

A  GENERAL  OFFICER'S  STATEMENT. 

A  wounded  general  officer  who  withheld  his  name,  issued  almost  im- 
mediately after  the  battle  of  Santiago  the  first  distinct  criticism  of  the 

(582) 


AN  OFFICER'S  STATEMENT.  5b3 

conduct  of  the  campaign.  This  was  published  universally  and  brought 
out  responses  from  most  of  the  persons  in  place  made  responsible  for  the 
shortcomings  charged : 

"  My  position  as  a  subordinate  of  those  who  equipped  General  Shafter's 
army  and  sent  it  to  Cuba,  and  of  those  who  planned  and  conducted  the  cam- 
paign against  Santiago,  renders  me  reluctant  to  give  to  the  public  anything 
tending  to  be  critical  of  my  official  military  superiors.  So  intense,  however,  is 
my  conviction  that  '  somebody  blundered ' — '  somebody  '  meaning  more  than 
one  person — and  blundered  monumentally  ;  so  strong  also  is  my  persuasion 
that  all  the  ventilation  and  light  possible  should  be  let  into  such  blundering — 
that  I  feel  I  shall  be  doing  nothing  more  than  a  public  service  in  stating  some 
general  undeniable  facts  which  ought  to  be,  and  I  believe  are,  patent  to  every 
soldier  who  participated  in  the  campaign — except  possibly  those  whose  peculiar 
interest  requires  that  they  shall  be  blind. 

"  There  have  been  two  colossal  and  criminal  mistakes.  The  first  and  main 
one  was  the  frightful  lack  of  transportation  facilities.  To  this  deficiency  alone 
can  be  traced  nearly  all  the  blood  shed  by  our  troops,  and  nearly  all  the  disease 
which  is  now  decimating  our  ranks  more  rapidly  than  did  Spanish  rifles  and 
cannon.  It  was  known  by  those  who  planned  the  invasion  and  attack,  that 
the  country  was  mountainous,  practically  roadless,  and  saturated  with  rain- 
floods  ;  that  to  move  in  such  a  country  heavy  ordnance,  subsistence,  stores, 
quartermaster's  stores,  hospital  supplies,  and  all  the  other  necessary  equip- 
ment of  a  large  army  engaged  in  the  investment  of  a  hostile  city  miles  away 
from  the  base  of  operations,  required  abundant  means  of  transportation — 
vehicles  and  animals,  but  especially  pack  mules.  Such  knowledge,  however, 
seems  to  have  been  of  small  utility  to  the  responsible  authorities ;  for  what 
happened?  When  the  army  landed  and  the  advance  began,  it  was  found  that 
transportation  facilities  were  cryingly,  even  ridiculously,  inadequate  to  meet 
the  demands  of  the  situation.  I  know  that  for  the  use  of  one  whole  division 
there  were  less  than  sixty  pack  mules. 

"What  was  the  result?  None  of  the  essential  things  which  should  have 
accompanied  the  troops  in  their  forward  movement  could  keep  pace  with  them. 
The  men,  indeed,  could  be  marched  on ;  but  the  food  necessary  to  sustain  their 
strength,  health,  and  spirits,  and  fortify  them  against  disease,  the  medical  and 
hospital  supplies  to  save  their  lives  when  wounded  or  fallen  sick,  the  artillery 
essential  to  do  artillery  work  and  render  it  needless  for  infantry  to  go  to 
slaughter  against  positions  rendered  almost  as  impregnable  as  nature  and  man 
together  could  do — these  could  not  follow  ;  for  there  were  no  sufficient  means  to 
convey  them.  Some  of  all  these  things  were  got  to  the  front,  of  course,  but  in 
miserably  insufficient  amount.  Piled  up  at  Siboney  were  the  things  we  were 
perishing  for  and  could  not  get. 

"  Let  us  trace  the  consequences  of  this  lack  of  transportation.     One  was  at 


584  AN  OFFICER'S  STATEMENT. 

the  army,  undergoing  such  hardships  from  the  weather,  and  fighting  under 
disadvantages  such  as  an  army  has  seldom  been  called  upon  to  encounter,  was 
half-fed.  To  be  half-fed  in  such  circumstances  meant,  even  in  the  comparatively 
short  period  of  the  siege,  the  undermining  of  the  constitution  of  the  hardiest 
men  in  the  army  and  rendering  them  an  easy  prey  to  all  the  diseases  with  which 
the  water,  the  air,  and  everything  they  touched  were  freighted.  To  be 
stricken  in  such  condition  has  meant  the  slowest  recovery ;  to  suffer  a  relapse 
— which  may  be  said  to  have  waited  beside  the  cot  of  each  convalescent — has 
signified  death.  I  have  roughly  estimated  that  already  we  have  lost  more  men 
by  disease  than  by  battle.  With  the  sustenance  we  ought  to  have  had  the 
merest  fraction  of  these  men  would  have  succumbed  to  disease ;  and,  with  ample 
transportation  facilities,  and  an  intelligent  use  of  them,  that  sustenance  would 
have  been  ours. 

"  Another  consequence  of  this  omission  to  provide  the  needed  transportation 
was  that  the  artillery  could  not  be  promptly  brought  up.  And  this  leads  me 
to  the  second  of  the  criminal  blunders  committed — giving  battle  without  the 
artillery,  which  the  circumstances  imperatively  demanded.  I  shall  not  under- 
take to  pronounce  whether  an  adequate  equipment  of  guns  was  sent  with  the 
expedition,  because  I  do  not  know  the  exact  number.  I  regard  it  as  very 
doubtful  whether  there  was  anything  like  the  quantity  needed.  But  what  I 
do  know  is  that  the  battle  of  July  1  and  2  was  properly  an  artillery  fight ;  that 
we  fought  it  almost  without  artillery,  and  that  infantry  was  required  to  do 
what  every  military  man — every  man  of  common  sense — knows  ought  to  have 
been  done  with  numerous  and  powerful  batteries.  We  might  not  have  had 
enough  guns,  from  the  standpoint  of  military  judgment,  if  we  had  had  in  po- 
sition all  the  guns  which  the  transports  brought ;  but  if  we  had  had  all  that 
were  lying  on  the  beach  at  Baiquiri  or  remaining  in  the  holds  of  the  vessels, 
we  should  have  been  able,  in  time  at  least,  to  have  shelled  the  Spanish  from 
the  San  Juan  hill  and  El  Caney.  And  if  we  could  have  done  that,  our  lighting 
before  Santiago  would  have  cost  us  something  like  250  in  killed  and  wounded, 
instead  of  1,700. 

"  It  is  useless  for  any  one  to  pretend  that  the  state  of  the  roads  prevented 
the  guns  from  being  got  to  the  front.  Ever}'  man  of  experience  knows  that  a 
corduroy  road  can  be  built  through  a  swamp.  With  the  force  of  men  at  the 
command  of  the  General  of  the  army,  a  corduroy  road  to  the  front  could  have 
been  constructed  in  a  comparatively  short  time,  and  then,  even  with  our 
wretched  lack  of  animals,  we  could  in  time  have  hauled  the  artillery  forward. 
But  no — McClellan  waited  until  he  was  ready,  Grant  struck  whether  ready  or 
not;  and  ours  was  a  General  who  proposed  to  profit  by  their  examples — he 
would  '  take  Santiago  in  forty-eight  hours.'  After  many  more  than  forty-eight 
hours,  he  found  himself  brought  to  a  dead  standstill,  and  forced  to  telegraph  to 
Washington  for  reinforcements.  If  he  had  continued  the  assault,  God  only 
knows  what  our  losses  would  have  been. 


SECRETARY  ALGER'S  LETTER.  585 

"  Other  features  of  mismanagement  were  evidently  the  loading  at  Tampa, 
where  the  stores,  as  I  am  credibly  informed,  got  mixed  up,  leading  to  confusion 
and  mistakes  when  they  were  unloaded  to  be  sent  to  the  front.  One  of  the 
greatest  oversights  was  shown  in  the  failure  to  provide  enough  hospital  ships. 
There  was  only  the  old  Olivette,  most  miserably  fitted  up  at  the  last  moment. 
The  Relief  did  not  arrive  until  five  days  after  the  battle  of  San  Juan.  There 
should  have  been  four  or  five  such  ships  at  hand  before  the  fighting  began.  It 
may  throw  some  light  on  the  responsibility  for  the  disgraceful  state  in  which 
a  number  of  transports  reached  the  North  to  say  that  I  have  personal  knowl- 
edge that  those  vessels  were  loaded  and  despatched  by  members  of  the  surgical 
staff  themselves. 

"  To  my  mind,  General  Shafter  and  Surgeon-General  Steruberg  should  have 
a  heavy  reckoning  to  make  with  public  opinion." 


SECRETARY  ALGER'S  STATEMENT. 
In  a  letter  to  Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  Secretary  Alger  said: 

"  WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
"  WASHINGTON,  Aug.  18,  1898. 

"  MY  DEAR  MR.  DEPEW  :  The  great  pressure  of  business  has  up  to  now  pre- 
vented me  from  sending  to  you  the  statement  you  were  kind  enough  to  ask  for 
as  to  what  had  been  accomplished  in  the  way  of  outfitting  the  army  for  the 
field,  the  conduct  of  campaign,  &c.  Also,  the  chiefs  of  divisions  have  been  too 
much  driven  with  work  to  compile  the  data  required.  One  not  in  the  midst 
of  the  work  can  hardly  realize  what  an  undertaking  it  is  to  call  125,000  men 
into  the  field  at  one  time,  coming  from  all  the  states,  and  to  have  them  mus- 
tered and  gathered  in  camps  on  so  short  notice,  and  this,  too,  when  we  had 
scarce  any  camp  outfit  for  their  accommodation,  all  having  to  be  provided  for 
by  the  War  Department.  As  you  know,  when  war  was  declared  there  was  no 
equipment  whatever  for  the  volunteers  in  store.  That  this  was  successfully 
accomplished,  with  very  few  accidents,  is  a  matter  of  record.  Subsequent 
calls,  including  the  regular  army  (which  numbered  about  27,000  men  when 
war  was  declared),  made  a  total  of  268.500  men.  To  accomplish  all  in  so  short 
a  time  has  been  a  great  work.  Of  course,  gathering  this  vast  number  of  men  to- 
gether, in  a  large  measure  under  untrained  regimental  and  company  command- 
ers— I  mean  in  actual  field  duty — the  lack  of  knowledge  as  to  sanitary  condi- 
tions to  be  observed,  the  carelessness  in  not  observing  instructions  which  were 
furnished  as  to  proper  care  of  the  men,  has  added  greatly  to  the  work  of  the 
Medical  Department.  Thus  from  the  homes  of  216,000  volunteers  has  been 
Constant  and  great  anxiety  as  to  whnt  might  happen  to  tueir  soldiers,  and 
hundreds  of  inquiries  made  by  letters  and  telegrams  have  been  received  every 
day  concerning  individual  soldiers. 


586  SECRETARY  ALGER'S  LETTER. 

"  The  feeling  on  the  part  of  those  individuals  that  the  War  Department  is  re- 
sponsible for  the  care  of  their  men  individually  has  naturally  aroused  sympathy 
in  case  of  sickness  and  death,  and  has  created  much  sorrow.  There  is  nothing 
young  men  in  robust  health  are  so  prodigal  of  as  their  health,  until  it  is  gone. 
Men  go  into  camp  feeling  that  they  can  stand  anything  and  everything,  and 
cannot  be  made  to  believe  to  the  contrary  until  stricken  with  disease.  Every 
effort  has  been  made  from  the  beginning  to  furnish  every  camp  with  all  appli- 
ances asked  for,  but  of  course  the  commanding  officers  in  the  field  are  the  ones 
who  have  the  direct  charge  of  these  men.  For  instance,  one  army  corps  com- 
mander has  given  orders  and  enforces  them,  respecting  sanitary  affairs,  and  he 
has  to-day  but  a  fraction  over  two  per  cent,  on  the  sick  list.  Others  have  been 
less  successful,  and  the  consequence  is  typhoid  and  other  fevers  have  been  bred 
and  spread  to  a  considerable  extent.  One  regiment  in  the  Chickamauga  camp 
has  a  Colonel  who  enforces  sanitary  rules  in  his  regiment,  obliging  the  men  to 
boil  all  the  water  they  drink,  keeping  the  camp  cleanly,  and  the  result,  less 
than  twenty-five  sick,  and  his  camp,  too,  is  as  unfavorable  a  place  as  any  in 
the  command.  Others  more  favorably  situated  have  ten  times  that  number  on 
the  sick  list.  One  of  the  regiments  of  the  last  call,  not  yet  removed  from  its 
state,  sends  bitter  complaints  of  typhoid  fever. 

"  Concerning  the  Santiago  campaign,  when  the  ships  left  Tampa  they  had  on 
board  three  months'  provisions  and  an  abundance  of  hospital  supplies.  They 
had  lighters  to  unload  with  at  point  of  debarkation.  These  lighters  were  lost 
in  a  severe  storm  on  the  way.  As  soon  as  we  were  notified  of  the  fact  two 
tows  of  lighters  were  sent  from  Mobile  and  New  Orleans,  which  were  also 
overtaken  by  storm  and  lost.  The  navy  supplied  us  with  lighters,  and  one  of 
these  was  wrecked.  The  army  disembarked,  getting  off  a  portion  of  its  sup- 
plies and  medical  stores,  and  immediately  marched  to  the  front  to  fight  the 
Spaniards.  The  great  difficulty  of  landing  supplies  subsequently  was  that 
wind  sprang  up  every  morning  at  ten  and  made  a  high  surf,  rendering  almost 
impossible  the  use  of  small  boats  with  one  lighter,  which  was  all  they  had  left 
for  this  purpose.  Of  the  packers  who  were  employed,  sixty  per  cent,  soon  fell 
sick,  and  heavy  rains  falling  every  day,  the  roads  (if  they  could  be  called  such) 
became  impassable  for  vehicles.  Pack  animals  had  to  be  employed  to  carry 
food  to  the  army,  which,  being  extended  to  the  right  around  Santiago,  in- 
creased the  distance  from  the  coast  every  day  and  made  the  task  more  difficult. 
However,  the  result  and  the  subsequent  sickness  that  has  broken  out  in  the 
army  showed  the  great  wisdom  of  General  Shatter  in  moving  forward  to  make 
the  attack  while  his  men  were  in  vigor.  It  was  a  movement  bordering  on  au- 
dacity, but  it  succeeded,  and  the  persistence  of  the  attack,  I  have  no  doubt, 
greatly  disheartened  the  Spaniards.  The  result  was  one  of  the  greatest  vic- 
tories for  the  men  engaged  of  modern  warfare.  The  number  of  prisoners  taken 
exceeded  the  attacking  force  by  nearly  two  to  one. 

"  When  yellow  fever  broke  out  and  the  fever  list  increased  into  the  thousand 


GENERAL  WHEELER'S  STATEMENT.  587 

it  was  for  a  time  supposed  that  it  was  principally  yellow  fever.  The  bringing 
troops  north  at  once  after  the  surrender  under  such  conditions  would  have  been 
certain  death  to  a  vast  number,  but  upon  inquiry  it  was  ascertained  that  very 
few  of  these  cases  comparatively  were  yellow  fever,  when  it  was  at  once  de- 
cided to  bring  the  army  home  as  speedily  as  possible.  Eveiything  that  human 
ingenuity  could  devise  has  been  done  to  succor  that  army — not  the  ingenuity 
of  the  Secretary  of  War,  but  the  result  of  the  combined  counsel  of  those  who 
have  had  a  lifelong  experience  in  the  field.  That  some  men  have  been  neg- 
lected on  transports  coming  home  there  is  no  doubt — all  against  positive 
orders,  due  perhaps  to  carelessness  and  negligence,  but  largely  on  account  of 
not  having  the  medical  force  to  spare  (many  of  whom  were  sick)  from  the 
camp  at  Santiago.  Many  medical  officers  sent  with  transports  were  taken  ill 
on  the  way  home." 

Secretary  Alger  then  detailed  the  work  done  by  the  departments  of  the 
Adjutant-General,  the  Chief  of  Engineers,  the  Surgeon-General,  the  Com- 
missary General,  the  Quartermaster-General,  the  Paymaster- General  and 
the  Chief  Signal  Officer;  and  concluded: 

"  If  you  had  a  day  or  two  to  spare  I  would  like  to  sandwich  in  a  little  work 
for  you.  I  would  like  to  send  you  these  statements  in  detail,  which  I  think 
would  bewilder  you,  if  anything  can. 

"  Hoping  you  are  having  an  enjoyable  summer,  I  am,  sincerely  yours, 

"  R.  A.  ALQER. 

"  Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  New  York,  N.  Y." 


Major-General  Joseph  Wheeler  issued  a  statement  to  controvert  the 
clamors  against  the  War  Department : 

GENERAL  WHEELER'S  STATEMENT. 

"  HEADQUARTERS  UNITED  STATES  FORCES, 

"  CAMP  WIKOFF,  L.  I.,  Sept.  2. 

"  The  following  is  a  sample  of  the  letters  we  are  constantly  receiving  regard- 
ing the  soldiers  in  the  camp  : 

"'  In  regard  to  my  stepson,  we  feel  very  uneasy  about  him  on  account  of  the 
newspaper  reports  of  the  privation  and  suffering  inflicted  on  the  private  sol- 
diers. Although  he  has  never  uttered  a  complaint  since  he  has  been  in  the 
army,  we  hear  from  other  sources  of  the  cruel  and  horrible  treatment  inflicted 
on  our  soldiers,  under  the  pretense  of  humanity  for  our  neighbors,  and  the 
whole  country  is  in  a  state  of  terrible  excitement.  I  should  not  be  surprised  if 


588  GENERAL  WHEELER'S  STATEMENT. 

the  feeling  should  lead  to  a  revolution  of  some  kind,  for  I  assure  you  I  hear  on 
all  sides  the  most  violent  and  bitter  denunciations  of  the  War  Department 
and  the  administration.  It  is,  indeed,  a  great  pity  that  the  glory  of  our 
triumphs  should  be  dimmed  by  such  a  shameful  thing  as  the  ill-treatment  and 
starvation  of  our  own  brave  soldiers,  while  the  Spanish  prisoners  have  the  best 
treatment  that  the  country  can  afford.' 

"  It  will  be  seen  that  this  letter  says  that  not  a  word  of  complaint  has  been 
received  from  this  soldier,  and  so  far  as  my  investigation  goes,  no  complaint 
has  been  made  by  any  of  the  brave  soldiers  that  have  added  glory  to  our  arms 
in  the  Cuban  campaign.  A  great  many  anxious  fathers,  mothers,  brothers,  or 
sisters  arrive  here  from  all  parts  of  the  United  States  to  look  after  their  rela- 
tives, whom,  they  say,  the  papers  tell  them  are  suffering,  and  many  of  them 
have  heard  that  their  relatives  are  in  a  condition  of  starvation.  Most  of  these 
people  are  little  able  to  expend  the  money  for  such  a  journey,  and  they  are  sur- 
prised when  they  come  here  to  find  their  relatives  surrounded  with  everything 
to  eat  which  can  be  procured  by  money  ;  and  if  sick  in  the  hospital,  they  are 
gratified  and  surprised  to  find  they  are  given  every  possible  care. 

"  In  reply  to  a  direct  request  that  I  will  give  the  exact  facts  as  I  see  them, 
I  will  state  that  every  officer  and  soldier  who  went  to  Cuba  regarded  that  he 
was  given  a  great  and  special  privilege  in  being  permitted  to  engage  in  that 
campaign.  They  knew  they  were  to  encounter  yellow  fever  and  other  diseases, 
as  well  as  the  torrid  heat  of  the  country,  and  they  were  proud  and  glad  to  do 
so.  They  knew  that  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  have  the  advantage  of 
wagon  transportation  which  usually  accompanies  armies,  and  yet  officers  and 
men  were  glad  to  go,  to  carry  their  blankets  and  their  rations  on  their  backs, 
and  to  be  subjected,  without  any  shelter,  to  the  sun  and  rains  by  day  and  the 
heavy  dews  by  night.  They  certainly  knew  that  the  Spaniards  had  spent 
years  in  erecting  defences,  and  it  was  their  pleasure  to  assault  and  their  duty 
to  capture  the  Spanish  works.  They  were  more  than  glad  to  incur  the  hard- 
ships and  these  dangers.  They  went  there  and  did  their  duty,  each  man  seem- 
ing to  feel  that  American  honor  and  prestige  was  to  be  measured  by  his  con- 
duct. 

"  The  brave  men  who  won  the  victories  did  not  complain  of  the  neglect  of  the 
government,  but,  on  the  contrary,  they  seemed  grateful  to  the  President  and 
Secretary  of  War  for  giving  them  the  opportunity  to  incur  these  dangers  and 
hardships.  They  realized  that  in  the  hurried  organization  of  an  expedition  by 
a  government  which  had  no  one  with  any  experience  in  such  matters,  it  was 
impossible  to  have  everything  arranged  to  perfection,  and  they  will  testify  that 
under  the  circumstances  the  conditions  were  much  more  perfect  than  any  one 
would  have  reason  to  expect,  and  that  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War 
and  others,  who  planned  and  despatched  these  expeditions,  deserve  high  com- 
mendation. 

"  One  reason  why  our  army  was  lacking  in  some  respects  in  equipage  was 


GENERAL  WHEELER'S  STATEMENT.  589 

that  a  telegram  was  received  from  Admiral  Sampson  stating  that  if  the  army 
reached  there  immediately  they  could  take  the  city  at  once,  but  if  there  should 
be  delay,  the  fortifications  of  the  Spaniards  would  be  so  perfected  that  there 
might  be  great  difficulty  in  taking  it.  On  receiving  this  dtepatch  from 
Admiral  Sampson  the  War  Department  directed  the  army  to  move  at  once, 
and  as  all  connected  with  the  army  will  recall,  the  orders  were  received  after 
dark,  and  the  army  was  in  motion,  had  traveled  nine  miles,  and  was  on  the 
ships  at  daylight. 

"  When  the  expedition  sailed  for  Cuba  it  went  there  escorted  by  a  large  fleet 
of  warships.  At  that  time  it  was  regarded  as  impossible  for  a  merchant  ship 
to  sail  on  the  ocean  safely  from  any  American  port  for  Santiago,  but  as  soon  as 
the  Spanish  fleet  was  destroyed  so  that  it  was  possible  for  unarmed  ships  to 
sail  safely  to  Santiago,  the  generous  people  of  the  United  States  subscribed 
money  without  limit  and  despatched  ship  after  ship  loaded  with  luxuries  and 
delicacies  for  the  Santiago  army,  and  everything  that  could  be  accomplished 
for  their  comfort  was  done  by  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War. 

"  After  the  surrender  had  been  completed  and  arrangements  perfected  for 
transporting  the  Spanish  Army  to  Spain,  the  President  and  Secretary  of  Wai- 
sent  shipping  to  Santiago  and  transported  our  army  to  one  of  the  most  health- 
ful localities  in  the  United  States.  The  point  selected  by  the  Secretary  of 
War  was  so  situated  that  thorough  protection  was  given  the  people  of  the 
United  States  from  the  danger  of  yellow  fever  contagion.  The  soldiers  upon 
their  arrival  at  this  place  received  every  care  and  bounty  which  could  be  pro- 
cured by  money.  The  President  and  Secretary  of  War  directed  that  their 
health  and  comfort  should  be  cared  for,  without  reference  to  expense,  and  in  ad- 
dition the  people  within  a  circle  of  100  miles  vied  with  each  other  in  shipping 
to  them  carloads  and  steamboat  loads  of  luxuries  of  all  kinds. 

"  I  have  just  finished  my  daily  inspection  of  the  hospitals.  With  rare  excep- 
tions the  sick  are  cheerful  and  improving.  I  have  nurses  and  doctors  to  care 
for  them,  and  in  all  my  many  tours  I  have  not  found  a  single  patient  who 
made  the  slightest  complaint.  It  is  true  there  has  been  suffering,  and  great 
suffering.  The  climate  of  Cuba  was  very  severe  upon  all  our  soldiers,  but  in- 
stead of  complaining,  the  hearts  of  those  brave  men  are  filled  with  gratitude  to 
the  people  for  the  bounteous  generosity  which  has  been  extended  to  them. 

"  There  is  no  doubt  that  there  has  been  individual  cases  of  suffering  and  pos- 
sibly neglect  among  the  soldiers,  not  only  in  Cuba,  but  since  their  arrival  at 
this  place.  Nearly  20.000  men  were  brought  from  a  yellow  fever  district  to 
the  United  States.  It  would  have  been  criminal  to  have  landed  them  and  al- 
lowed them  to  go  promiscuously  among  the  people.  It  has  been  stated  by 
physicians  that  if  it  had  been  done,  j^ellow  fever  would  have  spread  through 
many  of  our  states. 

"  To  avoid  such  a  catastrophe,  a  point  which  is  more  thoroughly  isolated 
from  the  people  than  any  other  locality  which  could  be  found,  was  selected. 


590  GENERAL  STERNBERG'S  STATEMENT. 

By  these  wise  means  the  country  has  been  saved  from  a  scourge  of  this  fearful 
disease.  Every  one  will  realize  that  to  land  18,000  men  and  put  them  on  bait- 
fields  without  any  buildings  whatever  could  not  be  done  without  some  hard- 
ships. Ove*  5,000  very  sick  men  have  been  received  in  the  general  hospital, 
and  as  many  more  sick  have  been  cared  for  in  the  camps,  and  yet  only  about 
sixty  deaths  have  occurred  in  these  hospitals. 

"  Tents  had  to  be  erected  and  hospitals  constructed  and  preparations  to  sup- 
ply those  18,000  men  with  wholesome  water,  food,  medicines,  physicians,  nurses, 
cooks,  hospital  furniture,  wagons,  ambulances,  and  other  needs  essential  to 
caring  for  18,000  men,  fully  half  of  whom  are  very  sick  or  in  a  feeble  physical 
condition.  In  addition  to  this,  most  of  the  bedding  and  much  of  the  clothing 
was  left  in  Santiago  to  prevent  yellow  fever  infection.  All  of  these  deficiencies 
have  had  to  be  supplied.  We  had  but  one  line  of  railroad  to  bring  these  sup- 
plies, and  sometimes  there  have  been  delays." 


SUEGEON-GENEBAL  STERNBERG'S  STATEMENT. 

The  Surgeon-General  in  defence  of  his  department,  made  public  this 
document,  which  contains  the  whole  case  : 

"  When  the  regular  troops  were  ordered  into  the  field,  commanding  officers 
of  regiments  were  directed  to  take  with  them  a  complete  field  outfit  and 
medical  supplies  for  three  months.  I  enclose  herewith  a  memorandum  showing 
the  medical  supplies  which  have  been  sent  to  the  Fifth  Army  Corps  at  Tampa 
and  at  Santiago.  The  only  requisition  for  medical  supplies  received  from  the 
Chief  Surgeon  of  the  Fifth  Army  Corps  at  Santiago  is  one  dated  July  23, 
1898,  by  cable,  as  follows : 

"  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  July  23,  1898. 
"  Surgeon-General  United  States  Army,  Washington  : 

"July  23. — Wanted  urgently:  Quinine  tablets,  1,000  bottles;  strychnine 
tablets,  100  bottles;  calomel  and  soda  tablets,  100  bottles;  calomel,  200 
grammes;  nitric  acid  in  two-ounce  vials,  100  ;  test  tubes,  1,000;  Fowler's  solu- 
tion, 1,000. 

"  V.  HAVARD, 

"  Major- Surgeon,  United  States  Army, 
"  Acting  Chief  Surgeon. 

"  The  supplies  asked  for  were  sent  by  the  Olivette,  in  addition  to  a  large 
quantity  of  medical  supplies  of  various  kinds,  which  I  had  ordered  to  be  put 
on  board  that  ship  and  delivered  at  Santiago. 

"  I  beg  to  remark  that  recent  advices  indicate  that  a  majority  of  the  cases  of 
fever  now  occurring  among  the  troops  at  Santiago  are  malarial  in  character. 


GENERAL  STERNBERG'S  STATEMENT.  591 

and  that  there  has  been  an  ample  supply  of  quinine,  which  is  the  principal 
remedy  required  in  this  form  of  fever.  I  have  made  every  effort  to  anticipate 
the  wants  of  our  sick  and  wounded  soldiers  in  Cuba  without  waiting  for  requisi- 
tions ;  but,  as  we  have  had  communication  by  cable,  the  fault  does  not  rest 
with  me  if,  owing  to  the  failure  on  the  part  of  the  Chief  Surgeon  of  General 
Shafter's  army  to  ask  for  necessary  supplies,  there  has  been  a  failure  to  meet 
the  requirements  of  the  sick. 

'•  The  hospital  ship  Relief,  which  arrived  at  Siboney  on  July  8,  had  on  board 
medicines  for  twenty  regiments  for  six  months,  calculated  upon  the  basis  of  the 
field  supply  table,  and  large  supplies  in  addition  of  the  more  important  medi- 
cines, hospital  stores,  dressings,  &c.  If  these  supplies  were  inadequate  there 
was  ample  time  to  inform  me  of  the  fact  before  the  sailing  of  the  Olivette  on 
July  26. 

"  I  inclose  a  copy  of  a  letter  just  received  from  Captain  Edward  L.  Munson, 
Assistant  Surgeon  United  States  Army,  which  fully  accounts  for  any  deficiency 
of  medical  supplies  at  Santiago." 

The  report  of  Dr.  Munson  is  as  follows : 

"  TAMPA  HEIGHTS,  Fla.,  July  29,  1898. 
"  To  the  Surgeon-General  United  States  Army,  Washington  : 

"  SIR  :  In  view  of  the  recent  charges  affecting  efficiency  of  the  army  Medical 
Department  at  Santiago,  and  especially  with  reference  to  the  conditions  pre- 
vailing on  the  hospital  transports  sent  north  with  wounded,  I  have  the  honor 
to  submit  the  following  facts,  believing  that  my  position  as  Adjutant  to  the 
Chief  Surgeon,  Fifth  Corps,  and  as  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  outfitting  of  the 
hospital  transports  Iroquois,  Cherokee  and  Breakwater,  may  possibly  give  value 
to  such  report. 

"  Drugs,  medicines,  dressings,  instruments,  hospital  tentage  and  supplies  were 
loaded  on  the  transports  at  Tampa  in  quantities  sufficient  to  meet  the  needs  of 
the  Santiago  expedition.  These  supplies  were  divided  up  on  the  various  ves- 
sels,*each  organization  having  its  own  equipment.  While  the  bulk  of  the  sup- 
plies was  with  the  organized  hospital,  the  regimental  equipment  was  largely  in 
excess  of  its  needs,  and  was  intended  to  be  called  in  to  supplement,  if  neces- 
sary, the  equipment  of  these  hospitals. 

"  The  landing  on  Cuban  soil  was  made  as  rapidly  as  possible,  each  organiza- 
tion accompanied  by  the  medical  attendance  assigned  to  it,  and  troops  were 
pushed  forward  with  no  other  equipment  and  supplies  than  could  be  carried  by 
the  soldiers.  Having  no  means  of  transportation  for  even  their  field  chests, 
the  regimental  medical  officers  had  absolutely  no  resources  at  their  command 
except  such  as  were  provided  by  the  orderly  and  ship  corps  pouches  and  the 
first-aid  packets  carried  by  the  soldiers. 

"  Having  only  left  their  ships,  the  latter  were  promptly  ordered  out  of  the 
small  bays  at  Siboney  and  Baiquiri  to  permit  the  unloading  of  other  ships. 


592  GENERAL  STERNBERG'S  STATEMENT. 

These  partially  unloaded  ships,  in  obedience  to  their  orders,  then  proceeded  to 
sea  from  five  to  fifteen  miles,  where  they  remained,  hove  to  indefinitely.  Such 
orders  were  given  the  transports  carrying  the  reserve  and  the  first  divisional 
hospitals.  The  one  carrying  the  reserve  hospital,  in  obedience  to  its  orders, 
proceeded  to  join  the  naval  blockading  squadron  off  Morro  Castle,  where  it  re- 
mained five  days  and  nights,  the  other  transports  disappearing,  if  I  was  cor- 
rectly informed,  for  an  entire  week. 

"  During  this  time  the  fight  at  Quasina  had  occurred,  and  large  numbers  of 
sick  and  wounded  were  requiring  treatment.  In  the  meantime  a  report  of  the 
conditions  prevailing  on  shore  was  made  to  the  chief  surgeon,  who  promptly 
laid  the  case  before  the  commanding  General,  requesting  that  a  launch  be  placed 
under  the  control  of  the  Medical  Department  for  the  collection  of  medical  sup- 
plies from  the  various  transports.  It  was  also  requested  that  a  pack  train  be 
organized,  in  the  proportion  of  one  pack  mule  to  each  regiment,  to  transport 
supplies,  especially  the  field  chests,  to  the  front  for  proper  distribution,  and  it 
was  suggested  by  the  chief  surgeon  as  available  for  the  performance  of  these 
duties. 

"  The  exigency  of  the  situation  did  not  apparently  appeal  to  the  command- 
ing General,  and  for  two  days  the  Medical  Department  was  unable  to  get  trans- 
portation of  any  kind  to  the  other  ships  or  to  the  shore,  although  there  were 
a  large  number  of  naval  launches  and  other  boats  employed  on  various  other 
duties. 

"  On  the  third  day,  by  order  of  the  Adjutant-General,  one  boat  was  turned 
over  to  the  Medical  Department  for  the  purposes  above  named,  and  at  the  same 
time  an  order  was  issued  for  land  transportation  to  carry  medical  supplies  to 
the  front '  not  to  exceed  one  six-mule  team.' 

<l  On  getting  into  this  boat  with  supplies  from  the  headquarters'  transport  I 
was  directed  by  sundry  staff  officers  to  take  them  on  various  errands.  On  my 
refusal  to  recognize  their  authority  the  commanding  General,  who  had  appeared 
on  the  scene,  personally  revoked  the  previous  order  and  directed,  after  the  land- 
ing of  the  supplies  already  in  the  boat,  that  it  should  return  without  delay.* 

"  Presenting  the  order  for  land  transportation  to  the  Quartermaster  on  shore, 
I  was  informed  that  only  pack  mules  had  as  3ret  been  landed,  that  neither 
wagons  nor  harness  had  been  brought  ashore,  and,  finally,  that  the  road  was 
impassable  for  wagons. 

"  After  this  boat  had  been  taken  away  the  chief  surgeon  was  without  any 
means  of  communication  with  the  medical  officers  on  shore  or  transports,  of 
finding  out  their  wants  or  of  remedying  the  many  already  known  to  him. 
This  condition  of  things  remained  until  after  the  fight  at  La  Quasina,  at  which 
time  there  were  absolutely  no  dressings,  hospital  tentage,  or  supplies  of  any 
kind  on  shore  within  reach  of  the  surgeons  already  landed.  The  news  of  the 
Quasina  fight  being  reported  to  the  chief  surgeon,  he  was  finally  able  to  go  on 
board  the  Olivette  and  send  her  to  Siboney,  where  she  received  the  wounded. 


GENERAL  STEINBERG'S  STATEMENT.  593 

"  Within  the  following  day  or  so  the  transports  carrying  the  reserve  and  first 
divisional  hospitals  were  found  and  unloaded  of  their  hospital  contents,  the  lat- 
ter hospital  finally  obtaining  limited  transportation  to  the  front.  After  a  cou- 
ple of  days'  duty  on  board  the  Olivette  I  was  directed  to  put  the  Iroquois 
in  condition  to  receive  patients  and  to  take  the  full  capacity  of  the  ship  on 
board.  While  doing  this  I  was  able  to  set  ashore  considerable  hospital  tentage 
and  supplies  found  aboard  of  her,  and,  having  control  of  her  boats,  I  was  able 
to  visit  other  transports  in  the  harbor  and  land  medical  supplies  from  them. 
While  subsequently  outfitting  the  Cherokee  and  Breakwater  this  work  was  con- 
tinued as  well  as  opportunity  and  limited  facilities  permitted,  getting  supplies 
from  perhaps  a  third  of  the  transports  composing  the  fleet.  Outside  of  this,  it 
is  believed  that  no  other  regimental  medical  property  was  ever  unloaded  up  to 
the  time  of  my  departure  with  wounded  on  July  10. 

"  Appealing  on  several  occasions  for  the  use  of  a  lighter  or  small  steamer  to 
collect  and  land  medical  supplies,  I  was  informed  by  the  Quartermaster's  De- 
partment that  they  could  render  no  assistance  in  that  way,  and  the  Medical  De- 
partment was  compelled  to  rely  entirely  upon  its  own  energies  and  improvise 
its  own  transportation. 

"  I  feel  justified  in  saying  that  at  the  time  of  my  departure  large  quantities  of 
medical  supplies  urgently  needed  on  shore  still  remained  on  transports,  a  num- 
ber of  which  were  under  orders  to  return  to  the  United  States.  Had  the  Med- 
ical Department  carried  along  double  the  amount  of  supplies,  it  is  difficult  to 
see  how,  with  the  totally  inadequate  land  and  water  transportation  provided  by 
the  Quartermaster's  Department,  the  lamentable  conditions  on  shore  could  have 
been  in  any  way  improved. 

"  The  outfitting  of  transports  for  the  reception  of  sick  and  wounded  is  a  duty 
demanding  thought  and  experience,  and  should  never  be  intrusted  to  any  one 
but  a  regular  medical  officer.  It  includes  the  proper  policing  of  the  portions 
of  the  ship  to  be  used  by  the  wounded,  the  removal  of  bunks  and  partitions  to 
give  space  and  air,  the  utilization  of  the  ship's  blankets,  doormats,  rugs  and 
carpets  to  render  the  bunks  more  comfortable,  the  securing  of  extra  supplies, 
such  as  canned  soups  and  fruits,  lime  juice  and  oatmeal,  the  establishment  of  a 
mess  and  laundry,  and  the  assignment  of  convalescents  to  specific  light  duties 
which  materially  relieve  the  overworked  hospital  corps. 

"  Usually  it  is  necessary  to  overcome  passive  resistance  and  opposition  on  the 
part  of  the  crews  and  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  Captains  to  disregard  or 
modify  orders.  In  several  instances  in  my  own  experience  this  action  of  the 
crew  amounted  almost  to  mutiny,  and  was  only  to  be  dealt  with  by  threats,  a 
show  of  force,  and  in  one  instance  by  the  use  of  the  irons. 

"  While  executive  officer  at  the  general  hospital  of  Fort  Monroe,  I  learned 
officially  that  the  Captain  of  the  steamship  Seneca  positively  refused  to  obey 
the  orders  emanating  from  your  office,  given  him  by  the  contract  surgeon  in 
charge,  to  proceed  to  New  York — he  remaining  nearly  an  additional  day  at 


594  GENERAL  STERNBERG'S  STATEMENT. 

Hampton  Roads  with  sick  and  wounded,  and  asserting  that  he  would  obe}'  no 
orders  given  by  the  Medical  Department.     A  similar  experience  of  my  own  au^ 
Baiquiri,  which  had  to  be  settled  by  force,  emphasizes  the  fact  that  no  onr 
should  be  placed  in  charge  of  such  a  ship  who  is  not  accustomed  to  command 
men  and  enforce  obedience. 

"  With  regard  to  the  Red  Cross  Society,  it  would  seem  as  if  the  lofty  pur- 
poses of  this  organization  were  on  the  Santiago  expedition  subverted  to  indi- 
vidual interests.  While  at  Tampa  the  Red  Cross  ship  State  of  Texas  was 
formally  placed  under  the  control  of  the  Chief  Surgeon,  Fifth  Corps,  by  Doctor 
Eugan,  the  representative  of  the  society,  he  acting  under  telegraphic  instruct 
tions  to  that  effect.  Colonel  Pope  accepted  this  offer  and  directed  that  the 
State  of  Texas  accompany  the  expedition  of  General  Shafter  to  its  destina- 
tion. 

"Although  this  order  was  fully  understood  by  Doctor  Eagan,  the  State  of 
Texas  did  not  accompany  the  expedition,  nor  did  it  arrive  at  Siboney  until  the 
forces  had  been  landed,  a  battle  fought,  and  our  hospitals  established  and  in 
working  order.  The  first  offers  of  aid  made  by  this  society  dealt  largely  in 
generalities  and  manifested  reluctance  to  subordinate  the  organization  to  the 
Medical  Department.  Too  much  praise  cannot  be  given  to  the  individual  efforts 
of  Doctor  Lesser  and  the  Red  Cross  nurses.  Their  work  was  untiring  and  un- 
selfish, and  the  assistance  rendered  by  them  was  of  great  value. 

"  In  conclusion  it  is  desired  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  the  lamentable  condi- 
tions prevailing  in  the  army  before  Santiago  were  due  to  the  military  necessity 
which  threw  troops  on  shore  and  away  from  the  possibility  of  supply  without 
medicines,  instruments,  dressings,  or  hospital  stores  of  any  kind. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  EDWARD  L.  MUNSON, 
u  Captain  and  Assistant  Surgeon,  commanding  Res.  Amb.  Co." 


RE(TD 

LO-URL 

APR  2 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


RK'O  LO-URL 

REC'DURlCIKt 


AUG  1  6 


FEB  2  2 1933 

~  \  r\-u\M- 


Form  L9-S 


315 


Al-HBRARYr;/ 


^OF-CAi{FO%, 

>O     -  -tfrt 


lOS-ANGElfj> 


